<iii^ 


The  Personal  Narrative 

of  James  O.  Pattie 
of  Kentucky 

During  an  expedition  from  St.  Louis,  through  the 

vast  regions  between  that  place  and  the  Pacific 

Ocean,  and  thence  back  through  the  City 

of  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  during  jour- 

neyings  of  six  years,  etc.  * 

Edited  by  Timothy  Flint  (1833) 

Edited  with  Notes,  Introduftions,  Index,  etc.,  by 

Reuben  Gold  Thwaites,  LL.D. 

Editor  of  "The  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents,"  "Original 

Journals  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,"  "Hennepin's 

New  Discovery,"  etc. 

(Separate  publication  from  "Early  Western  Travels:    1748- 1846," 
in  which  series  this  appeared  as  Volume  XVIII) 


Cleveland,  Ohio 

The  Arthur   H.   Clark  Company 
1905 


Copyright  1905,  by 
THE  ARTHUR  H.  CLARK  COMPANY 


ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


C!|t  Isktifbt  tfirttB 

ft.  ft.  DONNELLEY  *  SONS  COMPANT 
CHICAGO 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XVIII 

Preface.     The  Editor  ......        9 

Personal  Narrative  during  an  Expedition  from  St.   Louis, 
through  The  Vast  Regions  between  that  place  and  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  thence  back  through  the  City  of  Mexico  to  Vera 
Cruz,  during  journeyings  of  six  years;  in  which  he  and  his 
Father,  who  accompanied  him,  suffered  unheard  of  Hard- 
ships and  Dangers,  had  Various  Conflicts  with  the  Indians, 
and  were  made  Captives,  in  which  Captivity  his  Father  died; 
together  with  a  Description  of  the  Country,  and  the  Various 
Nations  through  which  they  passed.    James  O.  Pattie,  of 
Kentucky,  edited  by  Timothy  Flint. 

Copyright  notice       ......       24 

The  first  Editor's  Preface.     Timothy  Flint  .  .       25 

Author's  Introduction  .  .  .  .  •       ^9 

Text '      •       37 

The  first  Editor's  Note.     Timothy  Flint  .  .  •     3^5 

Inland  Trade  with  New  Mexico.     Doctor  WUlard,  edited  by 

Timothy  Flint 327 

Downfall  of  the  Fredonian  Repubhc.    Doctor  WUlard,  edited  by 

Timothy  Flint      .......     3^5 

Mexico.    Some  Account  of  its  Inhabitants,  Towns,  Productions, 

and  Natural  Curiosities.    Conrad  Malte-Brun  .  .     370 


ILLUSTRATIONS  TO  VOLUME  XVIII 


Facsimile  of  title-page,  Pattie's  Narrative    . 

"Rescue  of  an  Indian  Child" 

"Mr.  Pattie  wounded  by  an  Indian  Arrow" 

"Shooting  Mr.  Pattie's  Horse" 

"Messrs.  Pattie  and  Slover  rescued  from  Famish" 

"Burial  of  Mr.  Pattie"  .  .  .  . 


23 

57 

161 

217 
243 


PREFACE  TO  VOLUME  XVIII 

Upon  the  return,  in  1806,  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  explor- 
ing expedition,  the  first  successfully  to  penetrate  from  the 
Mississippi  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  Western  imagina- 
tion was  aroused  by  visions  of  wealth  to  be  acquired  from 
commercial  relations  with  the  Indians  of  the  far  North- 
west. Fur-trading  expeditions  were  accordingly  soon  dis- 
patched up  the  Missouri  and  its  tributaries;  and,  throughout 
several  years,  the  equally  rich  opportunities  for  Southwestern 
Indian  commerce  and  exploration  were  neglected. 

Far  to  the  Southwest  lay  the  Spanish  settlements  of  New 
Mexico,  isolated  islands  of  a  sluggish  civilization.  Prac- 
tically all  of  their  imports  were  brought  in  by  way  of  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz,  thence  travelling  a  diihcult 
road  of  over  fifteen  hundred  miles  from  the  coast,  making 
their  cost  almost  prohibitive  to  the  mixed  race  of  Spaniards 
and  Mexicans  who  dwelt  in  the  valleys  of  the  upper  Rio 
Grande.  Yet  within  easy  reach  of  their  frontier  lay  one  of 
the  chief  commercial  peoples  of  the  age,  to  be  reached  over  a 
wilderness  road  passing  for  the  most  part  across  level  plains, 
watered  by  numerous  streams  —  the  upper  tributaries  of 
the  great  western  afiiuents  of  the  Mississippi.  The  common 
interests  of  these  people  and  of  the  Americans  lay  in  an  inter- 
change of  commodities;  but  the  government  of  New  Spain 
looked  with  hostile  suspicion  upon  the  aggressive,  vigorous 
race  that  was  even  then  forcing  its  borders.  Behind  the 
prospect  of  profit  for  the  overland  Southwest  trader,  loomed 
the  possibility  of  a  gruesome  Spanish  prison,  and  confisca- 
tion of  the  adventured  goods. 

After  Zebulon  :M.  Pike  returned  (1807)  with  his  account 
of  arrest  and  detention   in  Santa  Fe  and  Chihuahua,  no 


I  o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

American  trader  appears  to  have  sought  this  region  for  five 
years.  A  party  then  outfitting  from  St.  Louis  was  seized 
at  the  New  Mexican  frontier,  hurried  to  an  inland  dungeon, 
and  kept  in  durance  nine  miserable  years.  News  of  this 
harsh  treatment,  and  of  the  revolutionary  movement  which 
was  upheaving  the  social  structure  of  all  New  Spain,  proved 
sufficiently  deterrent  to  keep  any  organized  expeditions 
from  risking  the  hazard  of  the  Southwest  trade,  until  the 
third  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century.  More  favorable 
reports  being  then  received,  several  caravans  were  fitted  out, 
and  the  real  history  of  the  Santa  Fe  trail  began. 

Among  the  early  merchants  of  St.  Louis,  the  name  of 
Bernard  Pratte,  near  relative  of  the  Chouteaus  and  Labba- 
dies,  was  connected  with  important  fur-trading  enterprises. 
In  the  summer  of  1824  Pratte's  eldest  son  headed  a  caravan 
destined  for  the  Santa  Fe,  his  party  being  rendezvoused  at  the 
company's  post  upon  the  Missouri,  not  far  from  the  present 
site  of  Omaha.  There,  while  waiting  for  its  final  equipment, 
the  expedition  was  reinforced  by  four  free-traders  who  had 
left  their  home  upon  the  Gasconade  River,  the  frontier  of 
Missouri  settlement,  and  with  a  small  outfit  had  ascended 
the  river  to  this  point,  bent  on  trading  and  hunting  upon  its 
upper  waters.  Barred  from  their  enterprise  by  the  lack  of 
an  authoritative  license  for  dealing  with  the  Indians,  the 
little  band  were  easily  persuaded  to  join  Pratte's  party. 
Two  of  these  recruits  were  the  heroes  of  our  tale  —  Sylvester 
Pattie  and  his  son  James  Ohio. 

For  three  generations  the  Patties  had  been  frontiersmen. 
Restlessly  they  moved  onward  as  the  border  advanced, 
always  hovering  upon  the  outskirts  of  civilization,  seeking 
to  better  their  condition  by  taking  up  fresh  lands  in  untilled 
places,  and  remorselessly  fighting  the  aborigines  who  disputed 
their  invasion.  They  longed  unceasingly  for  new  adven- 
tures in  the  mysterious  West,  that  allured  them  with  its 
strange  fascination.     Brave,  honest,  God-fearing,  vigorous 


1824-1830]  Preface  1 1 

in  mind  and  body,  dependent  on  their  own  resources,  for 
food  and  for  defense  chiefly  dependent  on  the  famiHar  rifle, 
the  Patties  belonged  to  that  class  of  Americans  who  con- 
quered the  wilderness,  and  yearly  pushed  the  frontier  west- 
ward. 

The  career  of  the  grandfather  and  father^-of  our  author, 
as  in  simple  phrase  he  relates  it  in  Kfs  Introduction,  is 
typical  of  those  of  the  founders  of  Kentucky,  and  the  early 
settlers  of  the  rich  valley  of  the  Missouri.  To  have  early 
emigrated  from  Virginia  to  Kentucky,  to  have  aided  in  the 
defense  of  Bryant's  Station,  and  to  have  served  under 
Colonel  Benjamin  Logan,  and  the  still  more  renowned  Ken- 
tuckian,  George  Rogers  Clark,  was  unquestionable  guaranty 
to  the  proud  title  of  pioneer.  It  was  typical,  also,  that  the 
grandfather,  having  acquired  some  local  fame  and  position, 
and  attained  the  rank  of  magistrate,  the  father,  tiring  of 
Kentucky,  should,  like  the  Boones,  join  the  stream  of  emigra- 
tion to  Missouri.  There,  history  repeated  itself.  The  War 
of  181 2-15  breaking  out,  the  frontier  blockhouses  must  again 
withstand  the  assaults  of  savages.  Lieutenant  Pattie's 
relief  of  Cap-au-Gris,  upon  the  Missouri,  takes  rank  with 
Logan's  Revolutionary  exploits  at  St.  Asaph's.  The  war 
ended,  and  the  country  filling  up,  "Mr.  Pattie,  possessing  a 
wandering  and  adventurous  spirit,"  once  more  removed  to 
the  utmost  borders  of  civilization,  and  built  a  mill  upon  the 
rapid  Gasconade.  Here  he  was  in  a  fair  way  to  prosperity, 
when  domestic  affliction  sent  him  forth  into  the  wilderness, 
taking  with  him  his  eldest  son,  who  ''inheriting  the  love  of 
a  rifle  through  so  many  generations,  and  nursed  amid  such 
scenes,  he  begged  so  earnestly  of  his  father  that  he  might  be 
aUowed  to  accompany  the  expedition,  that  he  prevailed." 
Thus  began  that  long  series  of  adventures,  so  full  of  hazard 
and  suffering  that  their  unvarnished  narration  would  seem 
the  invention  of  romance,  did  not  one  often  find  counter- 
parts in  the  experiences  of  other  Western  wanderers. 


1 2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

Recruited  to  the  number  of  a  hundred  and  sixteen, 
Prattc's  caravan  advanced  first  toward  the  Pawnee  villages 
of  the  Platte.  Because  of  his  long  experience  in  border 
warfare,  Sylvester  Pattie  was  now  chosen  commander,  and 
thereafter  arranged  thie  details  of  march  and  guard.  The 
Pawnee  were  inclmed  to  be  friendly,  then*  chiefs  having 
recently  visited  the  Great  Father  at  Washington;  but  in 
rescuing  an  ill-treated  native  child,  captured  by  them  on  a 
recent  raid  against  a  hostile  .tribe,  the  whites  were  nearly 
embroiled  with  these  pirates  of  the  plains.  Securing  the 
little  waif,  also  some  Indian  guides,  the  Pawnee  were 
left  behind  August  ii,  1824,  and  the  advance  to  the 
Southwest  begun.  Day  after  day  the  party  toiled  across 
the  plains,  their  journey  filled  with  stirring  incident. 
Once,  prepared  to  fight  a  band  of  from  six  to  eight  hun- 
dred well-mounted  Comanche,  the  whites  were  rescued 
by  a  rival  tribe  of  horsemen,  who,  ''with  a  noise  like 
distant  thunder,"  swept  in  between  the  hostile  lines,  and 
won  the  battle  for  them.  Again,  amid  a  vagrant  party 
of  Indians,  the  father  of  the  little  captive  suddenly  ap- 
peared, and  presented  the  captain  of  the  expedition  with 
tokens  of  his  gratitude  for  the  rescue.  Upon  the  twentieth 
of  August,  buffalo  were  first  encountered;  and  twenty  days 
later,  on  the  ridge  between  the  waters  of  the  Kansas  and  the 
Arkansas,  young  Pattie  was  introduced  to  that  then  formid- 
able enemy,  the  grizzly  bear.  From  that  time  forward, 
these  fierce  creatures  attacked  the  camp  almost  nightly;  on 
one  occasion,  a  member  of  the  party  was  caught  and  so 
maimed  by  a  grizzly  that  he  shortly  after  died  of  his  wounds. 

On  the  twentieth  of  October  the  caravan  reached  the 
mountains,  and  after  a  difficult  crossing  descended  into  the 
attractive  valley  of  Taos,  the  New  Mexican  frontier.  Pattje 
was  surprised  at  the  primitive  life  and  customs  of  the  inhab- 
itants ol^New  Mexico,  ofwhich  in  a  few  unadorned  sentences 
he  gives  uTa  vivia   picture!     Passing  on  to  Santa  Fe,  the 


1824-1830]  Preface  1 3 

ancient  capital^  our  adventurers  were  just  in  time  to  join 
a  punitive  expedition  against  a  hostile  band  of  Indians, 
wherein  the  junior  Pattie  had  the  good  fortune  to  rescue 
from  the  hands  of  the  savages  a  charming  young  Spanish 
maiden,  daughter  of  a  former  governor  of  the  province. 
The  gratitude  of  the  fair  captive  and  of  her  father  was  pro- 
fusely expressed,  ^nd  their  friendship  proved  of  lasting 
value  to  the  gallant  narrator. 

Obtaining  permission  from  the  New  Mexican  government 
to  trap  upon  the  Gila  River,  the  Patties  organized  a  small 
party  for  that  purpose.  Leaving  Santa  Fe  on  November  22, 
they  passed  down  the  Rio  del  Norte  to  Socorro,  and  then 
struck  across  country  to  the  Gila,  visitiijg^en  route  the 
famous  copper  mines  of  Santa  Rita.  The  trip  extended 
through  near]y  five  months,  and  the  hunters  were  probably 
the  first  Americans  to  visit  the  uppeiLj^alley_DL  the  Gila. 
Many  of  tlie  natives  having  never  seen^ajyjhdte^man,  fled  at 
their  approach;  but  others  were  more  bold,  and  viciously 
attacked  them  with  their  arrows.  James's  appearance  upon 
his  return  to  the  New  Mexican  settlements  was  so  haggard 
that  the  rescued  Spanish  girl  shed  tears  upon  observing  his 
plight. 

Securing  fresh  supplies,  the  party  set  out  to  bring  in  their 
buried  furs^om  the  Gila,  only  to  findllmt  the  Indians  had 
discovered  and  rifled  their  cache;  thus  had  their  hardships 
and  sufferings  gone  for  naught.  Returning  to  the  mines, 
they  succeeded  in  repelling  an  attack  thereon  by  hostile 
Apache,  and  in  wringing  from  them  a  treaty  which  ensured 
the  peaceful  working  of  the  deposits;  whereupon  the  Span- 
iards rented  these  works  to  Sylvester  Pattie,  whose  American 
methods  enabled  him  to  derive  from  them  a  profit  unknown 
to  their  former  operators.  But  the  tranquil  life  at  Santa 
Rita  proved  too  monotonous  for  the  younger  Pattie.  He 
was  seized  with  '  'an  irresistible  desire  to  resume  the  employ- 
ment of  trapping,"  and  despite  paternal  remonstrances  set 


14  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

out  January  26,  1826,  with  a  few  companions,  for  the  Gila 
valley,  where  he  had  already  suffered  and  lost  so  much. 

During  the  following  eight  months,  the  range  of  the  trap- 
pers' journey  was  wide.  Passing  down  the  Gila  to  its 
junction  with  the  Colorado,  they  ascended  the  banks  of  the 
latter  stream,  seeing  in  its  now  world-famous  caiions  only 
walls  of  highly-colored  rock  that  debarred  them  from  the 
water's  edge.  Crossing  the  continental  divide,  probably  at 
the  South  Pass,  they  emerged  upon  the  plains,  and  once 
more  hunted  buffalo  in  their  native  habitat.  Turning  north 
to  the  Big  Horn  and  Yellowstone,  the  adventurers  pursued 
a  somewhat  ill-defined  course,  coming  back  upon  the  upper 
Arkansas,  and  crossing  to  Santa  Fe,  where  Pattie  was  again 
deprived  of  the  harvest  of  furs  gathered  with  such  wearisome 
labor  —  this  time  by  the  duplicity  of  the  Spanish  governor, 
who  claimed  that  the  young  man's  former  license  did  not 
extend  to  this  expedition.  After  once  more  visiting  the 
gentle  Jacova,  his  young  Spanish  friend,  Pattie  sought  his 
father  at  Santa  Rita-  Delaying  there  but  three  days  for 
rest,  he  set  forth  upon  another  excursion  afield  —  this  time 
to  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  and  other  provinces  of  northern 
Mexico,  returning  by  way  of  El  Paso,  and  reaching  the 
mines  by  the  middle  of  November. 

/^he  winter  and  spring  were  spent  in  occasional  hunting 
4xcursionSv  and  in  visits  to  the  Spanish  haciendas.  In  the 
spring,  a  new  turn  was  given  to  the  fortunes  of  the  Patties, 
by  the  embezzlement  and  flight  of  a  trusted  Spanish  subordi- 
nate, through  whom  were  lost  the  savings  of  several  years. 
Forced  to  abandon  their  mining  operations,  father  and  son 
sought  to  rehabilitate  themselves  by  another  extended  trap- 
ping expedition,  and  set  forth  with  a  company  of  thirty, 
again  in  the  direction  of  the  Gila. 

Engagements  withJaostile  Indians  were  of  frequent  occur- 
rence. Early  in  November,  many  of  their  party  having 
deserted  and  jJLof^their  horses  being  stolen,  the  remainder 


1 8  24- 1 830]  Preface  i  5 

built  themselves  canoes,  and  embarked  upon  the  river. 
Communicatfon  with  the  natives  being  only  possible  through 
the  sign  lanOTiagp^  nnr  advpntnffrs  ni^si]i?dfT5tor"^  their 
informants  tg^Hpclarp  that  a  Spanish  settlement  existed  at 
the  mouth  oLtheXolorado ;  and  in  expectatioiL  of  here  find- 
ing succor,  they  continued  down  that  great_ waterways  to  its 
mouthy  There  they  met  with  nothing.,but  deserted  shores, 
and  tidal  waves  which  seriously  alarmed  and  disturbed  these 
fresh-water  voyagers.  Finding  the  ascent  of  the  swift  cur- 
rent beyond  their  powers,  they  had  now  no  recourse  but  to 
bury  their  store  of  furs,  and  strike  across  the  rugged  penin- 
sula of  Lower  California  toward  the  Spanish  settlements  on 
the  Pacific  coast.  The  story  of  their  sufferings  in  the  salt 
lakes  and  deserts  of  this  barren  land  is  told  with  more  vigor 
than  delicacy.  Arrived  at  a  Dominican  mission  on  the 
western  slope  of  the  mountains,  the  weary  travellers  were 
received  with  suspicion  rather  than  hospitality.  Being 
placed  under  surveillance,  they  were  forwarded  to  San 
Diego,  then  the  residence  of  the  governor  of  the  Spanish 
settlements  of  California. 

We  now  come  to  a  most  interesting  portion  of  Pattie's 
book  —  his  residence  in  Califomiaj_in  the  time^ofjhe  Mexi- 
can  regime,  and  his  repo^  of  mnditinnc;  anH  pyfnts  in  the 
''land  of  the  golden  fleece."  According  to  his  account,  he 
and  his  companions  were  at  first  treated  ^\jth  severity,  being 
imprisoned  at  San  Diego  for  lack  of  passports,  and  there 
detained  for  many  months.  The  elder  Pattie  died  in  his  cell, 
without  being  permitted  to  see  the  son  for  whose  presence 
he  had  piteously  pleaded  in  his  latest  hours.  Young  Pat- 
tie's  hatred  for  the  Mexican  governor  was  not  unnatural;  but 
the  consequent  J  Ipitterness  of  expression  quite  distorts  his 
narrative.  A  Mexican  tradition  reports  that  the  Patties 
were  received  by  the  inhabitants  with  wonder,  and  treated 
kindly;  also  that  the  elder  Pattie  embraced  the  Catholic 
faith  before  his  death,  and  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the 


1 6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

hospitality  shown  them.  We  may  infer  even  from  the  son's 
stafpriTpnts,  since  his  chief  anathemas  are  reserved  for  the 
officers  and  the  priests,  that  the  unofficial  population  dis- 
approved o^_the  governor's  measures. 

Pattie  was  at  last  released,  in  recognition  of  his  services 
as  an  interpreter,  and  in  order  that  he  might  vaccinate  the 
natives~of  the  missions,  among  whom  a  smallpox  epidemic 
had  broken  out.  The  adventurer  now  set  forth  up  the  coast, 
stopping  in  turn  at  each  mission  and  presidio,  and  presenting 
us  with  a  graphic_picttire  of  the  pai:toral  life  of  the  neophytes 
and  rancheros.  Arrived  at  San  Francisco,  he  pushed  on  to 
the  Russianfort  on  Bodega  Bay,  returning  to  Monterey  in 
time  to  describe  and  participate  in  the  Solis  revolt  of  1829. 
Here  he  consorted  with  the  small  American  colony,  and  in 
his  narrative^^obably  magnifies  his  own  part  in  this  affair, 
which,  seen  through  the  mists  of  memory,  bulked  larger 
than  the  facts  would  warrant.  At  Monterey  he  encountered 
his  ol(^ enemy.  Governor  Echeandi^,  who  with  apparent  sur- 
prise found  his  former  captive  among  those  who  had  aided 
in  suppressing  the  revolt.  Proffered  Mexican  citizenship, 
Pattie  represents  jiimself  as  showering  reproaches  on  the 
governor  for  the  indignities  he  had  suffered.  Advised  by 
his  new  friends  to  make  a  formal  statement  of  his  injuries, 
and  the  losses  suffered  by  refusal  to  permit  the  securing  of 
his  furj^  Pattie  embarked  for  Mexico  in  May,  1830,  together 
with  the  revolutionists  who  were  being  sent^TSlhe  capital  for 
\x\'^  Upon  his  departure  he  conveys  his  impressions  of 
Alta  Caljfornia  ia.a  few  striking  sentences:  "Those  who 
traverse  it  [the  California  coast]  .  .  .  must  becgristantly 
excited  to  wonder  anH  prakp  It  is  no  less  remarkable  for 
uniting  the  advantages  of  healthfulness,  a  good  soil,  a  tem- 
perate climate,  and  yet  one  of  exceeding  mildness,  a  happy 
mixture  of  level  and  elevated  ground,  and  vicinity  to  the 
sea."  He  then  psocgedsjo  animadvert  upon  the  inhabitants 
and  the  con^ilcUif  th^^mission  padres  in  their  treatment  of 
the  natives.    The  companions  of  his  long  and  adventurous 


1824-1830]  Preface  1 7 

journey  he  left  settled  among  the  Mexicans;  most  of  them 
made  California  their  permanent  home. 

At  the  City  of  Mexico,  Pattie  visited  the  American  diplo- 
matic representative,  also  the  president  of  the  republic,  but 
failed  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  his  losses  or  injuries.  On 
the  way  to  Vera  Cruz,  Pattie's  travelling  party  met  with  an 
incident  then  common  to  travel  in  Mexico  —  being  halted 
by  the  outlawed  followers  of  the  recently-deposed  president, 
their  arms  seized,  one  of  their  number  hanged,  and  the 
remainder  relieved  of  their  valuables.  From  Vera  Cruz 
our  adventurer  found  passage  to  New  Orleans;  thence, 
through  the  kindly  help  of  compatriots,  who  loaned  him 
money  for  the  steamboat  passage,  he  ascended  the  Missis- 
sippi to  Cincinnati  and  his  early  Kentucky  home.  Here 
the  narrative  closes.  The  only  clue  we  have  in  reference 
to  his  after  life,  is  the  one  given  by  H.  H.  Bancroft,  the  his- 
torian, who  thinks  he  was  again  in  San  Diego,  California, 
after  the  American  advent.^ 

When  poor  Pattie  arrived  in  Cincinnati,  August  30,  1830, 
he  not  only  was  penniless,  but  long  incarceration  in  Mexican 
prisons  had  broken  his  health  and  spirits.  The  tale  of  his 
adventures  was  doubtless  received  with  slight  credence  by 
his  simple  relatives.  But  the  Reverend  Timothy  Flint,  the 
young  editor  of  the  Western  Monthly  Review  of  Cincinnati, 
who  was  already  enamored  of  stories  of  Western  pioneering, 
prevailed  upon  Pattie  to  write  an  account  of  his  curious 
experiences.  Thus  originated  the  Personal  Narrative^ 
which  we  now  republish  in  full  for  the  first  time.^ 

*  Bancroft,  History  of  California,  iii,  p.  171,  note  44. 

^  The  first  edition  was  published  at  Cincinnati  in  1831;  this  is,  however,  less 
commonly  seen  than  one  dated  1833.  Both  are,  however,  from  the  same  plates, 
and  differ  only  in  date  and  style  of  title-page  and  form  of  copyright  clause.  We 
follow  the  earlier  edition,  in  these  respects.  In  1847,  one  Bilson  published  a  book 
in  New  York  under  the  title.  The  Hunters  of  Kentucky;  or,  the  trials  and  toils  of 
traders  and  trappers  during  an  expedition  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  New  Mexico 
and  California,  in  which  much  of  Pattie's  narrative  was  incorporated  verbatim. 
Harper's  Magazine,  xxi,  pp.  80-94,  also  gives  a  resume  of  Pattie's  adventures,  with 
slight  embellishments. 


1 8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

Pattie  appears  to  have  written  from  memory,  without  the 
aid  of  notes  taken  on  the  journey  —  a  fact  which  accounts  for 
the  occasional  discrepancies  in  dates,  and  the  obvious  con- 
fusion of  events.  Upon  the  whole,  however,  the  narrative 
impresses  the  reader  with  a  sense  of  its  verity,  and  has  the 
charm  of  simplicity  and  vigor.  The  emendations  of  the 
editor,  we  are  assured,  were  chiefly  in  the  matters  of  orthog- 
raphy and  punctuation,  ''with  the  occasional  interposition 
of  a  topographical  illustration,  which  my  acquaintance  with 
the  accounts  of  travellers  in  New  Mexico,  and  published 
views  have  enabled  me  to  make."  It  is  probable  that  we 
thus  owe  to  Flint  most  of  the  descriptions  of  scenery,  for 
there  is  abundant  textual  evidence  that  Pattie  was  not  pos- 
sessed of  a  poetic  fancy.  To  expand  the  dimensions  of  the 
book,  Flint  added  an  article  on  ' '  Inland  Trade  with  New 
Mexico,"  composed  chiefly  of  extracts  from  the  journal  of 
a  Doctor  Willard,  who  in  May,  1825,  set  out  from  St.  Charles, 
Missouri,  with  an  overland  party  bound  for  Santa  Fe. 
Thence,  practicing  medicine  on  the  way,  he  visited  Chihua- 
hua and  the  northeastern  provinces  of  Mexico,  ending  his 
journey  at  Matamoras.  This  article,  together  with  another 
by  the  same  author,  on  the  ' '  Downfall  of  the  Fredonian 
Republic,"  also  included  in  the  volume,  had  appeared  three 
years  before  in  Flint's  magazine.  The  volume  closes  with 
an  extract  on  Mexican  manners  and  customs,  from  Malte- 
Brun's  Geographic  universelle. 

A  thrilling  tale  of  pure  adventure,  ranging  all  the  way  from 
encounters  with  grizzly  bears,  and  savages  who  had  never 
before  seen  a  white  man,  to  a  revolution  in  a  Latin- American 
state,  Pattie's  narrative  has  long  been  a  classic.  Its  chief 
value  to  the  student  of  Western  history  depends  upon  the 
vast  extent  of  country  over  which  the  author  passed,  the 
ethnological  data  which  he  presents,  especially  in  relation  to 
the  Southwestern  tribes,  and  his  graphic  picture  of  the  con- 
tact between  two  civilizations  in  the  Southwest,  with  the 


1824-1830]  Preface  1 9 

inevitable  encroachments  of  the  more  progressive  race. 
One  sees  in  his  pages  the  beginnings  of  the  drama  to  be 
fought  out  in  the  Mexican  War  —  the  rich  and  beautiful 
country,  which  excited  the  cupidity  of  the  American  pioneer; 
the  indolence  and  effeminacy  of  the  inhabitants,  which 
inspired  the  virile  backwoodsmen's  contempt;  and  the 
vanguard  of  the  American  advance,  already  touching  the 
Rockies,  and  ready  to  push  on  to  the  Pacific.  The  Spanish- 
American  official,  displaying  his  little  brief  authority,  but 
irritated  the  restless  borderer,  whose  advent  he  dreaded,  and 
whose  pressure  finally  proved  irresistible.  As  a  part  of  the 
vanguard  of  the  American  host  that  was  to  crowd  the  Mex- 
ican from  the  fair  northern  provinces  of  his  domain,  Pattie's 
wanderings  are  typical,  and  suggestive  of  more  than  mere 
adventure.  His  book  is  well  worthy  of  reproduction  in  our 
series. 

The  present  Editor  is  under  obligations  to  Louise  Phelps 
Kellogg,  Ph.D.,  and  Edith  Kathryn  Lyle,  Ph.D.,  for  assist- 
ance in  preparing  this  volume  for  the  press. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  July,  1905. 


Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  of  a  Voyage 
TO  THE  Pacific  and  in  Mexico 
June  20,  1824 -August  30,  1830 


Reprint  of  the  original  edition:   Cincinnati,  1831 


THE 


PERSONAL  NARRATIVE 


JAMES  O.  PATTIE, 


KENTUCKY, 


^aaiitc  AJ«  txPEDiTioN  moa*  «t.   torfs.   ■mRirocn  the  vast  reciows 

BCT(7EKX  THAT   PI  ACE  AJCD  TK»:  fAClPIC  OCRAK.   AAD  THEfiCi:   »ACK 
THROCOH  THBCITY   OF  MEXtCu  TO  VERA  CRt;/,  DPRtSC   /OURNE^- 

iKGs  OK  SIX  years;    i.\  wHtcu  US  &Kr  wis  fatwek.  who 

ACCOMPAfnED  HIM.    lIVPrtnKO  OKBEARD  OK    HAROSIUl'S 

AICD  DASCERS.  HAD  VAhlOOi;  CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  IS. 

OI.VKS,     AND  VERE    MADE    fcAPTIVES,  IN    M'UtCU 

CAPTITITY    niS    FATIIER     DIED;    TOGETttEtt 

WITH   A   DESCRIPTION  OP  THE  COU>Tftr, 

AKD  THE  VARIOUS  NATIO^S  THROUGH 

WHICH  TH£y  PASSED. 


EDITED  BY  TIMOTHY  FLINT. 


CINCINNATI: 
PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY  iOHW  H.  WOOD. 

18.31. 


DISTRICT  OF  OHIO,  TO  WIT: 

BE  it  Remembered,  that  on  the  i8th  day  of  Oct.,  Anno  Domini 
J    c     /     1 831;  John  H.  Wood,  of  the  said  District,  hath  deposited  in   this 


office,  the  title  of  a  Book,  the  title  of  which  is  in  the  words  following, 
*v-^*^w*     to  wit: 

"The  Personal  Narrative  of  James  O.  Pattie,  of  Kentucky,  during  an  expedition 
from  St.  Louis,  through  the  vast  regions  between  that  place  and  the  Pacific  ocean, 
and  thence  back  through  the  city  of  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  dvuing  journeyings  of 
six  years;  in  which  he  and  his  father  who  accompanied  him,  suffered  unheard  of 
hardships  and  dangers;  had  various  conflicts  with  the  Indians,  and  were  made 
captives,  in  which  captivity  his  father  died,  together  with  a  description  of  the  coun- 
try, and  the  various  nations  through  which  they  passed." 

The  right  whereof  he  claims  as  proprietor,  in  conformity  with  an  act  of  Congress, 
entitled  "An  act  to  amend  the  several  acts  respecting  copyrights." 

{Attest,  WILLIAM  MINER, 

Clerk  of  the  District. 


EDITOR'S   PREFACE' 

It  has  been  my  fortune  to  be  known  as  a  writer  of  works 
of  the  imagination.  I  am  solicitous  that  this  Journal  should 
lose  none  of  its  intrinsic  interest,  from  its  being  supposed 
that  in  preparing  it  for  the  press,  I  have  drawn  from  the 
imagination,  either  in  regard  to  the  incidents  or  their  color- 
ing. For,  in  the  literal  truth  of  the  facts,  incredible  as  some 
of  them  may  appear,  my  grounds  of  conviction  are  my 
acquaintance  with  the  Author,  the  impossibility  of  inventing 
a  narrative  like  the  following,  the  respectability  of  his  rela- 
tions, the  standing  which  his  father  sustained,  the  confidence 
reposed  in  him  by  the  Hon.  J.  S.  Johnston,^  the  very  respect- 
able senator  in  congress  from  Louisiana,  who  introduced 
him  to  me,  the  concurrent  testimony  of  persons  now  in  this 
city,  who  saw  him  at  different  points  in  New  Mexico,  and 

'Timothy  Flint  (1780-1840)  was  a  native  of  Reading,  Massachusetts.  Grad- 
uated from  Harvard  College  (1800),  he  became  a  Congregational  minister,  and  in 
1815  went  as  a  missionary  to  the  Far  West.  Until  1822  his  headquarters  were  at 
St.  Charles,  Missouri;  in  that  year  he  descended  the  Mississippi  in  a  flatboat  and 
settled  in  Louisiana,  conducting  a  seminary  on  Lake  Pontchartrain.  Ill  health 
compelled  him  to  return  to  the  North  (1825),  and  thereafter  he  gave  his  attention  to 
literature.  For  three  years  he  edited  the  Western  Review  at  Cincinnati;  but  later, 
removing  to  New  York  (1833),  conducted  the  Knickerbocker  Magazine.  In  addi- 
tion to  publishing  a  number  of  romances  and  biographies  of  Western  life,  he  was 
the  author  of  two  well-known  books  on  the  West:  Recollections  of  the  Last  Ten 
Years  Passed  in  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  (1826),  and  Cotidensed  History  and 
Geography  of  the  Western  States  (1828). —  Ed. 

^  Josiah  Stoddard  Johnston  was  bom  in  Salisbury,  Connecticut  (1784),  but 
when  a  small  boy  removed  with  his  parents  to  Washington,  Kentucky.  He  was 
graduated  from  Transylvania  University  (1805),  and  soon  after  began  the  practice 
of  law  in  Alexandria,  a  frontier  village  of  Louisiana.  Gaining  reputation  as  a 
lawyer,  he  served  as  district  judge  from  1812-21,  was  elected  to  the  17th  congress, 
and  in  1823  became  a  member  of  the  federal  senate,  where  he  supported  a  protective 
tariff  and  the  other  measures  advocated  by  Henry  Clay.  In  1833,  Johnston  was 
killed  in  the  explosion  of  the  steamboat  "Lyon,"  on  Red  River. —  Ed. 


26  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

the  reports,  which  reached  the  United   States,  during  the 
expedition  of  many  of  the  incidents  here  recorded. 

When  my  family  first  arrived  at  St.  Charles'  in  1816,  the 
fame  of  the  exploits  of  his  father,  as  an  officer  of  the  rangers, 
was  fresh  in  the  narratives  of  his  associates  and  fellow  sol- 
diers. I  have  been  on  the  ground,  at  Cap  au  Oris,  where 
he  was  besieged  by  the  Indians.  I  am  not  unacquainted 
with  the  scenery  through  which  he  passed  on  the  Missouri, 
and  I,  too,  for  many  years  was  a  sojourner  in  the  prairies. 

These  circumstances,  along  with  a  conviction  of  the  truth 
of  the  narrative,  tended  to  give  me  an  interest  in  it,  and  to 
qualify  me  in  some  degree  to  judge  of  the  internal  evidences 
contained  in  the  journal  itself,  of  its  entire  authenticity.  It 
will  be  perceived  at  once,  that  Mr.  Pattie,  with  Mr.  McDuffie, 
thinks  more  of  action  than  literature,  and  is  more  competent 
to  perform  exploits,  than  blazon  them  in  eloquent  periods. 
My  influence  upon  the  narrative  regards  orthography,  and 
punctuation  [iv]  and  the  occasional  interposition  of  a  topo- 
graphical illustration,  which  my  acquaintance  with  the  ac- 
counts of  travellers  in  New  Mexico,  and  published  views  of 
the  country  have  enabled  me  to  furnish.  The  reader  will 
award  me  the  confidence  of  acting  in  good  faith,  in  regard 
to  drawing  nothing  from  my  own  thoughts.  I  have  found 
more  call  to  suppress,  than  to  add,  to  soften,  than  to  show  in 
stronger  relief  many  of  the  incidents.  Circumstances  of 
suffering,  which  in  many  similar  narratives  have  been  given 
in  downright  plainness  of  detail,  I  have  been  impelled  to 
leave  to  the  reader's  imagination,  as  too  revolting  to  be 
recorded. 

The  very  texture  of  the  narrative  precludes  ornament  and 
amplification.  The  simple  record  of  events  as  they  trans- 
pired, painted  by  the  hungry,  toil-worn  hunter,  in  the  midst 
of  the  desert,  surrounded  by  sterility,  espying  the  foot  print 
of  the  savage,  or  discerning  him  couched  behind  the  tree 
or  hillock,  or  hearing  the  distant  howl  of  wild  beasts,  will 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  27 

naturally  bear  characteristics  of  stern  disregard  of  embellish- 
ment. To  alter  it,  to  attempt  to  embellish  it,  to  divest  it  of 
the  peculiar  impress  of  the  narrator  and  his  circumstances, 
would  be  to  take  from  it  its  keeping,  the  charm  of  its  sim- 
plicity, and  its  internal  marks  of  truth.  In  these  respects  I 
have  been  anxious  to  leave  the  narrative  as  I  found  it. 

The  journalist  seems  in  these  pages  a  legitimate  descend- 
ant of  those  western  pioneers,  the  hunters  of  Kentucky,  a 
race  passing  unrecorded  from  history.  The  pencil  of  biog- 
raphy could  seize  upon  no  subjects  of  higher  interest.  With 
hearts  keenly  alive  to  the  impulses  of  honor  and  patriotism, 
and  the  charities  of  kindred  and  friends;  they  possessed 
spirits  impassible  to  fear,  that  no  form  of  suffering  or  death 
could  daunt;  and  frames  for  strength  and  endurance,  as  if 
ribbed  with  brass  and  sinewed  with  steel.  For  them  to 
traverse  wide  deserts,  climb  mountains,  swim  rivers,  grapple 
with  the  grizzly  bear,  and  encounter  the  savage,  in  a  sojourn 
in  the  wilderness  of  years,  far  from  the  abodes  of  civilized 
men,  was  but  a  spirit-stirring  and  holiday  mode  of  life. 

[v]  To  me,  there  is  a  kind  of  moral  sublimity  in  the  contem- 
plation of  the  adventures  and  daring  of  such  men.  They 
read  a  lesson  to  shrinking  and  effeminate  spirits,  the  men  of 
soft  hands  and  fashionable  life,  whose  frames  the  winds  of 
heaven  are  not  allowed  to  visit  too  roughly.  They  tend  to 
re-inspire  something  of  that  simplicity  of  manners,  manly 
hardihood,  and  Spartan  energy  and  force  of  character,  which 
formed  so  conspicuous  a  part  of  the  nature  of  the  settlers 
of  the  western  wilderness. 

Every  one  knows  with  what  intense  interest  the  community 
perused  the  adventures  of  Captain  Riley,'  and  other  intrepid 

^  James  Riley  (bom  in  Connecticut,  1777,  died  at  sea,  1840)  was  a  sea  captain, 
who  experienced  some  romantic  adventures.  In  1815  he  sailed  from  Hartford  on 
the  brig  "Commerce,"  was  shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  for  eighteen 
months  held  as  a  slave  by  the  Arabs  until  ransomed  by  the  British  consul  at  Moga- 
dove.  In  1817,  Anthony  Bleecker  published  from  Riley's  journals  An  Authentic 
Narrative  of  the  Loss  0}  the  American  Brig  Commerce,  on  the  Western  Coast  of 


28  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

mariners  shipwrecked  and  enslaved  upon  distant  and  bar- 
barous shores.  It  is  far  from  my  thoughts  to  detract  from 
the  intrepidity  of  American  mariners,  which  is  known,  where- 
ever  the  winds  blow,  or  the  waves  roll ;  or  to  depreciate  the 
interest  of  the  recorded  narratives  of  their  sufferings.  A 
picture  more  calculated  to  arouse  American  sympathies 
cannot  be  presented,  than  that  of  a  ship's  crew,  driven  by 
the  fierce  winds  and  the  mountain  waves  upon  a  rock  bound 
shore,  and  escaping  death  in  the  sea,  only  to  encounter 
captivity  from  the  barbarians  on  the  land.  Yet  much  of  the 
courage,  required  to  encounter  these  emergencies  is  passive, 
counselling  only  the  necessity  of  submission  to  events,  from 
which  there  is  no  escape,  and  to  which  all  resistance  would 
be  unavailing. 

The  courage  requisite  to  be  put  forth  in  an  expedition  such 
as  that  in  which  Mr.  Pattie  and  his  associates  were  cast, 
must  be  both  active  and  passive,  energetic  and  ever  vigilant, 
and  never  permitted  to  shrink,  or  intermit  a  moment  for 
years.  At  one  time  it  is  assailed  by  hordes  of  yelling  savages, 
and  at  another,  menaced  with  the  horrible  death  of  hunger 
and  thirst  in  interminable  forests,  or  arid  sands.  Either 
position  offers  perils  and  sufferings  sufficiently  appalling. 
But  fewer  spirits,  I  apprehend,  are  formed  to  brave  those 
of  the  field, 

'Where  wilds  immeasurably  spread, 
Seem  lengthening  as  they  go.' 

than  of  the  ocean,  where  the  mariner  either  soon  finds  rest 
beneath  its  tumultuous  bosom,  or  joyfully  spreads  his  sails 
again  to  the  breeze. 

Africa,  in  the  Month  of  August,  1815 with  a  Description  of  Tombuctoo. 

The  book  had  a  wide  circulation  both  in  England  and  America,  but  until  other 
survivors  of  the  vessel  returned  and  confirmed  the  account,  was  popularly  sup- 
posed to  be  fictitious.  In  182 1  Riley  settled  in  Van  Wert  County,  Ohio,  found- 
ing the  town  of  Willshire,  and  in  1823  was  elected  to  the  legislature.  He 
resumed  a  seafaring  life  (1831),  and  an  account  of  his  later  voyages  and  adven- 
tures was  published  by  his  son  (Columbus,  185 1). —  Ed. 


INTRODUCTION 

The  grandfather  of  the  author  of  this  Journal,  was  bom 
in  Caroline  county,  Virginia,  in  1750.  Soon  after  he  was 
turned  of  twenty-one,  he  moved  to  Kentucky,  and  became 
an  associate  with  those  fearless  spirits  who  first  settled  in  the 
western  forests.  To  qualify  him  to  meet  the  dangers  and 
encounter  the  toils  of  his  new  position,  he  had  served  in 
the  revolutionary  war,  and  had  been  brought  in  hostile  con- 
tact with  the  British  in  their  attempt  to  ascend  the  river 
Potomac. 

He  arrived  in  Kentucky,  in  company  with  twenty  emigrant 
families,  in  1781,  and  settled  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ken- 
tucky river.  The  new  settlers  were  beginning  to  build 
houses  with  internal  finishing.  His  pursuit,  which  was  that 
of  a  house  carpenter,  procured  him  constant  employment, 
but  he  sometimes  diversified  it  by  teaching  school.  Soon 
after  his  arrival,  the  commencing  settlement  experienced 
the  severest  and  most  destructive  assaults  from  the  Indians. 
In  August,  1782,  he  was  one  of  the  party  who  marched  to 
the  assistance  of  Bryant's  station,*  and  shared  in  the  glory 
of  relieving  that  place  by  the  memorable  defeat  of  the  savages. 

Not  long  afterwards  he  was  called  upon  by  Col.  Logan'^  to 
join  a  party  led  by  him  against  the  Indians,  who  had  gained 

*  This  station,  five  miles  northeast  of  Lexington,  had  been  established  in  1779  by 
four  Brj-an  (later,  Bryant)  brothers  from  North  Carolina,  one  of  whom  married  a 
sister  of  Daniel  Boone.  It  contained  about  forty  cabins  in  1782  when,  August  16,  it 
was  attacked  by  a  force  of  Canadians  and  Indians  under  the  leadership  of  Simon 
Girty.  FaiUng  to  draw  the  men  out  of  the  stockade,  as  had  been  planned,  the 
Indians  besieged  the  station  until  the  following  day,  when  they  withdrew.  For  a 
full  account,  see  Ranck,  "Story  of  Bryant's  Station,"  Filson  Club  Publications, 
xii. —  Ed. 

^  For  a  brief  sketch  of  Colonel  Benjamin  Logan,  see  A.  Michaux's  Travels, 
volume  iii  of  our  series,  p.  40,  note  34. —  Ed. 


oo  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

a  bloody  victory  over  the  Kentuckians  at  the  Blue  Licks.* 
He  was  present  on  the  spot,  where  the  bodies  of  the  slain 
lay  unburied,  and  assisted  in  their  interment.  During  his 
absence  on  this  expedition,  Sylvester  Pattie,  father  of  the 
author,  was  born,  August  25,  1782. 

In  November  of  the  same  year,  his  grand-father  was  sum- 
moned to  join  a  party  commanded  by  Col.  Logan,  in  an 
expedition  against  the  Indians  at  the  Shawnee  tovms,  in  the 
limits  of  the  present  state  of  Ohio.^  They  crossed  the  Ohio 
just  below  [viii]  the  mouth  of  the  Licking,  opposite  the  site  of 
what  is  now  Cincinnati,  which  was  at  that  time  an  unbroken 
forest,  without  the  appearance  of  a  human  habitation.  They 
were  here  joined  by  Gen.  Clark*  with  his  troops  from  the 
falls  of  the  Ohio,  or  what  is  now  Louisville.  The  united 
force  marched  to  the  Indian  towns,  which  they  burnt  and 
destroyed. 

Returning  from  this  expedition,  he  resumed  his  former 
occupations,  witnessing  the  rapid  advance  of  the  country 
from  immigration.  When  the  district,  in  which  he  resided, 
was  constituted  Bracken  county,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the 

'  An  account  of  the  battle  of  the  Blue  Licks  may  be  found  in  Cuming's  Tour, 
in  our  volume  iv,  pp.  176,  177. —  Ed. 

'  This  expedition,  to  avenge  the  battle  of  the  Blue  Licks  and  the  attack  on 
Bryant's  Station,  rendezvoused  at  the  mouth  of  the  Licking.  A  force  of  a  thousand 
mounted  riflemen  under  George  Rogers  Clark  marched  thence  against  the  Shawnee 
towns  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  present  Chillicothe.  These  were  completely 
destroyed,  the  expedition  meeting  with  no  resistance. —  Ed. 

*  A  footnote  cannot  do  justice  to  the  services  of  General  George  Rogers  Clark 
in  Western  history.  Bom  in  Albemarle  County,  Virginia  (1752),  he  became  a 
surveyor  on  the  upper  Ohio.  Serving  in  Dunmore's  campaign  in  1774,  the  following 
year  he  settled  in  Kentucky.  Returning  to  Virginia  to  urge  upon  the  legislature 
the  conquest  of  the  IlUnois  territory,  he  was  made  a  Ueutenant-colonel  and  author- 
ized to  raise  troops  for  the  undertaking.  June  24,  1778,  he  set  out  from  the  Falls 
of  the  Ohio,  upon  his  memorable  campaign,  capturing  Kaskaskia  July  4,  and 
Vincennes  the  following  February.  See  Thwaites,  How  George  Rogers  Clark 
won  the  Northwest,  etc.  (Chicago,  1903).  The  attack  upon  the  Shawnee  towns  in 
1782  was  his  last  important  work;  an  expedition  up  the  Wabash  against  Detroit, 
was  undertaken  in  1786;  but  part  of  the  troops  mutinied,  and  Clark  was  forced  to 
turn  back  before  reaching  his  destination.  He  died  at  his  sister's  home,  ' '  Locust 
Grove,"  near  Louisville,  in  February,  1818.—  Ed. 


1 8  24- 1 830]  Pattte  s  Personal  Narrative  3 1 

judges  of  the  court  of  quarter  sessions,  which  office  he  filled 
sixteen  years,  until  his  place  was  vacated  by  an  act  of  the 
legislature  reducing  the  court  to  a  single  judge. 

Sylvester  Pattie,  the  father  of  the  author,  as  was  common 
at  that  period  in  Kentucky,  married  early,  having  only 
reached  nineteen.  He  settled  near  his  father's  house,  and 
there  remained  until  there  began  to  be  a  prevalent  disposition 
among  the  people  to  move  to  Missouri.  March  14,  181 2, 
he  removed  to  that  country,  the  author  being  then  eight 
years  old.  Born  and  reared  amidst  the  horrors  of  Indian 
assaults  and  incursions,  and  having  lived  to  see  Kentucky 
entirely  free  from  these  dangers,  it  may  seem  strange,  that 
he  should  have  chosen  to  remove  a  young  family  to  that 
remote  country,  then  enduring  the  same  horrors  of,  Indian 
warfare,  as  Kentucky  had  experienced  twenty-five  years 
before.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  late  war  with  England, 
which,  it  is  well  known,  operated  to  bring  the  fiercest  assaults 
of  savage  incursion  upon  the  remote  frontiers  of  Illinois  and 
Missouri. 

To  repel  these  incursions,  these  then  territories,  called 
out  some  companies  of  rangers,  who  marched  against  the 
Sac  and  Fox  Indians,  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  lakes, 
who  were  at  that  time  active  in  murdering  women  and 
children,  and  burning  their  habitations  during  the  absence 
of  the  male  heads  of  families.^  When  Pattie  was  appointed 
lieutenant  in  one  of  these  companies,  he  left  his  family  at 
St.  Charles'  where  he  was  then  residing.^"  It  may  be 
imagined,  that  the  condition  of  his  wife  was   sufficiently 


*  The  war  with  the  Sauk  and  Foxes  was  part  of  the  general  War  of  1812-15. 
These  Indians  had  in  1804  signed  a  treaty  at  St.  Louis,  by  which  they  surrendered 
all  their  lands  in  Illinois  and  Wisconsin.  But  the  cession  was  repudiated  by  the 
Rock  River  band  of  the  united  tribes,  who  eagerly  joined  with  the  British  in  the 
hope  of  saving  their  hunting  grounds.  The  noted  warrior  Black  Hawk  accepted 
a  commission  in  the  British  army. —  Ed. 

^°  For  the  early  history  of  St.  Charles,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  volume  v  of  our 
series,  p.  39,  note  9. —  Ed. 


0  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

lonely,  as  this  village  contained  but  one  American  [ix]  family 
besides  her  own,  and  she  was  unable  to  converse  with  its 
French  inhabitants.  His  company  had  several  skirmishes 
with  the  Indians,  in  each  of  which  it  came  off  successful. 

The  rangers  left  him  in  command  of  a  detachment,  in 
possession. of  the  fort  at  Cap  au  Gris."  Soon  after  the  main 
body  of  the  rangers  had  marched  away,  the  fort  was  besieged 
by  a  body  of  English  and  Indians.  The  besiegers  made 
several  attempts  to  storm  the  fort,  but  were  repelled  by  the 
garrison. —  The  foe  continued  the  siege  for  a  week,  con- 
tinually firing  upon  the  garrison,  who  sometimes,  though 
not  often,  for  want  of  ammunition,  returned  the  fire.  Lieu- 
tenant Pattie,  perceiving  no  disposition  in  the  enemy  to 
withdraw,  and  discovering  that  his  ammunition  was  almost 
entirely  exhausted,  deemed  it  necessary  to  send  a  despatch 
to  Bellefontaine,*^  near  the  point  of  the  junction  of  the 
Missouri  and  Mississippi,  where  was  stationed  a  considerable 
American  force.  He  proposed  to  his  command,  that  a 
couple  of  men  should  make  their  way  through  the  enemy, 
cross  the  Mississippi,  and  apprize  the  commander  of  Belle- 
fontaine  of  their  condition.  No  one  was  found  willing  to 
risk  the  attempt,  as  the  besiegers  were  encamped  entirely 
around  them.     Leaving  Thomas  McNair*^  in  command  in 

"  Cap-au-Gris  is  situated  on  the  Mississippi  a  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
Cuivre  River.  In  1812  Fort  Howard  was  erected  near  that  point,  for  the  protection 
of  the  Missouri  frontier;  its  name  was  in  honor  of  the  governor,  Benjamin  Howard. 
Fort  Howard  was  a  shipping  port  of  some  importance  until  the  advent  of  the  rail- 
roads into  that  region,  but  it  now  exists  only  in  name.  The  event  here  related  was  an 
attack  upon  Fort  Howard  by  Black  Hawk  and  his  band,  immediately  after  the 
siege  of  Fort  Meigs  (July,  1813). —  Ed. 

"Fort  Bellefontaine  was  established  (1805)  by  General  James  Wilkinson, 
governor  of  Louisiana,  on  the  site  of  an  old  Spanish  fort  named  Charles  the  Prince. 
It  was  on  the  Missouri  River,  four  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Mississippi, 
and  was  occupied  by  United  States  troops  until  the  construction  of  JeflFerson  Bar- 
racks in  1827.  For  further  details,  see  Thwaites,  Original  Journals  0}  the  Lewis  and 
Clark  Expedition,  v,  p.  392,  note  2. —  Ed. 

"  Thomas  McNair  was  a  son  of  Robert,  a  blacksmith  living  at  Troy,  about 
eighteen  miles  west  of  Cap-au-Gris;  and  a  nephew  of  Alexander  McNair,  governor 
of  Missouri  (1820-24).  The  family  had  emigrated  to  St.  Louis  from  Dauphin 
County,  Pennsylvania,  about  1800.—  Ed. 


1 824- 1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  33 

his  place,  and  putting  on  the  uniform  of  one  of  the  Enghsh 
soldiers,  whom  they  had  killed  during  one  of  the  attempts 
to  storm  the  fort,  he  passed  by  night  safely  through  the 
camp  of  the  enemy,  and  arrived  at  the  point  of  his  destination, 
a  distance  of  over  forty  miles:  500  soldiers  were  immediately 
dispatched  from  Bellefontame  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged 
at  Cap  au  Gris.  As  soon  as  this  force  reached  the  fort,  the 
British  and  Indians  decamped,  not,  however,  without 
leaving  many  of  their  lifeless  companions  behind  them. 

Lieutenant  Pattie  remained  in  command  of  Cap  au  Gris, 
being  essentially  instrumental  in  repressing  the  incursions 
of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  disposing  them  to  a  treaty  of 
peace,  until  the  close  of  the  war."  In  181 3  he  received  his 
discharge,  and  returned  to  his  family,  with  whom  he  enjoyed 
domestic  happiness  in  privacy  and  repose  for  some  years. 
St.  Louis  and  St.  Charles  [x]  were  beginning  rapidly  to  im- 
prove; American  families  were  constantly  immigrating  to 
these  towns.  The  timber  in  their  vicinity  is  not  of  the  best 
kind  for  buildmg.  Pme  could  no  where  be  obtained  in 
abundance,  nearer  than  on  the  Gasconade,  a  stream  that 
enters  on  the  south  side  of  the  Missouri,  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  up  that  river.  Mr.  Pattie,  possessing  a 
wandering  and  adventurous  spirit,  meditated  the  idea  of 
removing  to  this  frontier  and  unpeopled  river,  to  erect 
Mills  upon  it,  and  send  down  pine  lumber  in  rafts  to  St. 
Louis,  and  the  adjoining  country.  He  carried  his  plan  into 
operation,  and  erected  a  Saw  and  Grist  Mill  upon  the 
Gasconade.^^    It  proved  a  very  fortunate   speculation,  as 

"  As  Pattie  obtained  his  discharge  in  1813,  he  must  have  yielded  his  command 
to  Lieutenant  John  McNair,  brother  of  Thomas,  who  was  stationed  at  Cap-au-Gris 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  war.  See  Goodspeed,  History  of  Lincoln  County, 
Missouri  (Chicago,  1888),  p.  224. 

The  Sauk  and  Foxes  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  in  May,  18 16,  wherein  they 
acknowledged  the  cession  of  1804;  but  the  consequent  removal  across  the  Missis- 
sippi was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  Black  Hawk  War  (1832). —  Ed. 

'^  Gasconade  River  rises  in  southern  Missouri,  and  flowing  northeast  empties 
into  the  Missouri  about  a  hundred  miles  above  the  latter's  junction  with  the  Missis- 
sippi.—  Ed. 


'^A  Earfy  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

there  was  an  immediate  demand  at  St.  Louis  and  St.  Charles 
for  all  the  plank  the  mill  could  supply. 

In  this  remote  wilderness,  Mr.  Pattie  lived  in  happiness 
and  prosperity,  until  the  mother  of  the  author  was  attacked 
by  consumption.  Although  her  husband  was,  as  has  been 
said,  strongly  endowed  with  the  wandering  propensity,  he 
was  no  less  profoundly  attached  to  his  family;  and  in  this 
wild  region,  the  loss  of  a  beloved  wife  was  irreparable.  She 
soon  sunk  under  the  disorder,  leaving  nine  young  children. 
Not  long  after,  the  youngest  died,  and  was  deposited  by  her 
side  in  this  far  land. 

The  house,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  domestic  quiet, 
cheerfulness  and  joy,  and  the  hospitable  home  of  the  stranger, 
sojourning  in  these  forests,  became  dreary  and  desolate.  Mr. 
Pattie,  who  had  been  noted  for  the  buoyancy  of  his  gay 
spirit,  was  now  silent,  dejected,  and  even  inattentive  to  his 
business;  which,  requiring  great  activity  and  constant  at- 
tention, soon  ran  into  disorder. 

About  this  time,  remote  trapping  and  trading  expeditions 
up  the  Missouri,  and  in  the  interior  of  New  Mexico  began 
to  be  much  talked  of.  Mr.  Pattie  seemed  to  be  interested 
in  these  expeditions,  which  offered  much  to  stir  the  spirit 
and  excite  enterprise.  To  arouse  him  from  his  indolent 
melancholy,  his  friends  advised  him  to  sell  his  property, 
convert  it  into  merchandize  and  equipments  for  trapping 
and  hunting,  and  to  join  in  such  an  undertaking.  To  a  man 
bom  and  reared  under  the  circumstances  [xi]  of  his  early 
life  —  one  to  whom  forests,  and  long  rivers,  adventures,  and 
distant  mountains,  presented  pictures  of  familiar  and  birth 
day  scenes  —  one,  who  confided  in  his  rifle,  as  a  sure  friend, 
and  who  withal,  connected  dejection  and  bereavement  with 
his  present  desolate  residence;  little  was  necessary  to  tempt 
him  to  such  an  enterprise. 

In  a  word,  he  adopted  the  project  with  that  undoubting 
and  unshrinkmg  purpose,  with  which  to  will  is  to  accom- 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  35 

plish.  Arrangements  were  soon  made.  The  Children  were 
provided  for  among  his  relations.  The  Author  was  at  school ; 
but  inheriting  the  love  of  a  rifle  through  so  many  generations, 
and  nursed  amid  such  scenes,  he  begged  so  earnestly  of  his 
father  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  accompany  the  expedition, 
that  he  prevailed.  The  sad  task  remained  for  him  to  record 
the  incidents  of  the  expedition,  and  the  sufferings  and  death 
of  his  father. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE 
EXPEDITION 

I  PASS  by,  as  unimportant  in  this  Journal,  all  the  circum- 
stances of  our  arrangements  for  setting  out  on  our  expedition; 
together  with  my  father's  sorrow  and  mine,  at  leaving  the 
spot  where  his  wife  and  my  mother  was  buried,  the  place, 
which  had  once  been  so  cheerful,  and  was  now  so  gloomy 
to  us.  We  made  our  purchases  at  St.  Louis.  Our  com- 
pany consisted  of  five  persons.  We  had  ten  horses  packed 
with  traps,  trapping  utensils,  guns,  ammunition,  knives, 
tomahawks,  provisions,  blankets,  and  some  surplus  arms, 
as  we  anticipated  that  we  should  be  able  to  gain  some  ad- 
ditions to  our  number  by  way  of  recruits,  as  we  proceeded 
onward.  But  when  the  trial  came,  so  formidable  seemed 
the  danger,  fatigue,  distance,  and  uncertainty  of  the  expe- 
dition, that  not  an  individual  could  be  persuaded  to  share 
our  enterprize. 

June  20,  1824,  we  crossed  the  Missouri  at  a  small  town 
called  Newport, ^^  and  meandered  the  river  as  far  as 
Pilcher's  fort,^^  without  any  incident  worthy  of  record,  except 
that  one  of  our  associates,  who  had  become  too  unwell  to 
travel,  was  left  at  Charaton,  the  remotest  village  on  this 
frontier  of  any  size.*^    We  arrived  at  Pilcher's  fort,  on  the 

'*  Newport,  now  Dundee,  is  a  small  town  on  the  Missouri,  at  the  mouth  of  BuflFalo 
Creek,  some  sixty  miles  above  St.  Louis. —  Ed. 

"  This  was  an  important  place  during  the  fur-trading  era.  It  was  more  com- 
monly known  as  Belle\'ue,  and  was  situated  about  nine  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Platte.  The  first  post  was  estabhshed  about  18 10,  and  soon  passed  into  the 
control  of  the  Missouri  Fur  Company,  under  Joshua  Pilcher  —  hence  the  name 
of  Pilcher's  Post.  For  a  sketch  of  Pilcher,  see  James's  Long's  Expedition,  in  our 
volume  xiv,  p.  269,  note  193. —  Ed. 

^'  Chariton  was  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  miles  up  the  Missouri,  at  the 
mouth  of  Chariton  River.     In   1818  the  sale  of  government  land  began  in  that 


257766 


og  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

13th  day  of  July.  There  we  remained,  until  the  28th, 
waiting  the  arrival  of  a  keel  boat  from  below,  that  was  partly 
freighted  with  merchandize  for  us,  with  which  we  intended 
to  trade  with  the  Indians. 

On  the  28th,  our  number  diminished  to  four,  we  set  off 
for  a  trading  establishment  eight  miles  above  us  on  the 
Missouri,  belonging  to  Pratte,  Choteau  and  Company.''' 
In  this  place  centres  most  of  the  trade  with  the  Indians  on 
the  upper  Missouri.  Here  we  met  with  Sylvester,  son  of 
Gen.  Pratte,="'  who  was  on  his  way  [14]  to  New  Mexico,  with 
purposes  similar  to  ours.  His  company  had  preceded  him, 
and  was  on  the  river  Platte  waiting  for  him. 

We  left  this  trading  establishment  for  the  Council  Bluffs, 
six  miles  above.^'  When  we  arrived  there,  the  commanding 
officer  demanded  to  see  our  license  for  trading  with  the 
Indians.  We  informed  him,  that  we  neither  had  any,  nor 
were  aware  that  any  was  necessary.  We  were  informed, 
that  we  could  be  allowed  to  ascend  the  river  no  higher 
without  one.  This  dilemma  brought  our  onward  progress 
to  a  dead  stand.  We  were  prompt,  however,  in  making 
new  arrangements.  We  concluded  to  sell  our  surplus  arms 
in  exchange  for  merchandize,  and  change  our  direction  from 
the  upper  Missouri,  to  New  Mexico.  One  of  our  number 
was  so  much  discouraged  with  our  apparent   ill  success, 

region,  and  the  town  sprang  up  with  extraordinary  rapidity.  Many  lots  in  St. 
Louis  were  exchanged  for  lots  in  Chariton,  but  the  site  of  the  latter  is  now^a 
farm. —  Ed. 

"  This  was  Cabanne's  Post,  nine  or  ten  miles  (by  land)  above  Omaha.  It  was 
established  about  1822  for  the  American  Fur  Company,  by  J.  P.  Cabanne.  He 
remained  in  charge  until  1833,  and  soon  thereafter  the  company  moved  its  trading 
station  to  Bellevue. —  Ed. 

'"Silvester  Pratte  was  bom  in  St.  Louis  (1799),  the  son  of  Bernard  Pratte,  a 
partner  in  the  American  Fur  Company.  He  did  not  return  from  this  expedition, 
but  died  in  New  Mexico;  see  post. —  Ed. 

''  For  the  early  history  of  Council  Bluffs,  see  Brackenridge's  Journal,  volume  vi 
of  our  series,  p.  78,  note  28. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  39 

and  so  little  satisfied  with  this  new  project,  that  he  came 
to  the  determination  to  leave  our  ranks.  The  remainder, 
though  dispirited  by  the  reduction  of  our  number,  de- 
termined not  to  abandon  the  undertaking.  Our  invalid 
having  rejoined  us,  we  still  numbered  four.  We  remained 
some  time  at  this  beautiful  position,  the  Council  Bluffs.  I 
have  seen  much  that  is  beautiful,  interesting  and  command- 
ing in  the  wild  scenery  of  nature,  but  no  prospect  above, 
around,  and  below  more  so  than  from  this  spot.  Our 
object  and  destination  being  the  same  as  Mr.  Pratte's,  we 
concluded  to  join  his  company  on  the  Platte. 

We  left  the  Bluffs,  July  30th,  and  encamped  the  night  after 
our  departure  on  a  small  stream,  called  the  Elkhom."  We 
reached  it  at  a  point  thirty  miles  S.  W.  from  the  Bluffs.  The 
Pawnee  Indians  sometimes  resort  upon  the  banks  of  this 
stream.  The  country  is  so  open  and  bare  of  timber,  that 
it  was  with  difficulty  we  could  find  sufficient  wood  to  cook 
with,  even  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  where  wood  is  found, 
if  at  all,  in  the  prairie  country. 

Early  the  next  morning  we  commenced  our  march  up  the 
bottoms  of  the  stream,  which  we  continued  to  ascend,  until 
almost  night  fall,  when  we  concluded  to  cross  it  to  a  small 
grove  of  timber  that  we  descried  on  the  opposite  shore, 
where  we  encamped  [15]  for  the  night,  securing  our  horses 
with  great  care,  through  fear  that  they  would  be  stolen  by 
the  Indians. 

In  the  morning,  as  we  were  making  arrangements  to 
commence  our  march,  we  discovered  a  large  body  of  Indians, 
running  full  speed  towards  us.  When  they  had  arrived 
within  a  hundred  yards  of  us,  we  made  signs,  that  they 
must  halt,  or  that  we  should  fire  upon  them.  They  halted, 
and  we  inquired  of  them,  as  one  of  our  number  spoke  their 

'^  For  Elkhorn  River,  see  James's  Long's  Expedition,  in  our  volume  xiv,  p.  240, 
note  182. —  Ed. 


40  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

language,  to  what  nation  they  belonged?  They  answered 
the  Pawnee."  Considering  them  friendly,  we  permitted 
them  to  approach  us.  It  was  on  our  way,  to  pass  through 
their  town,  and  we  followed  them  thither.  As  soon  as  we 
arrived  at  their  town,  they  conducted  us  to  the  lodge  of  their 
chief,  who  posted  a  number  of  his  warriors  at  the  door, 
and  called  the  rest  of  his  chiefs,  accompanied  by  an  inter- 
preter. They  formed  a  circle  in  the  centre  of  the  lodge. 
The  elder  chief  then  Hghting  a  pipe,  commenced  smoking; 
the  next  chief  holding  the  bowl  of  his  pipe.  This  mode 
of  smoking  differed  from  that  of  any  Indians  we  had  yet 
seen.  He  filled  his  mouth  with  the  smoke,  then  puffed 
it  in  our  bosoms,  then  on  his  own,  and  then  upward,  as  he 
said,  toward  the  Great  Spirit,  that  he  would  bestow  upon 
us  plenty  of  fat  buffaloes,  and  all  necessary  aid  on  our  way. 
He  informed  us,  that  he  had  two  war  parties  abroad.  He 
gave  us  a  stick  curiously  painted  with  characters,  I  suppose 
something  like  hieroglyphics,  bidding  us,  should  we  see  any 
of  his  warriors,  to  give  them  that  stick;  in  which  case  they 
would  treat  us  kindly.  The  pipe  was  then  passed  round, 
and  we  each  of  us  gave  it  two  or  three  light  whiffs.  We 
were  then  treated  with  fat  buff  aloe  meat,  and  after  we  had 
eaten,  he  gave  us  counsel  in  regard  to  our  future  course,  par- 
ticularly not  to  let  our  horses  loose  at  night.  His  treat- 
ment was  altogether  paternal. 

Next  morning  we  left  the  village  of  this  hospitable  old 
chief,  accompanied  by  a  pilot,  dispatched  to  conduct  us  to 
Mr.  Pratte's  company  on  the  Platte.  This  is  one  of  the 
three  villages  of  the  Republican  Pawnees.  It  is  situated 
on  the  little  Platte  River,^*  in  the  centre  of  an  extensive 

°  For  the  Pawnee  Indians,  consult  Brackenridge's  Journal,  in  our  volume  vi, 
p.  6i,  note  17. —  Ed. 

"  This  is  not  the  stream  now  known  as  the  Little  Platte,  for  which  see  James's 
Long's  Expedition,  in  our  volume  xiv,  p.  174,  note  141.  Possibly  it  was  Maple  Creek, 
a  stream  which  rises  in  the  southern  part  of  Stanton  County,  Nebraska,  and  flowing 
westward  through  Dodge  County  joins  the  Elkhorn  nearly  opposite  the  town  of 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  4 1 

prairie  plain;  having  near  [16]  it  a  small  strip  of  wood  extend- 
ing from  the  village  to  the  river.  The  houses  are  cone- 
shaped,  like  a  sugar  loaf.  The  number  of  lodges  may 
amount  to  six  hundred. 

The  night  after  we  left  this  village,  we  encamped  on  the 
banks  of  a  small  creek  called  the  Mad  Buffaloe.  Here  we 
could  find  no  wood  for  cooking,  and  made  our  first  experi- 
ment of  the  common  resort  in  these  wide  prairies;  that  is, 
we  were  obliged  to  collect  the  dung  of  the  buffaloe  for  that 
purpose.  Having  taken  our  supper,  some  of  us  stood  guard 
through  the  night,  while  the  others  slept,  according  to  the 
advice  of  the  friendly  chief.  Next  morning  we  commenced 
our  march  at  early  dawn,  and  by  dint  of  hard  travelling 
through  the  prairies,  we  arrived  about  sunset,  on  the  main 
Platte,  where  we  joined  Mr.  Pratte  and  his  company.  We 
felt,  and  expressed  gratitude  to  the  pilot,  who,  by  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  country,  had  conducted  us  by  the  shortest  and 
easiest  route.  We  did  not  forget  the  substantial  expression 
of  our  good  will,  in  paying  him.  He  started  for  his  own 
village  the  same  evening,  accompanying  us  here,  and  return- 
ing, on  foot,  although  he  could  have  had  a  horse  for  the 
journey. 

At  this  encampment,  on  the  banks  of  the  Platte,  we 
remained  four  days,  during  which  time  we  killed  some 
antelopes  and  deer,  and  dressed  their  skins  to  make  us 
moccasins.  Among  our  arrangements  with  Mr.  Pratte, 
one  was,  that  my  father  should  take  the  command  of  this 


Fontenelle.  At  the  time  of  Major  Long's  expedition  (1820),  all  the  Pawnee  villages 
were  situated  within  a  few  miles  of  each  other,  on  the  Loup  fork  of  the  Platte  (see 
volume  XV  of  our  series,  pp.  144-149),  while  Pattie  finds  a  Republican  Pawnee 
village  within  a  day's  march  of  the  Elkhorn.  Probably  this  was  but  a  temporary 
village,  as  Colonel  Henry  Dodge  (1835)  and  later  travellers  describe  the  location  on 
the  main  Platte  (see  Senate  Doc,  24  Cong.,  i  sess.,  209).  Pattie  is  also  the  only 
person  who  mentions  more  than  one  Republican  Pawnee  village.  It  seems  likely 
that  he  erroneously  classed  as  Republican  the  other  Pawnee  villages,  excepting  that 
of  the  Loups  (which  he  mentions  separately)  —  namely,  the  Grand  and  the  Tapage 
villages. —  Ed. 


A  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

company,  to  which  proposition  my  father  and  our  associates 
consented.  The  honor  of  this  confidence  was  probably 
bestowed  upon  him,  in  consequence  of  most  of  the  company 
having  served  under  him,  as  rangers,  during  the  late  war. 
Those  who  had  not,  had  been  acquainted  with  his  services 
by  general  report. 

In  conformity  with  the  general  wish,  my  father  immedi- 
ately entered  upon  his  command,  by  making  out  a  list  of 
the  names  of  the  whole  company,  and  dividing  it  into  four 
messes;  each  mess  having  to  furnish  two  men,  to  stand 
guard  by  reliefs,  during  the  night.  The  roll  was  called, 
and  the  company  was  found  to  be  a  hundred  and  sixteen. 
We  had  three  hundred  mules,  and  some  [17]  horses.  A 
hundred  of  them  were  packed  with  goods  and  baggage. 
The  guard  was  posted  as  spies,  and  all  the  rest  were  ordered 
to  commence  the  arrangements  of  packing  for  departure. 
The  guard  was  detached,  to  keep  at  some  distance  from  the 
camp,  reconnoitre,  and  discover  if  any  Indians  were  lurking 
in  the  vicinity.  When  on  the  march,  the  guards  were 
ordered  to  move  on  within  sight  of  our  flank,  and  parallel 
to  our  line  of  march.  If  any  Indians  were  descried,  they 
were  to  make  a  signal  by  raising  their  hats;  or  if  not  in 
sight  of  us,  to  alarm  us  by  a  pistol  shot.  These  arrange- 
ments gave  us  a  chance  always  to  have  some  little  time  to 
make  ready  for  action. 

It  may  be  imagined,  that  such  a  caravan  made  no  mean 
figure,  or  inconsiderable  dust,  in  moving  along  the  prairies. 
We  started  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  August,^^  travelling 
up  the  main  Platte,  which  at  this  point  is  more  than  a  hundred 
yards  wide,  very  shallow,  with  a  clean  sand  bottom,  and 
very  high  banks.     It  is  skirted  with  a  thin  belt  of  cotton- 

^  The  definiteness  with  which  Pattie  gives  his  dates,  lends  to  his  account  an 
appearance  of  accuracy,  which  an  examination  of  the  narrative  does  not  sustain. 
By  his  own  enumeration  of  days  after  leaving  Council  Bluffs,  this  should  be  August 
8.  There  is  no  indication  that  Pattie  kept  a  journal,  or  that  he  wrote  any  account 
of  his  travels  before  reaching  California. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  43 

wood  and  willow  trees,  from  which  beautiful  prairie  plains 
stretch  out  indefinitely  on  either  side.  We  arrived  in  the 
evening  at  a  village  of  the  Pawnee  Loups.^®  It  is  larger 
than  the  village  of  the  Republican  Pawnees,  which  we  had 
left  behind  us.  The  head  chief  of  this  village  received  us 
in  the  most  affectionate  and  hospitable  manner,  supplying 
us  with  such  provisions  as  we  wanted.  He  had  been  all 
the  way  from  these  remote  prairies,  on  a  visit  to  the  city  of 
Washington.  He  informed  us,  that  before  he  had  taken  the 
journey,  he  had  supposed  that  the  white  people  were  a  small 
tribe,  like  his  own,  and  that  he  had  found  them  as  number- 
less as  the  spires  of  grass  on  his  prairies.  The  spectacle, 
however,  that  had  struck  him  with  most  astonishment,  was 
bullets  as  large  as  his  head,  and  guns  of  the  size  of  a  log  of 
wood.  His  people  cultivate  corn,  beans,  pumpkins  and 
watermelons. 

Here  we  remained  five  days,  during  which  time  Mr. 
Pratte  purchased  six  hundred  Buffalo  skins,  and  some 
horses.  A  Pawnee  war  party  came  in  from  an  expedition 
against  a  hostile  tribe  of  whom  they  had  killed  and  scalped 
four,  and  taken  twenty  horses.  We  were  affected  at  the 
sight  of  a  little  child,  taken  [18]  captive,  whose  mother  they 
had  killed  and  scalped.  They  could  not  account  for  bring- 
ing in  this  child,  as  their  warfare  is  an  indiscriminate 
slaughter,  of  men,  women  and  children. 

A  day  or  two  after  their  arrival,  they  painted  themselves 
for  a  celebration  of  their  victory,  with  great  labor  and  care. 
The  chiefs  were  dressed  in  skins  of  wild  animals,  with  the 
hair  on. —  These  skins  were  principally  those  of  the  bear, 
wolf,  panther  and  spotted  or  ring  tailed  panther.  They  wore 
necklaces  of  bear's  and  panther's  claws.  The  braves,  as  a 
certain  class  of  the  warriors  are  called,  in  addition  to  the 


^  For  the  Pawnee  Loups  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  volume  v  of  our  series,  p.  78, 
note  44.  An  accoimt  of  the  visit  of  the  Pawnee  chiefs  to  Washington  may  be 
found  in  Faux's  Journal,  volume  xii  of  our  series,  pp.  48-52. —  Ed. 


44  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

dress  of  the  other  chiefs,  surmounted  their  heads  with  a 
particular  feather  from  a  species  of  eagle,  that  they  call  the 
war  eagle."  This  feather  is  considered  worth  the  price  of 
ten  ordinary  horses.  None  but  a  brave  is  permitted  to 
wear  it  as  a  badge.  A  brave,  gains  his  name  and  reputation 
as  much  by  cunning  and  dexterity  in  stealing  and  robbing, 
as  by  courage  and  success  in  murdering.  When  by  long 
labor  of  the  toilette,  they  had  painted  and  dressed  them- 
selves to  their  liking,  they  marched  forth  in  the  array  of  their 
guns,  bows,  arrows  and  war  clubs,  with  all  the  other  appen- 
dages of  their  warfare.  They  then  raised  a  tall  pole,  on  the 
top  of  which  were  attached  the  scalps  of  the  foes  they  had 
killed.  It  must  be  admitted,  that  they  manifested  no  small 
degree  of  genius  and  inventiveness,  in  making  themselves 
frightful  and  horrible.  When  they  began  their  triumphal 
yelling,  shouting,  singing  and  cutting  antic  capers,  it  seemed 
to  us,  that  a  recruit  of  fiends  from  the  infernal  regions  could 
hardly  have  transcended  them  in  genuine  diabolical  display. 
They  kept  up  this  infernal  din  three  days.  During  all  this 
time,  the  poor  little  captive  child,  barely  fed  to  sustain  life, 
lay  in  sight,  bound  hand  and  foot.  When  their  rage  at 
length  seemed  sated,  and  exhausted,  they  took  down  the 
pole,  and  gave  the  scalps  to  the  women. 

We  now  witnessed  a  new  scene  of  yells  and  screams,  and 
infuriated  gestures;  the  actors  kicking  the  scalps  about, 
and  throwing  them  from  one  to  the  other  with  strong  expres- 
sions of  rage  and  contempt.  When  they  also  ceased,  in 
the  apparent  satisfaction  of  gratified  revenge,  the  men 
directed  their  attention  [19]  to  the  little  captive.  It  was 
removed  to  the  medicine  lodge,  where  the  medicine  men 
perform  their  incantations,  and  make  their  offerings  to  the 
Great  Spirit.  We  perceived  that  they  were  making  prep- 
arations to  burn  the  child.     Alike  affected  with  pity  and 

"  This  is  the  golden  eagle  (Aquila  chrysaetos).  The  tail-feathers  are  about  a 
foot  long,  and  were  especially  prized  by  the  Indians  for  decorative  purposes. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  45 

horror,  our  party  appealed,  as  one  man,  to  the  presiding 
chief,  to  spare  the  child.  Our  first  proposition  was  to  pur- 
chase it.  It  was  received  by  the  chief  with  manifest  dis- 
pleasure. In  reply  to  our  strong  remonstrances,  he  gravely 
asked  us,  if  we,  seeing  a  young  rattlesnake  in  our  path,  would 
allow  it  to  move  off  uninjured,  merely  because  it  was  too 
small  and  feeble  to  bite?  We  undertook  to  point  out  the 
want  of  resemblance  in  the  circumstances  of  the  comparison, 
observing  that  the  child,  reared  among  them,  would  know 
no  other  people,  and  would  imbibe  their  habits  and  enmities, 
and  become  as  one  of  them.  The  chief  replied,  that  he  had 
made  the  experiment,  and  that  the  captive  children,  thus 
spared  and  raised,  had  only  been  instrumental,  as  soon  as 
they  were  grown,  of  bringing  them  into  difficulties.  'It 
is'  said  he,  'like  taking  the  eggs  of  partridges  and  hatching 
them;  you  may  raise  them  ever  so  carefully  in  a  cage;  but 
once  turn  them  loose,  and  they  show  their  nature,  not  only 
by  flying  away,  but  by  bringing  the  wild  partridges  into  your 
corn  fields:  eat  the  eggs,  and  you  have  not  only  the  food, 
but  save  yourself  future  trouble.'  We  again  urged  that  the 
child  was  too  small  to  injure  them,  and  of  too  little  con- 
sequence to  give  them  the  pleasure  of  revenge  in  its  destruc- 
tion. To  enforce  our  arguments,  we  showed  him  a  roll  of 
red  broad  cloth,  the  favorite  color  with  the  Indians.  This 
dazzled  and  delighted  him,  and  he  eagerly  asked  us,  how 
much  we  would  give  him.  We  insisted  upon  seeing  the 
child,  before  we  made  him  an  offer.  He  led  us  to  the  lodge, 
where  lay  the  poor  little  captive,  bound  so  tight  with  thongs 
of  raw  hide,  that  the  flesh  had  so  swelled  over  the  hard  and 
dried  leather,  that  the  strings  could  no  longer  be  perceived. 
It  was  almost  famished,  having  scarcely  tasted  food  for  four 
days,  and  seemed  rather  dead  than  alive.  With  much 
difficulty  we  disengaged  its  limbs  from  the  thongs,  and 
perceiving  that  it  seemed  to  revive,  we  offered  him  [20]  ten 
yards,  of  the  red  cloth.     Expatiating  upon  the  trouble  and 


46  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

danger  of  his  warriors  in  the  late  expedition,  he  insisted, 
that  the  price  was  too  little.  Having  the  child  in  our  posses- 
sion, and  beginning  to  be  indignant  at  this  union  of  avarice 
and  cruelty,  our  company  exchanged  glances  of  intelligence. 
A  deep  flush  suffused  the  countenance  of  my  father.  'My 
boys,'  said  he,  'will  you  allow  these  unnatural  devils  to  bum 
this  poor  child,  or  practice  extortion  upon  us,  as  the  price 
of  its  ransom?'  The  vehemence  and  energy,  with  which 
these  questions  were  proposed,  had  an  effect,  that  may  be 
easily  imagined,  in  kindling  the  spirits  of  the  rest  of  us.  We 
carried  it  by  acclamation,  to  take  the  child,  and  let  them 
seek  their  own  redress. 

My  father  again  offered  the  chief  ten  yards  of  cloth,  which 
was  refused  as  before.  Our  remark  then  was,  that  we 
would  carry  off  the  child,  with,  or  without  ransom,  at  his 
choice. —  Meanwhile  the  child  was  sent  to  our  encampment, 
and  our  men  ordered  to  have  their  arms  in  readiness,  as  we 
had  reason  to  fear  that  the  chief  would  let  loose  his  warriors 
upon  us,  and  take  the  child  by  force.  The  old  chief  looked 
my  father  full  in  the  face,  with  an  expression  of  apparent 
astonishment.  'Do  you  think'  said  he,  'you  are  strong 
enough  to  keep  the  child  by  force  ?'  'We  will  do  it,'  answered 
my  father,  'or  every  man  of  us  die  in  the  attempt,  in  which 
case  our  countrymen  will  come,  and  gather  up  our  bones, 
and  avenge  our  death,  by  destroying  your  nation.'  The 
chief  replied  with  well  dissembled  calmness,  that  he  did 
not  wish  to  incur  the  enmity  of  our  people,  as  he  well  knew 
that  we  were  more  powerful  than  they;  alledging,  beside, 
that  he  had  made  a  vow  never  to  kill  any  more  white  men; 
and  he  added,  that  if  we  would  give  the  cloth,  and  add  to  it 
a  paper  of  vermillion,  the  child  should  be  ours.  To  this  we 
consented,  and  the  contract  was  settled. 

We  immediately  started  for  our  encampment,  where  we 
were  aware  our  men  had  been  making  arrangements  for  a 
battle.    We   had    hardly   expected,    under    these   circum- 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  47 

stances,  that  the  chief  would  have  followed  us  alone  into  a 
camp,  where  every  thing  appeared  hostile.  But  he  went  on 
with  us  unhesitatingly,  [21]  until  he  came  to  the  very  edge 
of  it.  Observing  that  our  men  had  made  a  breast  work 
of  the  baggage,  and  stood  with  their  arms  leaning  against 
it  ready  for  action,  he  paused  a  moment,  as  if  faltering  in 
his  purpose  to  advance.  With  the  peculiar  Indian  exclam- 
ation, he  eagerly  asked  my  father,  if  he  had  thought  that 
he  would  fight  his  friends,  the  white  people,  for  that  little 
child  ?  The  reply  was,  that  we  only  meant  to  be  ready  for 
them,  if  they  had  thought  to  do  so.  With  a  smiling  coun- 
tenance the  chief  advanced,  and  took  my  father's  hand 
exclaiming,  that  they  were  good  friends.  'Save  your 
powder  and  lead,'  he  added,  'to  kill  buffaloes  and  your 
enemies.'   So  saying  he  left  us  for  his  own  lodge. 

This  tribe  is  on  terms  of  hostility  with  two  or  three  of  the 
tribes  nearest  their  hunting  grounds.  They  make  their 
incursions  on  horseback,  and  often  extend  them  to  the 
distance  of  six  or  seven  hundred  miles.  They  chiefly  engage 
on  horseback,  and  their  weapons,  for  the  most  part,  consist 
of  a  bow  and  arrows,  a  lance  and  shield,  though  many  of 
them  at  present  have  fire  arms.  Their  commander  stations 
himself  in  the  rear  of  his  warriors,  seldom  taking  a  part  in 
the  battle,  unless  he  should  be  himself  attacked,  which  is 
not  often  the  case.  They  show  no  inconsiderable  military 
stratagem  in  their  marches,  keeping  spies  before  and  behind, 
and  on  each  flank,  at  the  distance  of  a  few  days  travel ;  so  that 
in  their  open  country,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  come  upon 
them  by  surprise.  The  object  of  their  expeditions  is  quite 
as  often  to  plunder  and  steal  horses,  as  to  destroy  their 
enemies.  Each  one  is  provided  with  the  Spanish  noose,  to 
catch  horses.  They  often  extend  these  plundering  expedi- 
tions as  far  as  the  interior  of  New  Mexico.  When  they  have 
reached  the  settled  country,  they  lurk  about  in  covert  places, 
until  an  opportunity  presents  to  seize  on  their  prey.     They 


4  8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

fall  upon  the  owner  of  a  large  establishment  of  cattle  and 
horses,  kill  him  during  the  night,  or  so  alarm  him  as  to  cause 
him  to  fly,  and  leave  his  herds  and  family  unprotected;  in 
which  case  they  drive  off  his  horses,  and  secrete  them  in  the 
mountains.  In  these  fastnesses  of  nature  they  consider  them 
safe;  [22]  aware  that  the  Mexicans,  partly  through  timidity, 
and  partly  through  indolence,  will  not  pursue  them  to  any 
great  distance. 

We  left  this  village  on  the  nth  of  August,  taking  with  us 
two  of  its  inhabitants,  each  having  a  trap  to  catch,  and  a 
hoe  to  dig  the  beavers  from  their  burrows.  During  this 
day's  march  we  traversed  a  wide  plain,  on  which  we  saw 
no  game  but  antelopes^ ^  and  white  wolves.  At  five  in  the 
evening,  our  front  guard  gave  the  preconcerted  alarm  by 
firing  their  pistols,  and  falling  back  a  few  moments  after- 
wards, upon  the  main  body. —  We  shortly  afterwards  dis- 
covered a  large  body  of  Indians  on  horseback,  approaching 
us  at  full  speed.  When  they  were  within  hailing  distance, 
we  made  them  a  signal  to  halt:  they  immediately  halted. 
Surveying  us  a  moment,  and  discovering  us  to  be  whites, 
one  of  them  came  towards  us.  We  showed  him  the  painted 
stick  given  us  by  the  Pawnee  Republican  chief.  He  seemed 
at  once  to  comprehend  all  that  it  conveyed,  and  we  were 
informed,  that  this  was  a  band  of  the  Republican  Pawnee 
warriors.  He  carried  the  stick  among  them.  It  passed 
from  hand  to  hand,  and  appeared  at  once  to  satisfy  them 
in  regard  to  our  peaceable  intentions,  for  they  continued 
their  march  without  disturbing  us.  But  our  two  associate 
Indians,  hearing  their  yells,  as  they  rode  off,  took  them  to 
be  their  enemies,  from  whom  they  had  taken  the  child. 
They  immediately  disappeared,  and  rejoined  us  no  more. 
We  travelled  a  few  miles  further,  and  encamped  for  the  night 

^'  This  animal  is  not,  correctly  speaking,  an  antelope,  but  constitutes  a  separate 
family.  The  scientific  name,  Antilocapra  americana,  was  assigned  to  it  (1818)  by 
the  naturalist  Ord,  upon  data  furnished  by  Lewis  and  Clark. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  49 

on  a  small  stream,  called  Smoking  river.  It  is  a  tributary 
stream  of  the  main  Platte.  On  this  stream  a  famous  treaty 
had  been  made  between  the  Pawnees  and  Shienne;^'  and 
from  the  friendly  smoking  of  the  calumet  on  this  occasion 
it  received  its  name. 

Next  morning  we  made  an  early  start,  and  marched 
rapidly  all  day,  in  order  to  reach  water  at  night.  We  halted 
at  sunset  to  repose  ourselves,  and  found  water  for  our  own 
drinking,  but  none  for  our  mules  and  horses.  As  soon  as 
the  moon  arose,  we  started  again,  travelling  hard  all  night, 
and  until  ten  the  next  morning.  At  this  time  we  reached  a 
most  singular  spring  fountain,  forming  a  basin  four  hundred 
yards  in  diameter,  in  the  centre  [23]  of  which  the  water 
boiled  up  five  or  six  feet  higher,  than  it  was  near  the  cir- 
cumference. We  encamped  here,  to  rest,  and  feed  our 
mules  and  horses,  the  remainder  of  the  day,  during  which 
we  killed  some  antelopes,  that  came  here  to  drink. 

Near  this  place  was  a  high  mound,  from  which  the  eye 
swept  the  whole  horizon,  as  far  as  it  could  reach,  and  on  this 
mound  we  stationed  our  guard. 

Next  morning  we  commenced  the  toil  of  our  daily  march, 
pursuing  a  S.  W.  course,  over  the  naked  plains,  reaching 
a  small  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  a  nameless  stream  at  night, 
on  the  borders  of  which  were  a  few  sparse  trees,  and  high 
grass.  Here  we  encamped  for  the  night.  At  twelve  next  day 
we  halted  in  consequence  of  a  pouring  rain,  and  encamped 
for  the  remainder  of  the  day.  This  was  the  first  point, 
where  we  had  the  long  and  anxiously  expected  pleasure  of 
seeing  buffaloes.  We  killed  one,  after  a  most  animating 
sport  in  shooting  at  it. 

Next  day  we  made  an  early  start,  as  usual,  and  travelled 
hard  all  day  over  a  wide  plain,  meeting  with  no  other  in- 
cidents, than  the  sight  of  buffaloes,  which  we  did  not  molest. 

^*  For  the  Cheyenne  Indians,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  volume  v  of  our  series, 
p.  140,  note  88. —  Ed. 


^o  Early  Westerfi  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

We  saw,  in  this  day's  march,  neither  tree  nor  rising  ground. 
The  plains  are  covered  with  a  short,  fine  grass,  about  four 
inches  high,  of  such  a  kind,  as  to  be  very  injurious  to  the 
hoofs  of  animals,  that  travel  over  it.  It  seems  to  me,  that 
ours  would  not  have  received  more  injury  from  travelling 
over  a  naked  surface  of  rock.  In  the  evening  we  reached 
a  small  collection  of  water,  beside  which  we  encamped. 
We  had  to  collect  our  customary  inconvenient  substitute 
for  fuel,  not  only  this  evening,  but  the  whole  distance  hence 
to  the  mountains. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  we  commenced,  as  usual, 
our  early  march,  giving  orders  to  our  advance  guard  to  kill 
a  buffaloe  bull,  and  make  moccasins  for  some  of  our  horses, 
from  the  skin,  their  feet  having  become  so  tender  from  the 
irritation  of  the  sharp  grass,  as  to  make  them  travel  with 
difficulty.  This  was  soon  accomplished,  furnishing  the 
only  incident  of  this  day's  travel.  We  continued  the  next 
day  to  make  our  way  over  the  same  wearying  plain,  without 
water  or  timber,  having  been  obliged  [24]  to  provide  more 
of  our  horses  with  buffaloe  skin  moccasins.  This  day  we 
saw  numerous  herds  of  buffaloe  bulls.  It  is  a  singular  fact, 
in  the  habits  of  these  animals,  that  during  one  part  of  the 
year,  the  bulls  all  range  in  immense  flocks  without  a  cow 
among  them,  and  all  the  cows  equally  without  the  bulls. 
Theherd,  which  we  now  saw,  showed  an  evident  disposition 
to  break  into  our  caravan.  They  seemed  to  consider  our 
horses  and  mules,  as  a  herd  of  their  cows.  We  prevented 
their  doing  it,  by  firing  on  them,  and  killing  several. 

This  evening  we  arrived  on  one  of  the  forks  of  the  Osage,'" 

'"  Pattie  is  altogether  too  far  north  and  west  to  meet  the  Osage  River.  The 
distance  from  the  Platte  makes  it  fairly  certain  that  he  was  on  the  Republican  fork 
of  the  Kansas.  This  stream  rises  in  Colorado,  and  flows  eastward  across  the  arid 
plains  of  southern  Nebraska  as  far  as  longitude  98°;  it  there  enters  the  state  of 
Kansas,  and  following  a  southeasterly  course  unites  with  the  Smoky  Hill  River  at 
Junction  City,  to  form  the  Kansas.  Its  name  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  village 
of  the  Republican  Pawnee  was  located  upon  it  until  about  1815,  when  these  tribes- 
men joined  the  Pawnee  upon  the  Platte.—  Ed. 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie-s  Personal  Narrative  5 1 

and  encamped.  Here  we  caught  a  beaver,  the  first  I  had 
ever  seen.  On  the  20th,  we  started  late,  and  made  a  short 
day's  travel,  encamping  by  water.  Next  morning  we  dis- 
covered vast  numbers  of  buffaloes,  all  running  in  one  direc- 
tion, as  though  they  were  flying  from  some  sort  of  pursuit. 
We  immediately  detached  men  to  reconnoitre  and  ascertain, 
whether  they  were  not  flying  from  the  Indians.  They 
soon  discovered  a  large  body  of  them  in  full  chase  of  these 
animals,  and  shooting  at  them  with  arrows.  As  their 
course  was  directly  towards  our  camp,  they  were  soon 
distinctly  in  sight.  At  this  moment  one  of  our  men  rode 
towards  them,  and  discharged  his  gun.  This  immediately 
turned  their  attention  from  the  pursuit  of  the  game,  to  us. 
The  Indians  halted  a  moment,  as  if  in  deliberation,  and  rode 
off  in  another  direction  with  great  speed.  We  regretted 
that  we  had  taken  no  measures  to  ascertain,  whether  they 
were  friendly  or  not.  In  the  latter  case  we  had  sufficient 
ground  to  apprehend,  that  they  would  pursue  us  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  attack  us  in  the  night.  We  made  our  arrange- 
ments, and  resumed  our  march  in  haste,  travelling  with 
great  caution,  and  posting  a  strong  guard  at  night. 

The  next  day,  in  company  with  another,  I  kept  guard  on 
the  right  flank.  We  were  both  strictly  enjoined  not  to  fire 
on  the  buffaloes,  while  discharging  this  duty.  Just  before  we 
encamped,  which  was  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  we  discov- 
ered a  herd  of  buff  aloe  cows,  the  first  we  had  seen,  and  gave 
notice  on  our  arrival  at  the  camp.  Mr.  Pratte  insisted, 
that  we  had  mistaken,  and  said,  that  we  were  not  yet  far 
enough  advanced  into  the  country,  [25]  to  see  cows,  they 
generally  herding  in  the  most  retired  depths  of  the  prairies. 
We  were  not  disposed  to  contest  the  point  with  him,  but  pro- 
posed a  bet  of  a  suit  of  the  finest  cloth,  and  to  settle  the  point 
by  killing  one  of  the  herd,  if  the  commander  would  permit 
us  to  fire  upon  it.  The  bet  was  accepted,  and  the  permis- 
sion given.     My  companion  was  armed  with  a  musket,  and 


r2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

I  with  a  rifle.  When  we  came  in  sight  of  the  herd,  it  was 
approaching  a  little  pond  to  drink.  We  concealed  ourselves, 
as  they  approached,  and  my  companion  requested  me  to 
take  the  first  fire,  as  the  rifle  was  surer  and  closer  than  the 
musket.  When  they  were  within  shooting  distance,  I 
levelled  one;  as  soon  as  it  fell,  the  herd,  which  consisted  of 
a  thousand  or  more,  gathered  in  crowds  around  the  fallen 
one.  Between  us  we  killed  eleven,  all  proving,  according 
to  our  word,  to  be  cows.  We  put  our  mules  in  requisition 
to  bring  in  our  ample  supply  of  meat.  Mr.  Pratte  admit- 
ted, that  the  bet  was  lost,  though  we  declined  accepting  it. 

About  ten  at  night  it  commenced  raining;  the  rain 
probably  caused  us  to  intermit  our  caution ;  for  shortly  after 
it  began,  the  Indians  attacked  our  encampment,  firing  a 
shower  of  arrows  upon  us.  We  returned  their  fire  at  ran- 
dom, as  they  retreated:  they  kiUed  two  of  our  horses,  and 
slightly  wounded  one  of  our  men;  we  found  four  Indians 
killed  by  our  fire,  and  one  wounded.  The  wounded  Indian 
informed  our  interpreter,  that  the  Indians,  who  attacked 
us,  were  Arrickarees.^*  We  remained  encamped  here  four 
days,  attending  our  wounded  man,  and  the  wounded  Indian, 
who  died,  however,  the  second  day,  and  here  we  buried 
him. 

We  left  this  encampment  on  the  26th,  and  through  the 
day  met  with  continued  herds  of  buffaloes  and  wild  horses, 
which,  however,  we  did  not  disturb.  In  the  evening  we 
reached  a  fork  of  the  Platte,  called  Hyde  Park.^^*  This 
stream,  formerly  noted  for  beavers,  still  sustains  a  few. 
Here  we  encamped,  set  our  traps,  and  caught  four  beavers. 
In  the  morning  we  began  to  ascend  this  stream,  and  during 

^^  For  a  brief  description  of  the  Arikara  Indians,  see  Bradbury's  Travels, 
volume  V  of  our  series,  p.  127,  note  83. —  Ed. 

Pattie's  geography  is  confused  by  his  apparent  ignorance  of  the  Kansas  and 
its  branches.  Hyde  Park  is  probably  a  tributary  of  the  Repubhcan  —  possibly 
Beaver  Creek,  which  rises  in  western  Kansas  and  flowing  northeasterly  discharges 
into  the  Republican  in  Harlan  County,  Nebraska.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  5  3 

our  progress,  we  were  obliged  to  keep  men  in  advance,  to 
affrighten  the  buffaloes  and  wild  horses  [26]  from  our  path. 
They  are  here  in  such  prodigious  numbers,  as  literally  to 
have  eaten  down  the  grass  of  the  prairies. 

Here  we  saw  multitudes  of  prairie  dogs.^^  They  have  large 
village  establishments  of  burrows,  where  they  live  in  society. 
They  are  sprightly,  bold  and  self  important  animals,  of  the 
size  of  a  Norwegian  rat.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  our 
wounded  companion  was  again  unable  to  travel,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  we  were  detained  at  our  encampment  three 
days.  Not  wholly  to  lose  the  time,  we  killed  during  these 
three  days  no  buffaloes,  of  which  we  saved  only  the  tongues 
and  hump  ribs. 

On  the  morning  of  the  31st,  our  wounded  associate  being 
somewhat  recovered,  we  resumed  our  march.  Ascending 
the  stream,  in  the  course  of  the  day  we  came  upon  the  dead 
bodies  of  two  men,  so  much  mangled,  and  disfigured  by  the 
wild  beasts,  that  we  could  only  discover  that  they  were  white 
men.  They  had  been  shot  by  the  Indians  with  arrows,  the 
ground  near  them  being  stuck  full  of  arrows.  They  had 
been  scalped.  Our  feelings  may  be  imagined,  at  seeing  the 
mangled  bodies  of  people  of  our  own  race  in  these  remote 
and  unpeopled  prairies.  We  consoled  ourselves  with  believ- 
ing that  they  died  like  brave  men.  We  had  soon  afterwards 
clear  evidence  of  this  fact,  for,  on  surveying  the  vicinity  at 
the  distance  of  a  few  hundred  yards,  we  found  the  bodies 
of  five  dead  Indians.  The  ground  all  around  was  torn  and 
trampled  by  horse  and  footmen.  We  collected  the  remains 
of  the  two  white  men,  and  buried  them.  We  then  ascended 
the  stream  a  few  miles,  and  encamped.  Finding  signs  of 
Indians,  who  could  have  left  the  spot  but  a  few  hours  before, 
we  made  no  fire  for  fear  of  being  discovered,  and  attacked 


^  The  journals  of  Lewis  and  Clark  contain  a  good  description  of  the  prairie 
dog  {Cynomys  or  arctomys  ludovicianus) .  See  Thwaites,  Original  Journals  of 
the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  index. —  Ed. 


r4  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

in  the  night.  Sometime  after  dark,  ten  of  us  started  up 
the  creek  in  search  of  their  fires.  About  four  miles  from 
our  encampment,  we  saw  them  a  few  hundred  yards  in 
advance.  Twenty  fires  were  distinctly  visible.  We  coun- 
selled with  each  other,  whether  to  fire  on  them  or  not.  Our 
conclusion  was,  that  the  most  prudent  plan  was  to  return, 
and  apprize  our  companions  of  what  we  had  seen.  In  con- 
sequence of  our  information,  on  our  return,  sixty  men  were 
chosen,  headed  by  my  father,  who  set  off  in  order  [27]  to 
surround  their  camp  before  daylight.  I  was  one  of  the 
number,  as  I  should  have  little  liked  to  have  my  father  go 
into  battle  without  me,  when  it  was  in  my  power  to  accom- 
pany him.  The  remainder  were  left  in  charge  of  our  camp, 
horses,  and  mules.  We  had  examined  our  arms  and  found 
them  in  good  order.  About  midnight  we  came  in  sight  of 
their  fires,  and  before  three  o'clock  were  posted  all  around 
them,  without  having  betrayed  ourselves.  We  were  com- 
manded not  to  fire  a  gun,  until  the  word  was  given.  As  it 
was  still  sotnetime  before  daylight,  we  became  almost  impa- 
tient for  the  command.  As  an  Indian  occasionally  arose  and 
stood  for  a  moment  before  the  fire,  I  involuntarily  took  aim 
at  him  with  the  thought,  how  easily  I  could  destroy  him, 
but  my  orders  withheld  me.  Twilight  at  length  came,  and 
the  Indians  began  to  arise.  They  soon  discovered  two  of 
our  men,  and  instantly  raising  the  war  shout,  came  upon  us 
with  great  fury.  Our  men  stood  firm,  until  they  received 
the  order  which  was  soon  given.  A  well  directed  and  destruc- 
tive fire  now  opened  on  them,  which  they  received,  and  re- 
turned with  some  firmness.  But  when  we  closed  in  upon 
them  they  fled  in  confusion  and  dismay.  The  action  lasted 
fifteen  minutes.  Thirty  of  their  dead  were  left  on  the  field, 
and  we  took  ten  prisoners,  whom  we  compelled  to  bury  the 
dead.  One  of  our  men  was  wounded,  and  died  the  next 
day.  We  took  our  prisoners  to  our  encampment,  where  we 
questioned  them  with  regard  to  the  two  white  men,  we  had 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  ^^ 

found,  and  buried  the  preceding  day.  They  acknowledged, 
that  their  party  killed  them,  and  assigned  as  a  reason  for  so 
doing,  that  when  the  white  men  were  asked  by  the  chief  to 
divide  their  powder  and  balls  with  him,  they  refused.  It 
was  then  determined  by  the  chief,  that  they  should  be  killed, 
and  the  whole  taken.  In  carrying  this  purpose  into  effect, 
the  Indians  lost  four  of  their  best  young  men,  and  obtained 
but  little  powder  and  lead,  as  a  compensation. 

We  then  asked  them  to  what  nation  they  belonged  ?  They 
answered  the  Crow."  This  nation  is  distinguished  for 
bravery  and  skill  in  war.  Their  bows  and  arrows  were  then 
given  them,  and  they  were  told,  that  we  never  killed  defence- 
less prisoners,  but  [28]  that  they  must  tell  their  brothers  of 
us,  and  that  we  should  not  have  killed  any  of  their  nation, 
had  not  they  killed  our  white  brothers;  and  if  they  did  so  in 
future,  we  should  kiU  all  we  found  of  them,  as  we  did  not 
fear  any  number,  they  could  bring  against  us.  They  were 
then  allowed  to  go  free,  which  delighted  them,  as  they 
probably  expected  that  we  should  kill  them,  it  being  their 
custom  to  put  all  their  prisoners  to  death  by  the  most 
shocking  and  cruel  tortures.  That  they  may  not  lose  this 
diabolical  pleasure  by  the  escape  of  their  prisoners,  they 
guard  them  closely  day  and  night.  One  of  them,  upon 
being  released,  gave  my  father  an  eagle's  feather,  saying, 
you  are  a  good  and  brave  man,  I  will  never  kill  another 
white  man. 

We  pursued  our  journey  on  the  ist  of  September.  Our 
advance  was  made  with  great  caution,  as  buffaloes  were  now 
seen  in  immense  herds,  and  the  danger  from  Indians  was 
constant.  Wandering  tribes  of  these  people  subsist  on  the 
buffaloes,  which  traverse  the  interior  of  these  plains,  keeping 
them  constantly  in  sight. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d,  we  started  early.     About  ten 

^^  A  short  account  of  the  Crow  Indians  may  be  found  in  Bradbury's  Travels, 
in  our  volume  v,  p.  226,  note  121. —  Ed. 


^6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

o'clock  we  saw  a  large  herd  of  buffaloes  approaching  us  with 
great  speed.  We  endeavored  to  prevent  their  running 
among  our  pack  mules,  but  it  was  in  vain.  They  scattered 
them  in  every  direction  over  the  plain ;  and  although  we  rode 
in  among  the  herd,  firing  on  them,  we  were  obliged  to  follow 
them  an  hour,  before  we  could  separate  them  sufficiently  to 
regain  our  mules.  After  much  labor  we  collected  all,  with 
the  exception  of  one  packed  with  dry  goods,  which  the  crowd 
drove  before  them.  The  remainder  of  the  day,  half  our 
company  were  employed  as  a  guard,  to  prevent  a  similar 
occurrence.  When  we  encamped  for  the  night,  some  time 
was  spent  in  driving  the  buffaloes  a  considerable  distance 
from  our  camp.  But  for  this  precaution,  we  should  have 
been  in  danger  of  losing  our  horses  and  mules  entirely. 

The  following  morning,  we  took  a  S.  S.  W.  course,  which 
led  us  from  the  stream,  during  this  day's  journey.  Nothing 
occurred  worthy  of  mention,  except  that  we  saw  a  great 
number  of  [29]  wolves,  which  had  surrounded  a  small  herd 
of  buffaloe  cows  and  calves,  and  killed  and  eaten  several. 
We  dispersed  them  by  firing  on  them.  We  judged,  that 
there  were  at  least  a  thousand.  They  were  large  and  as 
white  as  sheep.  Near  this  point  we  found  water,  and 
encamped  for  the  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  a  party  was  sent  out  to  kill 
some  buffaloe  bulls,  and  get  their  skins  to  make  moccasins 
for  our  horses,  which  detained  us  until  ten  o'clock.  We 
then  packed  up  and  travelled  six  miles.  Finding  a  lake, 
we  encamped  for  the  night.  From  this  spot,  we  saw  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  landscapes,  that  ever  spread  out  to 
the  eye.  As  far  as  the  plain  was  visible  in  aU  directions, 
innumerable  herds  of  wild  horses,  buffaloes,  antelopes,  deer, 
elk,  and  wolves,  fed  in  their  wild  and  fierce  freedom.  Here 
the  sun  rose,  and  set,  as  unobscured  from  the  sight,  as  on 
the  wastes  of  ocean.  Here  we  used  the  last  of  our  salt,  and 
as  for  bread,  we  had  seen  none,  since  we  had  left  the  Pawnee 


3" 


n 


1 824- 1 830]  Pat  tie's  Personal  Narrative  59 

village.     I  hardly  need  observe,  that  these  are  no  small 
deprivations. 

The  next  day  we  travelled  until  evening,  nothing  occur- 
ring, that  deserves  record.  Our  encampment  was  near  a 
beautiful  spring,  called  Belief ontaine,  which  is  visited  by 
the  Indians,  at  some  seasons  of  the  year.  Near  it  were  some 
pumpkins,  planted  by  the  Indians.  I  cooked  one,  but  did 
not  find  it  very  palateable:  The  next  day  we  encamped 
without  water.  Late  in  the  evening  of  the  following  day 
we  reached  a  stream,  and  encamped.  As  we  made  our 
arrangements  for  the  night,  we  came  upon  a  small  party  of 
Indians.  They  ran  o£f  immediately,  but  we  pursued  them, 
caught  four,  and  took  them  to  the  camp  they  had  left,  a  little 
distant  from  ours.  It  contained  between  twenty  and  thirty 
women  and  children,  beside  three  men.  The  women  were 
frightened  at  our  approach,  and  attempted  to  run.  The 
Indians  in  our  possession  said  something  to  them  in  their 
own  language,  that  induced  them  to  stop;  but  it  was  some- 
time, before  they  were  satisfied,  that  we  intended  them  no 
harm.  We  returned  to  our  camp,  and  were  attending  to 
our  mules  and  horses.  Our  little  Indian  boy  was  playing 
about  the  camp,  as  usual.  [30]  Suddenly  our  attention  was 
arrested  by  loud  screams  or  cries;  and  looking  up,  we  saw  our 
little  boy  in  the  arms  of  an  Indian,  whose  neck  he  was 
closely  clasping,  as  the  Indian  pressed  him  to  his  bosom, 
kissing  him,  and  crying  at  the  same  time.  As  we  moved 
towards  the  spot,  the  Indian  approached  us,  still  holding 
the  child  in  his  arms;  and  falling  on  his  knees,  made  us  a 
long  speech,  which  we  understood  only  through  his  signs. 
During  his  speech,  he  would  push  the  child  from  him,  and 
then  draw  it  back  to  him,  and  point  to  us.  He  was  the  father 
of  this  boy,  whom  we  saved  from  being  burnt  by  the  Paw- 
nees. He  gave  us  to  understand  by  his  signs,  that  his  child 
was  carried  off  by  his  enemies.  When  the  paroxysm  of  his 
joy  was  past,  we  explained,  as  well  as  we  could,  how  we 


6o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

obtained  the  child.  Upon  hearing  the  name  Pawnee,  he 
sprang  upon  his  feet,  and  rushed  into  his  tent.  He  soon  came 
out,  bringing  with  him  two  Indian  scalps,  and  his  bow  and 
arrows,  and  insisted,  that  we  should  look  at  the  scalps, 
making  signs  to  tell  us,  that  they  were  Pawnee  scalps,  which 
he  took  at  the  time  he  lost  his  child.  After  he  finished  this 
explanation,  he  would  lay  the  scalps  a  short  distance  from 
him,  and  shoot  his  arrows  through  them,  to  prove  his  great 
enmity  to  this  nation.  He  then  presented  my  father  a  pair 
of  leggins  and  a  pipe,  both  neatly  decorated  with  porcupine 
quills;  and  accompanied  by  his  child,  withdrew  to  his  tent, 
for  the  night.  Just  as  the  morning  star  became  visible,  we 
were  aroused  from  our  slumbers,  by  the  crying  and  shouting 
of  the  Indians  in  their  tent.  We  arose,  and  approached  it, 
to  ascertain  the  cause  of  the  noise.  Looking  in,  we  saw 
the  Indians  all  laying  prostrate  with  their  faces  to  the 
ground.  We  remained  observing  them,  until  the  full  light 
of  day  came  upon  them. —  They  then  arose,  and  placed  them- 
selves around  the  fire.  The  next  movement  was  to  light  a 
pipe,  and  begin  to  smoke.  Seeing  them  blow  the  smoke 
first  towards  the  point  where  the  sun  arose,  and  then  towards 
heaven,  our  curiosity  was  aroused,  to  know  the  meaning  of 
what  we  had  seen.  The  old  chief  told  us  by  signs,  that  they 
had  been  thanking  the  Great  Spirit  for  allowing  them  to  see 
another  day.  We  then  purchased  a  few  beaver  [31]  skins 
of  them,  and  left  them.  Our  encampment  for  the  evening 
of  this  day,  was  near  a  small  spring,  at  the  head  of  which  we 
found  a  great  natural  curiosity.  A  rock  sixteen  yards  in 
circumference,  rises  from  eighty  to  ninety  feet  in  height, 
according  to  our  best  judgment,  from  a  surface  upon  which, 
in  all  directions,  not  the  smallest  particle  of  rock,  not  even 
a  pebble  can  be  found.  We  were  unable  to  reach  the  top 
of  it,  although  it  was  full  of  holes,  in  which  the  hawks  and 
ravens  built  their  nests.  We  gave  the  spring  the  name  of 
Rock  Castle  spring.     On  the  morning  of  the  9th,  we  left 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  6 1 

this  spot,  and  at  night  reached  the  foot  of  a  large  dividing 
ridge,  which  separates  the  waters  of  the  Platte  from  those 
of  the  Arkansas.^^  After  completing  our  arrangements  for 
the  night,  some  of  us  ascended  to  the  top  of  the  ridge,  to 
look  out  for  Indians;  but  we  saw  none. 

The  succeeding  morning  we  crossed  the  ridge,  and  came 
to  water  in  the  evening,  where  we  encamped.  Here  we 
killed  a  white  bear,^^  which  occupied  several  of  us  at  least 
an  hour.  It  was  constantly  in  chase  of  one  or  another  of 
us,  thus  withholding  us  from  shooting  at  it,  through  fear  of 
wounding  each  other.  This  was  the  first,  I  had  ever  seen. 
His  claws  were  four  inches  long,  and  very  sharp.  He  had 
killed  a  buffaloe  bull,  eaten  a  part  of  it,  and  buried  the 
remainder.  When  we  came  upon  him,  he  was  watching  the 
spot,  where  he  had  buried  it,  to  keep  off  the  wolves,  which 
literally  surrounded  him. 

On  the  nth,  we  travelled  over  some  hilly  ground.  In 
the  course  of  the  day,  we  killed  three  white  bears,  the  claws 
of  which  I  saved,  they  being  of  considerable  value  among 
the  Indians,  who  wear  them  around  the  neck,  as  the  dis- 
tinguishing mark  of  a  brave.  Those  Indians,  who  wear 
this  ornament,  view  those,  who  do  not,  as  their  inferiors. 
We  came  to  water,  and  encamped  early.  I  was  one  of  the 
guard  for  the  night,  which  was  rather  cloudy.  About  the 
middle  of  my  guard,  our  horses  became  uneasy,  and  in  a 
few  moments  more,  a  bear  had  gotten  in  among  them,  and 
sprung  upon  one  of  them.  The  others  were  so  much 
alarmed,  that  they  burst  their  fastenings,  and  darted  off  at 
full  speed.  Our  camp  was  soon  aroused,  and  [32]  in  arms, 
for  defence,  although  much  confused,  from  not  knowing 
what  the  enemy  was,  nor  from  what  direction  to  expect  the 


^  Pattie  is  still  among  the  tributaries  of  the  Kansas.  This  must  be  the  di\-iding 
ridge  between  the  sources  of  the  Republican  and  Smoky  Hill  rivers. —  Ed. 

^  This  is  the  grizzly  bear  {Ursus  horribilis),  described  satisfactorily  for  the  first 
time  by  Lewis  and  Clark,  who  also  called  it  the  white  bear. —  Ed. 


62  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

attack.  Some,  however,  immediately  set  off  in  pursuit  of 
our  horses.  I  still  stood  at  my  post,  in  no  little  alarm,  as  I 
did  not  know  with  the  rest,  if  the  Indians  were  around  us 
or  not.  All  around  was  again  stillness,  the  noise  of  those 
in  pursuit  of  the  horses  being  lost  in  the  distance.  Suddenly 
my  attention  was  arrested,  as  I  gazed  in  the  direction,  from 
which  the  alarm  came,  by  a  noise  like  that  of  a  struggle  at 
no  great  distance  from  me.  I  espied  a  hulk,  at  which  I 
immediately  fired.  It  was  the  bear  devouring  a  horse,  still 
alive.  My  shot  wounded  him.  The  report  of  my  gun, 
together  with  the  noise  made  by  the  enraged  bear,  brought 
our  men  from  the  camp,  where  they  awaited  a  second 
attack  from  the  unknown  enemy  in  perfect  stillness. —  Deter- 
mined to  avenge  themselves,  they  now  sallied  forth,  although 
it  was  so  dark,  that  an  object  ten  steps  in  advance  could 
not  be  seen.  The  growls  of  the  bear,  as  he  tore  up  the 
ground  around  him  with  his  claws,  attracted  all  in  his  direc- 
tion. Some  of  the  men  came  so  near,  that  the  animal  saw 
them,  and  made  towards  them.  They  all  fired  at  him,  but 
did  not  touch  him.  All  now  fled  from  the  furious  animal, 
as  he  seemed  intent  on  destroying  them.  In  this  general 
flight  one  of  the  men  was  caught.  As  he  screamed  out  in 
his  agony,  I,  happening  to  have  reloaded  my  gun,  ran  up 
to  relieve  him.  Reaching  the  spot  in  an  instant,  I  placed 
the  muzzle  of  my  gun  against  the  bear,  and  discharging  it, 
kUled  him.  Our  companion  was  literally  torn  in  pieces. 
The  flesh  on  his  hip  was  torn  off,  leaving  the  sinews  bare,  by 
the  teeth  of  the  bear.  His  side  was  so  wounded  in  three 
places,  that  his  breath  came  through  the  openings;  his  head 
was  dreadfully  bruised,  and  his  jaw  broken.  His  breath 
came  out  from  both  sides  of  his  windpipe,  the  animal  in  his 
fury  having  placed  his  teeth  and  claws  in  every  part  of  his 
body.  No  one  could  have  supposed,  that  there  was  the 
slightest  possibility  of  his  recovery,  through  any  human 
means.    We   remained    in    our    encampment    three    days, 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  63 

attending  upon  him,  without  seeing  any  change  for  the  worse 
or  better  in  his  situation.  [33]  He  had  desired  us  from  the 
first  to  leave  him,  as  he  considered  his  case  as  hopeless  as 
ourselves  did.  We  then  concluded  to  move  from  our  en- 
campment, leaving  two  men  with  him,  to  each  of  whom 
we  gave  one  dollar  a  day,  for  remaining  to  take  care  of  him, 
until  he  should  die,  and  to  bury  him  decently. 

On  the  14th  we  set  off,  taking,  as  we  believed,  a  final  leave 
of  our  poor  companion.  Our  feelings  may  be  imagined, 
as  we  left  this  suffering  man  to  die  in  this  savage  region, 
unfriended  and  unpitied.  We  travelled  but  a  few  miles 
before  we  came  to  a  fine  stream  and  some  timber.  Con- 
cluding that  this  would  be  a  better  place  for  our  unfortunate 
companion,  than  the  one  where  he  was,  we  encamped  with 
the  intention  of  sending  back  for  him.  We  despatched  men 
for  him,  and  began  to  prepare  a  shelter  for  him,  should  he 
arrive.  This  is  a  fork  of  Smoke  Hill  river,  which  empties 
into  the  Platte."  We  set  traps,  and  caught  eight  beavers, 
during  the  night.  Our  companions  with  the  wounded  man 
on  a  litter,  reached  us  about  eight  o'clock  at  night. 

In  the  morning  we  had  our  painful  task  of  leave  taking  to 
go  through  again.  We  promised  to  wait  for  the  two  we 
left  behind  at  the  Arkansas  river.  We  travelled  all  day  up 
this  stream. —  I  counted,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty  white  bears.  We  killed  eight,  that  made 
an  attack  upon  us;  the  claws  of  which  I  saved.  Leaving 
the  stream  in  the  evening  we  encamped  on  the  plain.  A 
guard  of  twenty  was  relieved  through  the  night,  to  prevent 
the  bears  from  coming  in  upon  us.  Two  tried  to  do  it  and 
were  killed. 

In  the  morning  we  began  our  march  as  usual:   returning 


^'  Smoky  Hill  River,  the  main  southern  fork  of  the  Kansas,  takes  its  rise  in 
Colorado,  and  receiving  numerous  tributaries  in  its  eastward  course  of  nearly  four 
hundred  miles,  unites  with  the  Republican,  to  form  the  Kansas,  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  latter. —  Ed. 


64  Early  Western  Travels  [\'ol.  18 

to  the  stream,  we  travelled  until  we  came  to  its  head.^*     The 
fountain,  which  is  its  source,  boils  up  from  the  plain,  forming 
a  basin  two  hundred  yards  in  circumference,  as  clear  as 
crystal,  about  five  feet  in  depth.     Here  we  killed  some  wild 
geese  and  ducks.     After  advancing  some  distance  farther 
we  encamped  for  the  night.     Buffaloes  were  not  so  numerous, 
during  this  day's  journey,  as  they  had  been  some  time  pre- 
vious, owing,  we  judged,  to  the  great  numbers  of  white  bears. 
[34]  On  the  17th  we  travelled  until  sunset,  and  encamped 
near  water.     On  the  i8th  we  found  no  water,  but  saw  great 
numbers  of  wild  horses  and  elk.     The  succeeding  morning 
we  set  off  before  light,  and  encamped  at  4  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon by  a  pond,  the  water  of  which  was  too  brackish  to 
drink.     On  the  20th  we  found  water  to  encamp  by.     In  the 
course  of  the  day  I  killed  two  fat  buffaloe  cows.     One  of 
them  had  a  calf,  which  I  thought  I  would  try  to  catch  alive. 
In  order  to  do  so,  I  concluded  it  w^ould  be  well  to  be  free 
from  any  unnecessary  incumbrances,  and  accordingly  laid 
aside  my  shot-pouch,  gun  and  pistols.     I  expected  it  would 
run,  but  instead  of  that,  when  I  came  within  sLx  or  eight 
feet  of  it,  it  turned  around,  and  ran  upon  me,  butting  me 
like  a  ram,  until  I  was  knocked  flat  upon  my  back.     Every 
time  I  attempted  to  rise,  it  laid  me  down  again.     At  last  I 
caught  by  one  of  its  legs,  and  stabbed  it  with  my  butcher 
knife,  or  I  believe  it  would  have  butted  me  to  death.     I 
made  up  my  mind,  that  I  would  never  attempt  to  catch 
another  buffaloe  calf  alive,  and  also,  that  I  would  not  tell 
my  companions  what  a  capsizing  I  had  had,  although  my  side 
did  not  feel  any  better  for  the  butting  it  had  received.     I 
packed  on  my  horse  as  much  meat  as  he  could  carry,  and 
set  out  for  the  camp,  which  I  reached  a  little  after  dark. 
My  father  was  going  in  search  of  me,  believing  me  either 
lost,  or  killed.    He  had  fired  several  guns,  to  let  me  know 
the  direction  of  the  camp. 

"  In  Cheyenne  County,  Colorado.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  65 

We  travelled  steadily  on  the  21st,  and  encamped  at  night 
on  a  small  branch  of  the  Arkansas.  During  the  day,  we  had 
seen  large  droves  of  buffaloes  running  in  the  same  direction, 
in  which  we  travelled,  as  though  they  were  pursued.  We 
could,  however,  see  nothing  in  pursuit.  They  appeared  in 
the  same  confusion  all  night.  On  the  2 2d,  we  marched  fast 
all  day,  the  buffaloes  still  running  before  us.  In  the  evening 
we  reached  the  main  Arkansas,  and  encamped.  The  sky 
indicating  rain,  we  exerted  ourselves,  and  succeeded  in 
pitching  our  tents  and  kindling  fires,  before  the  rain  began 
to  fall.  Our  meat  was  beginning  to  roast,  when  we  saw 
some  Indians  about  half  a  mile  distant,  looking  at  us  from 
a  hill.  We  immediately  tied  our  [35]  mules  and  horses.  A 
few  minutes  after,  ten  Indians  approached  us  with  their 
guns  on  their  shoulders.  This  open,  undisguised  approach 
made  us  less  suspicious  of  them,  than  we  should  otherwise 
have  been.  When  they  were  within  a  proper  distance,  they 
stopped,  and  called  out  Amigo,  Amigo.  One  of  our  num- 
ber understood  them,  and  answered  Amigo,  which  is  friend, 
when  they  came  up  to  us.  They  were  Commanches,^®  and 
one  of  them  was  a  chief.  Our  interpreter  understood  and 
spoke  their  language  quite  well.  The  chief  seemed  bold, 
and  asked  who  was  our  captain?  My  father  was  pointed 
out  to  him.  He  then  asked  us  to  go  and  encamp  with  him, 
saying  that  his  people  and  the  whites  were  good  friends. 
My  father  answered,  that  we  had  encamped  before  we  knew 
where  they  were,  and  that  if  we  moved  now,  we  feared  that 
the  goods  would  be  wet.  The  chief  said,  this  was  very  good ; 
but  that,  as  we  now  knew  where  his  camp  was,  we  must 
move  to  it.  To  this  my  father  returned,  that  if  it  did  not 
rain  next  morning,  we  w^ould;  but  as  before,  that  we  did 
not  wish  to  get  the  goods  wet  to  night.  The  chief  then  said, 
in  a  surly  manner,  'you  don't  intend  then  to  move  to  my 

^'  For  the  Comanche  Indians,  see  James's  Long's  Expedition,  in  our  volume 
xvi,  p.  233,  note  109. —  Ed. 


66  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

camp  to  night?'  My  father  answered,  'Noi'  The  chief 
said  he  should,  or  he  would  come  upon  us  with  his  men, 
kill  us,  and  take  every  thing  we  had.  Upon  this  my  father 
pushed  the  chief  out  of  the  tent,  telling  him  to  send  his  men 
as  soon  as  he  pleased;  that  we  would  kill  them,  as  fast  as 
they  came.  In  reply  the  chief  pointed  his  finger  to  the  spot, 
where  the  sun  would  be  at  eight  o'clock  the  next  morning, 
and  said,  'If  you  do  not  come  to  my  camp,  when  the  sun  is 
there,  I  will  set  all  my  warriors  upon  you.'  He  then  ran 
off  through  the  rain  to  his  own  camp.  We  began,  immedi- 
ately, a  kind  of  breastwork,  made  by  chopping  off  logs,  and 
putting  them  together.  Confidently  expecting  an  attack 
in  the  night,  we  tied  our  horses  and  mules  in  a  sink  hole 
between  us  and  the  river.  It  was  now  dark.  I  do  not 
think  an  eye  was  closed  in  our  camp  that  night;  but  the 
morning  found  us  unmolested ;  nor  did  we  see  any  Indians, 
before  the  sun  was  at  the  point  spoken  of.  When  it  had 
reached  it,  an  army  of  between  six  and  eight  hundred 
mounted  [36]  Indians,  with  their  faces  painted  as  black  as 
though  they  had  come  from  the  infernal  regions,  armed 
with  fuzees  and  spears  and  shields  appeared  before  us. 
Every  thing  had  been  done  by  the  Indians  to  render  this 
show  as  intimidating  as  possible.  We  discharged  a  couple 
of  guns  at  them  to  show  that  we  were  not  afraid,  and  were 
ready  to  receive  them.  A  part  advanced  towards  us;  but 
one  alone,  approaching  at  full  speed,  threw  down  his  bow 
and  arrows,  and  sprang  in  among  us,  saying  in  broken 
English  'Commanches  no  good,  me  lotan,  good  man.'  He 
gave  us  to  understand,  that  the  lotan  nation  was  close  at 
hand,  and  would  not  let  the  Commanches  hurt  us,  and  then 
started  back.  The  Commanches  fired  some  shots  at  us,  but 
from  such  a  distance,  that  we  did  not  return  them.  In  less 
than  half  an  hour,  we  heard  a  noise  like  distant  thunder. 
It  became  more  and  more  distinct,  until  a  band  of  armed 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  67 

Indians,  whom  we  conjectured  to  be  Jotans/"  became 
visible  in  the  distance.  When  they  had  drawn  near,  they 
reined  up  their  horses  for  a  moment,  and  then  rushed  in 
between  us  and  Commanches,  who  charged  upon  the  lotans. 
The  latter  sustained  the  charge  with  firmness.  The  dis- 
charge of  their  fire  arms  and  the  clashing  of  their  different 
weapons,  together  with  their  war-yell,  and  the  shrieks  of  the 
wounded  and  dying  were  fit  accompaniments  to  the  savage 
actors  and  scene.  I  do  not  pretend  to  describe  this  deadly 
combat  between  two  Indian  nations;  but,  as  far  as  I  could 
judge,  the  contest  lasted  fifteen  minutes.  I  was  too  deeply 
interested  in  watching  the  event,  to  note  it  particularly.  We 
wished  to  assist  the  lotans,  but  could  not  distinguish  them 
from  the  mass,  so  closely  were  the  parties  engaged.  We 
withheld  our  fire  through  fear  of  injuring  the  lotans,  whom 
we  considered  our  friends.  It  was  not  long  before  we  saw, 
to  our  great  satisfaction,  the  Commanches  dismounted, 
which  was  the  signal  of  their  entire  defeat.  The  lotans 
then  left  the  Commanches,  and  returned  to  their  women  and 
children,  whom  they  had  left  some  distance  behind.  They 
brought  them  to  our  camp,  and  pitched  their  own  tents  all 
around  us,  except  that  of  the  chief,  which  was  placed  in  the 
centre  with  ours.  A  guard  of  warriors  was  then  posted 
around  [37]  the  encampment,  and  an  order  given  for  the 
wounded  lotans  to  be  brought  into  the  tent  of  the  chief. 
There  were  ten,  two  of  whom  died  before  night.  A  message 
was  now  sent  to  the  chief  of  the  Commanches,  in  obedience 
to  which  he  came  to  the  lotan  chief.  A  council  then  seemed 
to  be  held,  and  a  peace  was  made,  the  terms  of  which  were, 
that  the  lotan  chief  should  pay  the  Commanche  chief  two 
horses  for  every  warrior,  he  had  lost  in  the  battle,  over  the 


*"  letans  (lotans)  is  another  name  for  the  Comanche,  the  latter  being  originally 
the  Spanish  appellation.  See  James's  Long's  Expedition,  in  our  volume  xiv,  p.  223, 
note  179. —  Ed. 


58  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

number  of  lotans  killed.  We  gave  the  lotan  chief  goods  to 
the  amount  of  one  hundred  dollars,  which  pleased  him 
exceedingly.  He  expressed  himself  perfectly  satisfied  with 
this  recompense  for  the  warriors  he  had  lost  in  our  defence. 
The  knowledge,  that  a  party  as  large  as  ours  was  traversing 
the  country,  had  soon  spread  in  all  directions  from  the 
reports  of  Indians,  who  had  met  with  us,  and  we  became  to 
these  savage  tribes  a  matter  of  interest,  as  a  source  of  gain 
to  be  drawn  from  us  by  robbing,  kindness  or  trade. —  Our 
movements  were  observed.  The  Commanches  determined 
to  possess  themselves  of  their  object  by  force;  and  the 
lotans  interfered  in  our  defence,  that  they  might  thus  gain 
their  point  by  extortion  from  friends. 

Not  a  single  Commanche  was  allowed  to  enter  our  camp, 
as  arrangements  were  making  for  the  lotans  to  trade  with 
us.  All,  who  had  any  beaver  skins,  or  dressed  deer  skins, 
were  sent  for.  A  guard  was  placed  around  in  a  circle,  inside 
of  which  the  skins  were  thrown  down.  Each  Indian  then 
inquired  for  the  article  he  wanted.  In  this  way  we  ex- 
changed with  them  butcher  knives,  paint,  and  powder  and 
ball,  for  beaver  and  deer  skins,  to  the  amount  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred dollars,  allowing  them  what  we  considered  the  value 
of  the  skins. 

The  old  Commanche  chief  came  to  the  lotan  chief  to  ask 
permission  to  talk  with  us,  but  was  forbidden ;  and  we  were 
told  not  to  have  any  dealings  with  him.  We  did  not.  The 
lotan  chief  then  gave  us  the  character  of  the  Commanche 
chief.  He  seemed  to  be  thinking  some  time  before  he  began. 
T  know,'  said  he,  'you  must  think  it  strange  that  I  should 
fight  with  the  Commanches,  and  then  pay  them  for  their 
warriors  killed,  over  [38]  our  own  number  lost,  and  make 
peace  with  them.  I  will  give  you  my  reasons  for  doing  so. 
Four  years  ago,  this  Commanche  chief  with  his  followers, 
went  in  company  with  my  father,  who  was  a  chief,  and  a 
few  of  his  followers,  in  search  of  buffaloes.     After  they  had 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  69 

killed  what  they  wanted,  they  divided  the  meat.  The  Com- 
manche  took  all  the  best  of  it,  leaving  the  remains  for  my 
father.  The  old  man  put  up  with  it,  and  said  nothing.  On 
their  return,  close  to  this  place  they  met  a  band  of  Nabahoes," 
a  nation  that  had  long  been  at  war  with  ours,  and  killed  a 
great  number  of  our  people.  My  father  wanted  to  kill  them, 
and  began  to  fire  upon  them.  The  Commanches  joined  the 
Nabahoes,  and  together  they  killed  my  father  and  most  of 
his  men.  He  then  paid  for  the  lives  he  had  taken,  in  horses, 
giving  twenty  for  my  father,  and  four  for  each  warrior.  I 
only  give  two  horses  for  a  warrior.  I  am  now  happy.  I 
have  killed  three  times  as  many  of  them,  as  they  did  of  us, 
and  paid  less  for  it.  I  know  they  can  never  get  the  upper 
hand  of  me  again.  This  Commanche  chief  is  a  mean  man, 
for  whenever  he  has  power,  he  makes  others  do  as  he 
pleases,  or  he  kills  them,  and  takes  all  they  have.  He 
wanted  to  act  in  this  way  with  you ;  but  I  do  not  think  he 
could,  for  you  know  how  to  shoot  better  than  he  does;  and  you 
would  not  give  up,  as  long  as  you  had  powder  and  ball  and 
one  man  alive.'  My  father  as  commander,  said,  'his  men 
were  all  good  soldiers,  and  knew  how  to  get  the  advantage 
in  fighting;  and  that  we  had  plenty  of  ammunition  and  good 
guns,  and  were  not  in  the  least  afraid  of  being  beaten  by 
them.'  T  think  so,'  replied  the  chief;  'But  I  thank  the 
Great  Spirit,  that  it  happened  as  it  did.  I  have  taken  revenge 
for  the  death  of  my  father,  and  his  people,  and  gained,  I 
hope,  at  the  same  time  the  love  of  a  good  and  brave  people 
by  defending  them. '  We  assured  him  that  he  had,  expressing 
our  thanks  for  his  aid,  and  regret  for  those  who  had  been 

^  The  Navaho  Indians  are  closely  related  to  the  Apache,  both  belonging  to  the 
Athabascan  family.  At  this  time  they  numbered  nearly  ten  thousand  people,  their 
territory  being  west  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  between  the  San  Juan  River  and  latitude 
35°.  Their  manner  of  life  was  more  settled  than  that  of  the  Comanche  and  Apache ; 
and  the  blankets  they  manufacture  have  gained  a  wide  notoriety.  They  are  now 
located,  to  the  number  of  about  one  thousand  five  hundred,  on  the  Navaho  reserva- 
tion in  northwest  New  Mexico  —  Ed. 


yo  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

killed  in  our  defence.  'Yes,'  said  the  chief,  'they  were  brave 
men;  but  they  loved  my  father,  whom  they  have  now  gone 
to  see,  where  they  will  have  plenty  to  eat,  and  drink,  without 
having  to  fight  for  it.'  These  were  his  thoughts,  as  near  as 
I  can  express  them. 

The  Commanche  chief  made  a  second  application  for 
permission  to  talk  with  us,  which  was  now  granted.  His 
object  in  conversing  [39]  with  us,  was,  as  he  said,  to  make 
friends  with  us,  and  induce  us  to  give  him  some  powder  and 
ball.  We  told  him  that  we  would  willingly  make  peace  with 
him;  but  not  give  him  any  thing,  as  we  did  not  break  the 
peace.  He  had  threatened  to  kill  us,  and  take  our  property 
without  any  provocation  from  us,  and  certainly,  if  any 
present  was  necessary,  it  must  come  from  him.  We  did  not, 
however,  wish  any  present  from  him,  and  would  make  peace 
with  him,  provided  he  promised  never  to  kill,  or  try  to  kill 
a  white  man.  He  answered,  that  he  had  neither  done  it, 
or  intended  to  do  it;  that  with  regard  to  us,  he  only  sought 
to  frighten  us,  so  that  we  should  come  to  his  camp,  before 
the  lotans  came  up,  whom  he  knew  to  be  not  far  distant,  in 
order  that  he  might  precede  them  in  trading  with  us,  adding 
that  as  he  had  been  so  disappointed,  he  thought  we  ought 
to  give  him  a  little  powder  and  ball.  Our  answer  was,  that 
we  had  no  more  ammunition  to  spare ;  and  that  we  could  not 
depart  from  our  resolution  of  not  purchasing  a  treaty  from 
him;  but  we  would  give  him  a  letter  of  recommendation  to 
the  next  company  that  came  in  this  direction,  by  means  of 
which  he  might  trade  with  them,  and  obtain  what  he  wanted 
of  these  articles.  He  consented  to  a  treaty  on  these  condi- 
tions, and  lighting  his  pipes  we  smoked  friends. 

He  then  asked  us  if  we  came  through  the  Pawnee  village  ? 
We  answered  in  the  afl&rmative.  His  next  question  was, 
had  they  plenty  of  ammunition  ?  Our  reply  was  again,  yes. 
We  were  then  given  to  understand,  that  he  was  then  at  war 
with  them,  and  had  been  for  a  number  of  years,  and  that  he 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  7 1 

should  soon  either  make  peace  with  them,  or  have  a  general 
engagement.  He  would  prefer  peace,  as  they  were  at  war 
with  the  Spaniards,  as  well  as  himself.  By  uniting  forces, 
they  could  beat  the  Spaniards,  though  in  case  of  a  treaty  or 
not,  he  intended  to  go  against  the  Spaniards,  as  soon  as  he 
should  return  from  the  country  of  the  Pawnees.  He  added, 
'I  suppose  you  are  friends  with  the  Spaniards,  and  are  now 
going  to  trade  with  them.'  Our  commander  replied,  that 
we  were  going  to  trade  with  them,  but  not  to  fight  for  them. 
That,  said  the  chief,  is  [40]  what  I  wanted  to  know.  I  do 
not  want  war  with  your  people,  and  should  we  accidentally 
kill  any  of  them,  you  must  not  declare  war  against  us,  as  we 
will  pay  you  for  them  in  horses  or  beaver  skins.  We  did 
not  express  our  natural  feeling,  that  the  life  of  one  man  was 
worth  more  than  all  the  horses  or  beaver  skins,  his  nation 
could  bring  forth;  but  told  him,  that  we  would  not  injure 
his  people,  unless  they  did  ours,  on  purpose.  He  returned, 
apparently  satisfied,  to  his  camp.  We  were  detained  here 
until  the  fourth  of  November  by  our  promise  of  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  the  two  men,  we  had  left  with  our  wounded 
companion.  They  came,  and  brought  with  them  his  gun 
and  ammunition.  He  died  the  fifth  day,  after  we  had  left 
him,  and  was  buried  as  decently,  as  the  circumstances  would 
allow. 

On  the  5th  of  November  *^  we  again  set  off  in  company 
with  a  party  of  lotans.  The  Arkansas  is  here  wide  and 
shallow,  like  the  Platte;  and  has  wide  but  thinly  timbered 
bottoms  on  both  sides.  Extending  from  the  bottom  ten  or 
twelve  miles  on  the  south  side,  are  low  hills  composed  prin- 
cipally of  sand.  We  found  travelling  upon  them  very 
fatiguing,  particularly  as  we  met  with  no  water.  Late  in 
the  evening  we  reached  water,  and  encamped. 

The  next  morning  we  resumed  our  journey.     We  were 

^  Manifestly  a  slip,  since  the  subsequent  dates  show  that  it  was  the  fifth  of 
October. —  Ed. 


y2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

exceedingly  diverted,  during  the  day,  to  see  the  lotan  Indians 
in  company  with  us,  chase  the  buffaloes  on  horseback.  They 
killed  them  with  their  arrows.  The  force,  with  which  they 
shoot  these  arrows,  is  astonishing.  I  saw  one  of  them  shoot 
an  arrow  through  a  buffaloe  bull,  that  had  been  driven  close 
to  our  camp.  We  were  again  upon  level  plains,  stretch- 
ing off  in  all  directions  beyond  the  reach  of  the  eye.  The 
few  high  mounds  scattered  over  them  could  not  but  power- 
fully arrest  the  curiosity.  From  the  summit  of  one  I  again 
looked  down  upon  innumerable  droves  of  wild  animals, 
dotting  the  surface,  as  they  seemed  to  forget  their  savage 
natures,  and  fed,  or  reposed  in  peace.  I  indulged  the 
thoughts  natural  to  such  a  position  and  scene.  The  remem- 
brance of  home,  with  its  duties  and  pleasures,  came  upon 
my  mind  in  strong  contrast  with  my  actual  circumstances. 
[41]  I  was  interrupted  by  the  discharge  of  guns,  and  the 
screams  and  yells  of  Indians.  The  lotans  had  found  six 
Nabahoes  a  half  a  mile  from  us,  and  were  killing  them. 
Three  were  killed.  The  others,  being  well  mounted,  made 
their  escape.  The  lotans  came  to  our  camp  with  their 
scalps,  leaving  their  bodies  to  be  eaten  by  wild  animals.  My 
father  sent  men  to  bury  them.  The  lotans  danced  around 
these  scalps  all  night,  and  in  the  morning  took  up  the  bodies, 
we  had  buried,  and  cut  them  in  pieces.  They  then  covered 
themselves  with  the  skins  of  bears  and  panthers,  and,  taking 
/  the  hearts  of  the  dead  men,  cut  them  into  pieces  of  the  size 
of  a  mouthful,  and  laid  them  upon  the  ground,  and  kneeling 
put  their  hands  on  the  ground,  and  crawled  around  the  pieces 
of  hearts,  growling  as  though  they  were  enraged  bears,  or 
panthers,  ready  to  spring  upon  them,  and  eat  them.  This 
is  their  mode  of  showing  hatred  to  their  enemies.  Not  relish- 
ing such  detestable  conduct,  we  so  manifested  our  feelings, 
that  these  Indians  went  to  their  own  camps. 

We  encamped  the  evening  of  the  next  day  near  water. 
Nothing  worthy  of  record  occurred  during  the  journey  of  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  73 

four  succeeding  days,  except  that  we  came  to  a  small  creek 
called  Simaronee."  Here  we  encamped,  and  killed  some 
buffaloes,  and  shod  our  horses.  We  travelled  up  this  stream 
some  distance,  and  left  it  on  the  15th. 

On  the  1 6th  we  encamped  on  a  creek,  where  we  found  four 
gentle  mules,  which  we  caught.  I  could  not  account  for 
their  being  there.  Nothing  of  importance  occurred  in  the 
two  last  days. 

From  the  17th  to  the  20th,  we  journied  without  interrup- 
tion. The  latter  day  we  came  in  view  of  a  mountain  covered 
with  snow,  called  Taos  mountain.  This  object  awakened 
in  our  minds  singular  but  pleasant  feelings.  On  the  23d 
we  reached  its  foot.  Here  Mr.  Pratte  concealed  a  part  of  his 
goods  by  burying  them  in  the  ground.  We  were  three  days 
crossing  this  mountain. 

On  the  evening  of  the  26th,  we  arrived  at  a  small  town  in 
Taos,  called  St.  Ferdinando,"  situated  just  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  on  the  west  side.  The  alcalde  asked  us  for  the 
invoice  [42]  of  our  goods,  which  we  showed  him,  and  paid 
the  customary  duties  on  them.  This  was  a  man  of  a  swarthy 
complexion  having  the  appearance  of  pride  and  haughtiness. 

**  For  the  Cimarron  River,  see  Nuttall's  Journal,  volume  xiii  of  our  series,  p.  263, 
note  203. —  Ed. 

**  San  Fernandez  de  Taos  was  one  of  two  small  Spanish  towns  in  the  fertile 
valley  of  Taos,  about  seventy-five  miles  northeast  of  Santa  Fe.  This  vaUey  formed 
the  Mexican  boundary  for  those  who  came  up  Arkansas  River,  and  crossed  to 
New  Mexico  from  the  north.  The  first  Spaniard  to  settle  in  Taos  valley,  so  far  as 
records  show,  came  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century;  for  his  story,  see 
Gregg's  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  in  our  volume  xx.  Fernandez  de  Taos  is  at 
present  the  seat  for  Taos  County,  with  a  population  of  fifteen  hundred.  See 
Report  of  the  Governor  of  New  Mexico  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  (Washington, 
1903),  p.  287. 

The  Indian  pueblo  of  Taos,  discovered  in  154 1  by  Barrionuevo,  one  of  Coronado's 
lieutenants,  lies  about  three  miles  northwest  of  San  Fernandez,  and  has  had  a 
varied  history.  A  Franciscan  mission  was  estabhshed  here  before  1617,  when 
was  built  the  church  which  suffered  bombardment  from  the  American  army  in  1847. 
The  great  Pueblo  revolt  of  1680  was  largely  fomented  at  Taos;  and  again,  in  1837, 
a  half-breed  from  Taos,  Jose  Gonzales,  was  the  leader  of  a  revolt  against  the 
Mexican  government.  There  is  still  a  community  of  Indians  at  this  pueblo,  where 
in  1847  the  final  stand  was  made  against  Price's  army. —  Ed. 


jA  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

The  door- way  of  the  room,  we  were  in,  was  crowded  with 
men,  women  and  children,  who  stared  at  us,  as  though  they 
had  never  seen  white  men  before,  there  being  in  fact,  much 
to  my  surprize  and  disappointment,  not  one  white  person 
among  them.  I  had  expected  to  find  no  difference  between 
these  people  and  our  own,  but  their  language.  I  was  never 
so  mistaken.  The  men  and  women  were  not  clothed  in  our 
fashion,  the  former  having  short  pantaloons  fastened  below 
the  waist  with  a  red  belt  and  buck  skin  leggins  put  on  three 
or  four  times  double.  A  Spanish  knife  is  stuck  in  by  the 
side  of  the  leg,  and  a  small  sword  worn  by  the  side.  A  long 
jacket  or  blanket  is  thrown  over,  and  worn  upon  the  shoul- 
ders. They  have  few  fire  arms,  generally  using  upon  occa- 
sions which  require  them,  a  bow  and  spear,  and  never  wear 
a  hat,  except  when  they  ride.  When  on  horse  back,  they 
face  towards  the  right  side  of  the  animal.  The  saddle,  which 
they  use,  looks  as  ours  would,  with  something  like  an  arm 
chair  fastened  upon  it. 

The  women  wear  upon  the  upper  part  of  the  person  a 
garment  resembling  a  shirt,  and  a  short  petticoat  fastened 
around  the  waist  with  a  red  or  blue  belt,  and  something  of  the 
scarf  kind  wound  around  their  shoulders.  Although  appear- 
ing as  poorly,  as  I  have  described,  they  are  not  destitute 
of  hospitality;  for  they  brought  us  food,  and  invited  us  into 
their  houses  to  eat,  as  we  walked  through  the  streets. 

The  first  time  my  father  and  myself  walked  through  the 
town  together,  we  were  accosted  by  a  woman  standing  in  her 
own  door-way.  She  made  signs  for  us  to  come  in.  When 
we  had  entered,  she  conducted  us  up  a  flight  of  steps  into  a 
room  neatly  whitewashed,  and  adorned  with  images  of  saints, 
and  a  crucifix  of  brass  nailed  to  a  wooden  cross.  She  gave 
us  wine,  and  set  before  us  a  dish  composed  of  red  pepper, 
ground  and  mixed  with  corn  meal,  stewed  in  fat  and  water. 
We  could  not  eat  it.  She  then  brought  forward  some  tortillas 
and  milk.    Tortillas  [43]  are  a  thin  cake  made  of  corn  and 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  j^ 

wheat  ground  between  two  flat  stones  by  the  women.  This 
cake  is  called  in  Spanish,  metate.  We  remained  with  her 
until  late  in  the  evening,  when  the  bells  began  to  ring.  She 
and  her  children  knelt  down  to  pray.  We  left  her,  and 
returned.  On  our  way  we  met  a  bier  with  a  man  upon  it, 
who  had  been  stabbed  to  death,  as  he  was  drinking  whiskey. 

This  town  stands  on  a  beautiful  plain,  surrounded  on  one 
side  by  the  Rio  del  Norte,**  and  on  the  other  by  the  moun- 
tain, of  which  I  have  spoken,  the  summit  being  covered  with 
perpetual   snow. 

We  set  o£E  for  Santa  Fe  on  the  ist  of  November.  Our 
course  for  the  first  day  led  us  over  broken  ground.  We 
passed  the  night  in  a  small  town,  called  Callacia,  built  on  a 
small  stream,  that  empties  into  the  del  Norte.  The  country 
around  this  place  presents  but  a  small  portion  of  level  sur- 
face. 

The  next  day  our  path  lay  over  a  point  of  the  mountain. 
We  were  the  whole  day  crossing.  We  killed  a  grey  bear, 
that  was  exceedingly  fat.  It  had  fattened  on  a  nut  of  the 
shape  and  size  of  a  bean,  which  grows  on  a  tree  resembling 
the  pine,  called  by  the  Spanish,  pinion.  We  took  a  great 
part  of  the  meat  with  us.  We  passed  the  night  again  in  a 
town  called  Albukerque.*^ 

The  following  day  we  passed  St.  Thomas,*^  a  town  situated 
on  the  bank  of  the  del  Norte,  which  is  here  a  deep  and  muddy 
stream,  with  bottoms  from  five  to  six  miles  wide  on  both 


^  The  Rio  del  Norte  rises  in  the  San  Juan  mountains,  in  southwestern  Colorado. 
Closely  hemmed  in  by  mountains,  it  flows  almost  directly  south  as  far  as  El  Paso, 
where  it  reaches  the  plains  and  thence  forms  the  western  boundary  of  Texas. 
From  El  Paso  it  is  called  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  Bravo. —  Ed. 

**  Pattie  could  not  have  passed  the  town  of  Albuquerque,  as  that  is  seventy-five 
miles  south  of  Santa  Fe.  He  probably  means  Abiquiu,  a  town  on  the  Chama,  a 
western  affluent  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  on  the  well-known  trail  leading  from 
Santa  Fe  to  Los  Angeles,  California.  Pike  passed  down  the  valley  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte  (1807),  and  his  descriptions  of  places  and  of  Mexico  are  as  a  whole  valuable. 
See  Coues,  Expeditions  0}  Zebulon  M.  Pike  (New  York,  1895),  ii. —  Ed. 

"  This  was  the  mission  of  St.  Thomas  de  Abiquiu. —  Ed. 


y6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

sides.  These  bottoms  sustain  numerous  herds  of  cattle. 
The  small  huts  of  the  shepherds,  who  attend  to  them,  were 
visible  here  and  there.  We  reached  another  town  called 
Elgidonis,  and  stopped  for  the  night.  We  kept  guard  around 
our  horses  all  night,  but  in  the  morning  four  of  our  mules 
were  gone.  We  hunted  for  them  until  ten  o'clock,  when  two 
Spaniards  came,  and  asked  us,  what  we  would  give  them,  if 
they  would  find  our  mules?  We  told  them  to  bring  the 
mules,  and  we  would  pay  them  a  dollar.  They  set  off,  two 
of  our  men  following  them  without  their  knowledge  and  went 
into  a  thicket,  where  they  had  tied  the  mules,  and  returned 
with  them  to  us.  As  may  be  supposed,  we  gave  them  both 
a  good  whipping.  It  seemed  at  first,  that  the  whole  [44] 
town  would  rise  against  us  in  consequence.  But  when 
we  related  the  circumstances  fairly  to  the  people,  the  officer 
corresponding  to  our  justice  of  the  peace,  said,  we  had  done 
perfectly  right,  and  had  the  men  put  in  the  stocks. 

We  recommenced  our  journey,  and  passed  a  mission  of 
Indians  under  the  control  of  an  old  priest.  After  crossing 
a  point  of  the  mountain,  we  reached  Santa  Fe,**  on  the  5th. 
This  town  contains  between  four  and  five  thousand  inhab- 
itants. It  is  situated  on  a  large  plain.  A  handsome  stream 
runs  through  it,  adding  life  and  beauty  to  a  scene  striking  and 

*'  Santa  Fe  is  one  of  the  oldest  towns  within  the  present  limits  of  the  United 
States.  The  site  was  first  visited  by  Coronado  in  1541;  but  the  founding  of  the 
town  was  the  work  of  Onate,  who  established  the  colony  of  New  Mexico  in  1598. 
The  date  of  the  founding  of  Santa  Fe  is  uncertain,  owing  to  the  destruction  of  the 
records  by  the  revolt  of  1680;  but  it  was  sometime  between  1605  and  1609.  By 
1630,  Santa  Fe  had  one  thousand  inhabitants;  its  first  church  was  built  on  the 
site  of  the  present  cathedral,  in  1622-27;  the  ancient  governmental  palace,  still 
existing,  dates  from  the  seventeenth  century.  In  1680  the  Spaniards  were  expelled, 
but  twelve  years  later  returned  under  Diego  de  Vargas.  From  that  time  to  the 
present,  Santa  Fe  has  been  continuously  inhabited.  In  the  eighteenth  century, 
French  traders  found  their  way  thither,  and  by  the  early  nineteenth  the  American 
trade  began.  In  1822,  the  Mexican  standard  was  raised  over  the  town,  and  in 
1846  General  Stephen  W.  Kearny  secured  its  surrender  to  the  United  States. 
Santa  Fe  has  always  been  the  capital  of  the  territory.  It  has  now  (1905)  a  popu- 
lation of  about  eight  thousand.  At  the  time  of  Pattie's  visit  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico,  the  first  under  republican  rule,  was  Bartolome  Baca.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  jj 

agreeable  from  the  union  of  amenity  and  cultivation  around, 
with  the  distant  view  of  the  snow  clad  mountains.  It  is 
pleasant  to  walk  on  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses  in  the  evening, 
and  look  on  the  town  and  plain  spread  below.  The  houses 
are  low,  with  flat  roofs  as  I  have  mentioned.  The  churches 
are  differently  constructed  from  the  other  buildings  and  make 
a  beautiful  show.  They  have  a  great  number  of  large  bells, 
which,  when  disturbed,  make  a  noise,  that  would  almost 
seem  sufficient  to  awaken  the  dead. 

We  asked  the  governor  for  permission  to  trap  beaver  in 
the  river  Helay.  His  reply  was  that,  he  did  not  know  if  he 
was  allowed  by  the  law  to  do  so ;  but  if  upon  examination  it 
lay  in  his  power,  he  would  inform  us  on  the  morrow,  if  we 
would  come  to  his  office  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Ac- 
cording to  this  request,  we  went  to  the  place  appointed,  the 
succeeding  day,  which  was  the  9th  of  November.  We  were 
told  by  the  governor,  that  he  had  found  nothing,  that  would 
justify  him,  in  giving  us  the  legal  permission,  we  desired. 
We  then  proposed  to  him  to  give  us  liberty  to  trap,  upon  the 
condition,  that  we  paid  him  five  per  cent  on  the  beaver  we 
might  catch.  He  said,  he  would  consider  this  proposition, 
and  give  us  an  answer  the  next  day  at  the  same  hour.  The 
thoughts  of  our  hearts  were  not  at  all  favorable  to  this  person, 
as  we  left  him. 

About  ten  o'clock  at  night  an  express  came  from  the  river 
Pacus,*^  on  which  the  nobles  have  their  country  seats  and 
large  farming  establishments,  stating,  that  a  large  body  of 
Indians  had  come  upon  several  families,  whom  they  had 
either  robbed,  or  [45]  murdered.     Among  the  number  two 

**  The  Rio  Pecus  is  the  largest  branch  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Rising  in  the  Santa 
F6  mountains  immediately  east  of  Santa  Fe,  and  following  a  south-southeast  course 
for  about  eight  hundred  miles,  it  enters  the  Rio  Grande  in  latitude  29°  41'.  The 
name  is  derived  from  an  old  pueblo,  situated  on  one  of  the  mountain  tributaries 
about  twenty-five  miles  southeast  of  Santa  Fe.  In  1540  this  was  the  largest  Indian 
village  in  New  Mexico,  containing  a  population  of  about  two  thousand  souls;  but 
the  United  States  troops  in  1846  found  it  desolate  and  in  ruins.  A  small  modem 
village  has  grown  up  near  the  ancient  site. —  Ed. 


yg  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

Americans  had  been  killed,  and  the  wife  of  one  taken  pris- 
oner, in  company  with  four  Spanish  women,  one  of  whom  was 
daughter  of  the  former  governor,  displaced  because  he  was 
an  European.    The  drum  and  fife  and  French  horn  began 
to  sound  in  a  manner,  that  soon  awakened,  and  alarmed  the 
whole  town.    The  frightened  women,  and  the  still  more 
fear-stricken  men,  joining  in  a  full  chorus  of  screams  and 
cries,  ran  some  to  where  the  drum  was  beating  in  the  public 
square,  and  others  to  our  quarters.    Upon  the  first  sound 
of  alarm  we  had  prepared  to  repel  the  enemy,  whatever  it 
might  be,  provided  it  troubled  us.    When  this  group  came 
rushing  towards  us,  the  light  of  the  moon  enabled  us  to  discern 
them  with  sufficient  clearness  to  prevent  our  doing  them  any 
injury.    We  did  not  sleep  any  more  that  night,  for  the 
women,  having  got  the  wrong  story,  as  most  women  do  in  a 
case  of  the  kind,  told  us  that  the  Commanches  were  in  town, 
killing  the  people.    We  awaited  an  attack,  without,  how- 
ever, hearing  any  sound  of  fire  arms.     Our  conclusion  was, 
that  they  were  skulking  around,  dealing  out  death  in  dark- 
ness and  silence  with  their  arrows;  and  in  the  feelings,  which 
were  its  natural  result,  the  remainder  of  the  night  passed. 
The  first  light  of  morning  showed  us  a  body  of  four  hundred 
men  ready  to  mount  their  horses.     At  sunrise  the  governor 
came  to  us  to  ask,  if  we  would  aid  in  the  attempt  to  recapture 
the  prisoners  taken  by  the  Commanches,  relating  to  us  the 
real  cause  of  the  alarm  of  the  preceding  night.     We  com- 
plied readily  with  his  request,  as  we  were  desirous  of  gaining 
the  good  will  of  the  people.     Our  arrangements  were  soon 
made,  and  we  set  off  in  company  with  the  troops  I  have  men- 
tioned. 

The  1 2th  was  spent  in  travelling.  We  stopped  for  the 
night  at  St.  John's,  a  small  town.*"    On  the  13th  we  reached 

"  This  small  town,  presumably  to  the  east  of  Santa  Fe,  cannot  be  the  well- 
known  San  Juan,  on  the  Rio  del  Norte  opposite  the  mouth  of  ':he  Chama  River 
and  about  thirty  miles  north  of  Santa  Fe.  This  latter  San  Juan  was  made  the 
capital  of  New  Mexico  by  Onate  in  1598-99,  and  so  remained  until  the  founding  of 
Santa  Fe. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  79 

the  spot,  where  the  murders  and  robbery  were  committed. 
Here  we  took  the  course  the  Indians  had  marked  in  their 
retreat,  stopping  only  for  refreshments.  We  pressed  on  all 
night,  as  we  found  their  fires  still  smoking.  At  eight  on  the 
morning  of  the  15th,  the  trail  being  fresh,  we  increased  our 
speed,  and  at  twelve  came  in  sight  of  them,  as  they  advanced 
toward  a  low  gap  in  [46]  the  mountains.  We  now  halted, 
and  counselled  together  with  regard  to  the  next  movements. 
The  commander  of  the  Spaniards  proposed,  that  my  father 
should  direct  the  whole  proceedings,  promising  obedience 
on  his  own  part  and  that  of  his  troops. 

The  gap  in  the  mountains,  of  which  I  spoke,  was  made 
by  a  stream.  The  Indians  were  now  entering  it.  My 
father  formed  a  plan  immediately,  and  submitted  it  to  the 
Spanish  commander,  who  promised  to  aid  in  carrying  it 
into  effect.  In  conformity  to  it,  the  Spaniards  were  directed 
to  keep  in  rear  of  the  Indians,  without  being  seen  by 
them.  We  took  a  circuitous  route,  screened  from  sight  by 
the  highland,  that  lay  between  us  and  the  Indians,  in  order 
to  gain  unobserved  a  hollow  in  advance  of  them,  in  which 
we  might  remain  concealed,  until  they  approached  within 
gunshot  of  us.  Our  main  object  was  to  surprize  them,  and 
not  allow  them  time  to  kill  their  captives,  should  they  be 
still  alive.  The  party  in  the  rear  were  to  close  in,  upon 
hearing  the  report  of  our  guns,  and  not  allow  them  to  return 
to  the  plain.  Our  plan  seemed  to  assure  us  success.  We 
succeeded  in  reaching  the  hollow,  in  which  we  placed  our- 
selves in  the  form  of  a  half  circle,  extending  from  one  side 
of  it  to  the  other,  our  horses  being  tied  behind  us.  Every 
man  was  then  ordered  to  prime,  and  pick  his  gun  afresh. 
The  right  flank  was  to  fire  first,  the  left  reserving  theirs  to 
give  a  running  fire,  that  should  enable  the  right  to  re-load. 
The  Indians,  surrounding  the  prisoners,  were  to  be  taken 
as  the  first  aim,  to  prevent  the  immediate  murder  of  them 
by  their  captors.  My  post  was  in  the  centre  of  the  line.  We 
waited  an  hour  and  a  half  behind  our  screens  of  rocks  and 


go  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

trees,  before  our  enemies  made  their  appearance.  The 
first  object,  that  came  in  sight,  were  women  without  any 
clothing,  driving  a  large  drove  of  sheep  and  horses.  These 
were  immediately  followed  by  Indians.  When  the  latter 
were  within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  us,  the  order  to  fire  was 
given.  The  women  ran  towards  us  the  moment  they  heard 
the  report  of  our  guns.  In  doing  this  they  encountered  the 
Indians  behind  them,  and  three  fell  pierced  by  the  spears 
of  these  savages.  The  cry  among  us  now  was,  'save  the 
women!'  Another  young  man  and  [47]  myself  sprang  for- 
ward, to  rescue  the  remaining  two.  My  companion  fell  in 
the  attempt.  An  Indian  had  raised  his  spear,  to  inflict 
death  upon  another  of  these  unfortunate  captives,  when  he 
received  a  shot  from  one  of  our  men,  that  rendered  him  inca- 
pable of  another  act  of  cruelty.  The  captives,  one  of  whom 
was  a  beautiful  young  lady,  the  daughter  of  the  governor 
before  spoken  of,  both  reached  me.  The  gratitude  of  such 
captives,  so  delivered,  may  be  imagined.  Fears,  thanks  and 
exclamations  in  Spanish  were  the  natural  expression  of 
feeling  in  such  a  position.  My  companions  aided  me  in 
wrapping  blankets  around  them,  for  it  was  quite  cold ;  and 
making  the  best  arrangements  in  our  power  for  their  com- 
fort and  safety.  This  was  all  done  in  less  time,  than  is 
required  to  relate  it,  and  we  returned  to  our  post. 

The  Indians  stood  the  second  fire,  and  then  retreated. 
We  pursued  keeping  up  a  quick  fire,  expecting  every  mo- 
ment to  hear  the  Spaniards  in  the  rear  following  our  example 
to  check  them  in  their  retreat;  but  we  could  discover  the 
entrance  upon  the  plain,  before  we  heard  any  thing  from 
our  Spanish  muskets.  The  Indians  then  began  to  yell; 
but  the  Spaniards,  after  one  discharge  from  their  fire  arms, 
fled.  Being  mounted  on  good  horses  the  Indians  did  not 
pursue  them,  but  satisfied  as  to  our  numbers,  now  that  we 
were  upon  the  plain,  they  raUied,  and  rushed  upon  us. 
Our  commander  now  ordered  us  to  retreat  into  the  woods, 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  8 1 

and  to  find  shelter  behind  trees,  and  take  aim  that  every  shot 
might  tell,  as  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  not  to  waste 
ammunition,  saying,  'stand  resolute,  my  boys,  and  we  make 
them  repent,  if  they  follow  us,  although  those  *  *  Span- 
iards have  deserted  us,  when  we  came  to  fight  for  them. 
We  are  enough  for  these  *  *  devils  alone.'  As  they  came 
near  us,  we  gave  them  a  scattering  though  destructive  fire, 
which  they  returned  bravely,  still  pressing  towards  us.  It 
was  a  serious  contest  for  about  ten  minutes,  after  they 
approached  within  pistol  shot  of  us.  From  their  yells,  one 
would  have  thought  that  the  infernal  regions  were  open 
before  them,  and  that  they  were  about  to  be  plunged  in 
headlong.  They  finally  began  to  retreat  again,  and  we  soon 
[48]  put  them  completely  to  flight.  The  Spaniards,  though 
keeping  a  safe  distance,  while  this  was  going  forward,  saw 
the  state  of  affairs,  and  joined  us  in  the  pursuit,  still  taking 
especial  care  not  to  come  near  enough  to  the  Indians,  to 
hurt  them,  or  receive  any  injury  themselves.  After  the 
Indians  rallied,  we  lost  ten  men,  and  my  father  received  a 
slight  wound  in  the  shoulder. 

We  removed  our  horses  and  the  rescued  captives  into  the 
plain,  and  encamped.  The  Spaniards  had  killed  an  Indian 
already  wounded,  and  were  riding  over  the  dead  bodies  of 
those  on  the  ground,  spearing  them  and  killing  any,  who  still 
breathed.  My  father  commanded  them  to  desist,  or  he 
would  fire  upon  them,  and  the  Spanish  officer  added  his 
order  to  the  same  effect.  The  latter  then  demanded  of  us, 
the  two  women,  whom  we  had  rescued,  with  as  much  assur- 
ance, as  though  himself  had  been  the  cause  of  their  deliv- 
erance. My  father  replied,  by  asking  what  authority  or 
right  he  had,  to  make  such  a  request,  when  his  cowardice 
withheld  him  from  aiding  in  their  release?  The  officer 
became  enraged,  and  said,  that  he  was  unable  to  rally  his 
men,  and  that  he  did  not  consider  the  captives  any  safer  in 
our  hands  than  in  those  of  the  Indians,  as  we  were  not 


g2  Early  Western  Travels  [\'ol.  i8 

christians.  This  msult,  coupled  with  such  a  lame  apology, 
only  made  my  father  laugh,  and  reply,  that  if  cowardice 
constituted  a  claim  to  Christianity,  himself  and  his  men  were 
prune  and  undoubted  christians.  He  added  further,  that  if 
the  rescued  women  preferred  to  accompany  him,  rather  than 
remain,  until  he  should  have  buried  his  brave  comrades,  who 
fell  in  their  defence,  and  accept  his  protection,  he  had  noth- 
ing to  say.  The  subjects  of  our  discussion,  being  present 
while  it  took  place,  decided  the  point  before  they  were  ap- 
pealed to.  The  youngest  said,  that  nothing  would  induce  her 
to  leave  her  deliverers,  and  that  when  they  were  ready  to  go, 
she  would  accompany  them,  adding,  that  she  should  pray 
hourly  for  the  salvation  of  those,  who  had  resigned  their  lives 
in  the  preservation  of  hers.  The  other  expressed  herself 
willing  to  remain  with  her,  and  manifested  the  same  con- 
fidence and  gratitude.  The  enraged  ojB&cer  and  his  men  set 
off  on  their  return  to  Santa  Fe. 

[49]  The  sun  was  yet  an  hour  from  its  setting.  We 
availed  ourselves  of  the  remaining  light  to  make  a  breastwork 
with  the  timber,  that  had  drifted  down  the  stream,  that  we 
might  be  prepared  for  the  Indians,  in  case  they  should  return. 
We  finished  it,  and  posted  our  sentinels  by  sunset.  The 
governor's  daughter  now  inquired  for  the  individual,  who 
first  met  her  in  her  flight  from  the  Indians,  and  so  humanely 
and  bravely  conducted  her  out  of  danger,  and  provided  for 
her  comfort.  I  cannot  describe  the  gratitude  and  loveliness, 
that  appeared  in  her  countenance,  as  she  looked  on  me,  when 
I  was  pointed  out  to  her.  Not  attaching  any  merit  to  the 
act,  I  had  performed,  and  considering  it  merely  as  a  duty,  I 
did  not  know  how  to  meet  her  acknowledgments,  and  was 
embarrassed. 

On  the  morning  of  the  i6th  we  buried  our  dead.  My 
father's  shoulder  was  a  little  stiff,  and  somewhat  swollen. 
We  saddled  our  horses,  and  began  our  return  journey.  I 
gave  up  my  horse  to  one  of  the  ladies,  and  made  my  way  on 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  83 

foot.  We  drove  the  sheep,  which  escaped  the  balls,  before 
us.  Our  last  look  at  the  ground  of  our  late  contest  gave  a 
view  sufficiently  painful  to  any  one,  who  had  a  heart;  horses 
and  their  riders  lay  side  by  side.  The  bodies  of  robbers 
surrounded  by  the  objects  of  their  plunder  would  probably 
remain,  scattered  as  they  were,  unburied  and  exposed  to  the 
wild  beasts. 

We  halted  in  the  evening  for  the  refreshment  of  ourselves 
and  horses.  This  done,  we  again  set  off  travelling  all  night. 
The  sheep  giving  out,  we  were  obliged  to  leave  them.  At 
twelve  next  day  we  reached  Pacus.  Here  we  met  the  father 
of  the  youngest  of  the  two  ladies  accompanied  by  a  great 
number  of  Spaniards.  The  old  man  was  transported  almost 
to  frenzy,  when  he  saw  his  daughter.  We  remained  here  for 
the  day.  On  the  morning  of  the  i8th  we  all  set  off  together, 
the  old  governor  insisting,  that  my  father  and  myself  must 
ride  in  the  carriage  with  him ;  but  we  excused  ourselves,  and 
rode  by  the  side  of  it  with  the  interpreter.  The  father 
caressed  us  exceedingly,  and  said  a  great  many  things  about 
me  in  particular,  which  I  did  not  think,  I  deserved. 

[50]  The  next  day  at  two  in  the  afternoon,  we  arrived  at 
Santa  Fe.  We  were  received  with  a  salute,  which  we  re- 
turned with  our  small  arms.  The  governor  came  in  the 
evening,  and  invited  my  father  and  the  interpreter  to  sup 
with  him.  He  ordered  some  fat  beeves  to  be  killed  for  the 
rest  of  us.  The  father  of  Jacova,  for  that  was  the  name  of 
the  young  lady,  I  had  rescued,  came,  and  invited  us  all  to 
go,  and  drink  coffee  at  his  son-in-law's,  who  kept  a  coffee- 
house. We  went,  and  when  we  had  finished  our  coffee,  the 
father  came,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  up  a 
flight  of  steps,  and  into  a  room,  where  were  his  two  daughters. 
As  soon  as  I  entered  the  room,  Jacova  and  her  sister  both 
came,  and  embraced  me,  this  being  the  universal  fashion  of 
interchanging  salutations  between  men  and  women  among 
these  people,  even  when  there  is  nothing  more,  than  a  simple 


§4  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

introduction  between  strangers.  After  I  had  been  seated 
an  hour,  looking  at  them,  as  they  made  signs,  and  listening 
to  their  conversation,  of  which  I  did  not  understand  a  sylla- 
ble, I  arose  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  my  companions 
for  the  night.  But  Jacova,  showing  me  a  bed,  prepared  for 
me,  placed  herself  between  me  and  the  door.  I  showed  her 
that  my  clothes  were  not  clean.  She  immediately  brought 
me  others  belonging  to  her  brother-in-law.  I  wished  to  be 
excused  from  making  use  of  them,  but  she  seemed  so  much 
hurt,  that  I  finally  took  them,  and  reseated  myself.  She 
then  brought  me  my  leather  hunting  shirt,  which  I  had 
taken  off  to  aid  in  protecting  her  from  the  cold,  and  begged 
the  interpreter  who  was  now  present,  to  tell  me,  that  she 
intended  to  keep  it,  as  long  as  she  lived.  She  then  put  it 
on,  to  prove  to  me  that  she  was  not  ashamed  of  it. 

I  went  to  bed  early,  and  arose,  and  returned  to  my  com- 
panions, before  any  of  the  family  were  visible.  At  eight  the 
governor  and  my  father  came  to  our  quarters,  and  invited 
us  all  to  dine  with  him  at  two  in  the  afternoon.  Accord- 
ingly we  all  dressed  in  our  best,  and  went  at  the  appointed 
time.  A  band  of  musicians  played  during  dinner.  After 
it  was  finished,  and  the  table  removed,  a  fandango  was  begun. 
The  ladies  flocked  in,  in  great  numbers.  The  instruments, 
to  which  the  dancers'  moved,  were  [51]  a  guitar  and  violin. 
Six  men  and  six  women  also  added  their  voices.  Their  mode 
of  dancing  was  a  curiosity  to  me.  The  women  stood  erect, 
moving  their  feet  slowly,  without  any  spring  or  motion  of 
the  body,  and  the  men  half  bent,  moved  their  feet  like  drum 
sticks.  This  dance  is  called  ahavave.  I  admired  another 
so  much,  that  I  attempted  to  go  through  it.  It  was  a  waltz, 
danced  to  a  slow  and  charming  air.  It  produces  a  fine  effect, 
when  twenty  or  thirty  perform  it  together.  The  dancing 
continued,  until  near  morning,  when  we  retired  to  rest. 

At  eight  the  following  morning  we  received  a  license, 
allowing  us  to  trap  in  different  parts  of  the  country.     We 


I 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  85 

were  now  divided  into  small  parties.  Mr.  Pratte  added 
three  to  our  original  number,  they  making  the  company,  to 
which  my  father  and  myself  belonged,  seven.  On  the  2 2d, 
we  set  off.  Our  course  lay  down  the  del  Norte  to  the  Helay, 
a  river  never  before  explored  by  white  people. ^^  We  left 
our  goods  with  a  merchant,  until  we  should  return  in  the 
spring.  Our  whole  day's  journey  lay  over  a  handsome 
plain  covered  with  herds  of  the  different  domestic  animals. 
We  reached  Picacheh  a  small  town  in  the  evening.  Jacova 
and  her  father  overtook  us  here,  on  their  way  home,  which 
was  eighty  miles  distant  from  Santa  Fe. 

In  the  morning  we  began  our  journey,  together.  During 
the  day  we  passed  several  small  villages  and  stopped  for  the 
night  in  one  called  St.  Philip,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
del  Norte,  surrounded  by  large  vineyards.  Jacova' s  father 
insisted  upon  our  drinking  plentifully  of  the  wine  made  at 
this  place. 

The  morning  of  the  24th  saw  us  again  on  our  journey. 
Our  companion,  the  old  governor,  was  much  amused  at 
seeing  us  kill  wild  geese  and  prairie  wolves  with  our  rifles, 
the  latter  being  abundant  in  this  country.  In  the  evening 
we  reached  another  small  town,  called  St.  Louis.  All  these 
inconsiderable  villages  contain  a  church.  The  succeeding 
day  we  traversed  the  same  beautiful  plain  country,  which 
had  made  our  journey  so  far,  delightful.  The  same  multi- 
tude of  domestic  animals  still  grazed  around  our  path. 

[52]  On  the  27th,  we  arrived  at  the  residence  of  Jacova 
and  her  father.  It  was  a  large  and  even  magnificent  building. 
We   remained   here   until  the   30th,   receiving  the   utmost 


"  "The  Gila  was  known  to  the  whites  before  the  Mississippi  was  discovered;  it 
was  long  better  known  than  the  Rio  Grande  and  down  to  the  present  century  was 
far  better  known  than  the  Rio  Colorado." —  (Coues,  Expeditions  oj  Zebulon  M. 
Pike,  ii,  p.  374.)  The  first  name,  Rio  del  Nombre  de  Jesus,  was  given  to  it  by 
Onate  in  1604;  the  present  name  dates  from  1697.  The  stream  heads  in  the 
mountains  of  western  New  Mexico,  and  traversing  Arizona  empties  into  the  Colo- 
rado at  Fort  Yuma  (32°  43'  north  latitude).     See  post,  notes  54,  63. —  Ed. 


86  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

attention  and  kindness.  At  our  departure,  the  kind  old 
governor  pressed  a  great  many  presents  upon  us;  but  we 
refused  all,  except  a  horse  for  each  one  of  us,  some  flour  and 
dried  meat. 

Seven  hunters  coming  up  with  us,  who  were  going  in  our 
direction,  we  concluded  to  travel  with  them,  as  our  united 
strength  would  better  enable  us  to  contend  with  the  hostile 
Indians,  through  whose  country  our  course  lay.  We  made 
our  way  slowly,  descending  the  river  bank,  until  we  reached 
the  last  town  or  settlement  in  this  part  of  the  province, 
called  Socoro."  The  population  of  the  part  of  the  country, 
through  which  we  travelled  was  entirely  confined  to  a  chain 
of  settlements  along  the  bottoms  of  the  del  Norte,  and  those 
of  some  of  the  rivers,  which  empty  into  it.  I  did  not  see, 
during  the  whole  of  this  journey,  an  enclosed  field,  and  not 
even  a  garden. 

After  remaining  one  day  here,  in  order  to  recruit  our 
horses,  we  resumed  our  course  down  the  river,  Dec.  3d. 
The  bottoms,  through  which  we  now  passed,  were  thinly 
timbered,  and  the  only  growth  was  cotton -wood  and  willow. 
We  saw  great  numbers  of  bears,  deer  and  turkeys.  A  bear 
having  chased  one  of  our  men  into  the  camp,  we  killed  it. 

On  the  7th  we  left  the  del  Norte,  and  took  a  direct  course 
for  the  Copper  mines.  ^^    We  next  travelled  from  the  river 

"This  name,  meaning  succor,  was  given  by  Oiiate  to  the  Indian  pueblo  of 
Teipana,  about  eighty  miles  south  of  Albuquerque,  because  of  the  supplies  of 
maize  furnished  by  the  inhabitants  on  his  expedition  up  the  Rio  del  Norte  (1598-99). 
The  old  pueblo  was  destroyed  in  1681,  and  the  modern  town  founded  in  181 7.  It 
is  now  the  seat  of  Socorro  County,  and  contains  over  1,500  inhabitants.  The 
home  of  the  Spanish  ex-governor  and  his  daughter  must  have  been  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  present  city  of  Albuquerque,  the  largest  town  in  New  Mexico.  Pattie's 
course  quite  closely  followed  the  line  of  the  Santa  Fe  railroad.—  Ed. 

The  mines  were  the  well-known  "Santa  Rita  de  Cobre,"  in  the  western 
angle  of  ^e  Sierra  de  Mogoyon,  near  the  headwaters  of  the  Gila  and  about  one 
hundred  miles  west  of  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Mexicans  began  to  work  them  in  1804. 
They  proved  very  profitable  (see  post,  p.  350),  although  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
supplies  was  great,  owing  to  the  plundering  Apache.  In  1838  these  Indians  en- 
tirely cut  off  the  supply  trains,  and  the  mines  were  abandoned.     They  were  for  a 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  87 

over  a  very  mountainous  country  four  days,  at  the  expiration 
of  which  time  we  reached  this  point  of  our  destination.  We 
were  here  but  one  night,  and  I  had  not  leisure  to  examine 
the  mode,  in  which  the  copper  was  manufactured.  In  the 
morning  we  hired  two  Spanish  servants  to  accompany  us; 
and  taking  a  north-west  course  pursued  our  journey,  until 
we  reached  the  Helay  on  the  14th.  We  found  the  country 
the  greater  part  of  the  two  last  days  hilly  and  somewhat 
barren  with  a  growth  of  pine,  live  oak,  pinion,  cedar  and 
some  small  trees,  of  which  I  did  not  know  the  name.  We 
caught  thirty  beavers,  the  first  night  we  encamped  on  this 
river.  The  next  morning,  accompanied  by  another  man, 
[53]  I  began  to  ascend  the  bank  of  the  stream  to  explore,  and 
ascertain  if  beaver  were  to  be  found  still  higher,  leaving  the 
remainder  of  the  party  to  trap  slowly  up,  until  they  should 
meet  us  on  our  return.  We  threw  a  pack  over  our  shoulders, 
containing  a  part  of  the  beavers,  we  had  killed,  as  we  made 
our  way  on  foot.  The  first  day  we  were  fatigued  by  the 
difficulty  of  getting  through  the  high  grass,  which  covered 
the  heavily  timbered  bottom.  In  the  evening  we  arrived 
at  the  foot  of  mountains,  that  shut  in  the  river  on  both  sides, 
and  encamped.  We  saw  during  the  day  several  bears,  but 
did  not  disturb  them,  as  they  showed  no  ill  feeling  towards 
us. 

On  the  morning  of  the  13th  we  started  early,  and  crossed 
the  river,  here  a  beautiful  clear  stream  about  thirty  yards 
in  width,  running  over  a  rocky  bottom,  and  filled  with  fish. 
We  made  but  little  advance  this  day,  as  bluffs  came  in  so 
close  to  the  river,  as  to  compel  us  to  cross  it  thirty-six  times. 
We  were  obliged  to  scramble  along  under  the  cliffs,  some- 
times upon  our  hands  and  knees,  through  a  thick  tangle  of 


time  (1851)  the  headquarters  of  the  boundary  commission  for  the  United  States 
and  Mexico.  See  Bartlett,  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  (New  York,  1854), 
i,  pp.  226-239.  Mining  was  resumed  in  1873;  the  property  is  now  operated  by  the 
Santa  Rita  Company,  and  is  among  the  best  equipped  mines  in  the  territory. —  Ed. 


gg  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

grape-vines  and  under-brush.  Added  to  the  unpleasantness 
of  this  mode  of  getting  along  in  itself,  we  did  not  know,  but 
the  next  moment  would  bring  us  face  to  face  with  a  bear, 
which  might  accost  us  suddenly.  We  were  rejoiced,  when 
this  rough  ground  gave  place  again  to  the  level  bottom.  At 
night  we  reached  a  point,  where  the  river  forked,  and  en- 
camped on  the  point  between  the  forks.  We  found  here  a 
boiling  spring  so  near  the  main  stream,  that  the  fish  caught 
in  the  one  might  be  thrown  into  the  other  without  leaving 
the  spot,  where  it  was  taken.  In  six  minutes  it  would  be 
thoroughly  cooked. 

The  following  morning  my  companion  and  myself  sepa- 
rated, agreeing  to  meet  after  four  days  at  this  spring.  We 
were  each  to  ascend  a  fork  of  the  river.  The  banks  of  that 
which  fell  to  my  lot,  were  very  brushy,  and  frequented  by 
numbers  of  bears,  of  whom  I  felt  fearful,  as  I  had  never 
before  travelled  alone  in  the  woods.  I  walked  on  with 
caution  until  night,  and  encamped  near  a  pile  of  drift  wood, 
which  I  set  on  fire,  thinking  thus  to  frighten  any  animals 
that  might  approach  during  the  night.  [54]  I  placed  a  spit, 
with  a  turkey  I  had  killed  upon  it,  before  the  fire  to  roast. 
After  I  had  eaten  my  supper  I  laid  down  by  the  side  of  a 
log  with  my  gun  by  my  side.  I  did  not  fall  asleep  for  some 
time.  I  was  aroused  from  slumber  by  a  noise  in  the  leaves, 
and  raising  my  head  saw  a  panther  stretched  on  the  log  by 
which  I  was  lying,  within  six  feet  of  me.  I  raised  my  gun 
gently  to  my  face,  and  shot  it  in  the  head.  Then  springing 
to  my  feet,  I  ran  about  ten  steps,  and  stopped  to  reload  my 
gun,  not  knowing  if  I  had  killed  the  panther  or  not.  Before 
I  had  finished  loading  my  gun,  I  heard  the  discharge  of  one 
on  the  other  fork,  as  I  concluded,  the  two  running  parallel 
with  each  other,  separated  only  by  a  narrow  ridge.  A 
second  discharge  quickly  followed  the  first,  which  led  me 
to  suppose,  that  my  comrade  was  attacked  by  Indians. 

I  immediately  set  out  and  reached  the  hot  spring  by  day 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  89 

break,  where  I  found  my  associate  also.  The  report  of  my 
gun  had  awakened  him,  when  he  saw  a  bear  standing  upon 
its  hind  feet  within  a  few  yards  of  him  growHng.  He  fired 
his  gun,  then  his  pistol,  and  retreated,  thinking,  with  regard 
to  me,  as  I  had  with  regard  to  him,  that  I  was  attacked  by 
Indians.  Our  conclusion  now  was,  to  ascend  one  of  the 
forks  in  company,  and  then  cross  over,  and  descend  the  other. 
In  consequence  we  resumed  the  course,  I  had  taken  the 
preceding  day.  We  made  two  day's  journey,  without 
beaver  enough  to  recompense  us  for  our  trouble,  and  then 
crossed  to  the  east  fork,  trapping  as  we  went,  until  we  again 
reached  the  main  stream.  Some  distance  below  this,  we 
met  those  of  our  party  we  had  left  behind,  with  the  exception 
of  the  seven,  who  joined  us  on  the  del  Norte.  They  had 
deserted  the  expedition,  and  set  off  upon  their  return  down 
the  river.  We  now  all  hastened  on  to  overtake  them,  but 
it  was  to  no  purpose.  They  still  kept  in  advance,  trapping 
clean  as  they  went,  so  that  we  even  found  it  difficult  to  catch 
enough  to  eat. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  come  up  with  them,  we  ceased  to 
urge  our  poor  horses,  as  they  were  much  jaded,  and  tender 
footed  beside,  and  travelled  slowly,  catching  what  beaver 
we  [55]  could,  and  killing  some  deer,  although  the  latter 
were  scarce,  owing,  probably  to  the  season  of  the  year.  The 
river  here  was  beautiful,  running  between  banks  covered 
with  tall  cotton-woods  and  willows.  This  bottom  extended 
back  a  mile  on  each  side.  Beyond  rose  high  and  rather 
barren  hills. 

On  the  20th  we  came  to  a  point,  where  the  river  entered 
a  cavern  between  two  mountains.  We  were  compelled  to 
return  upon  our  steps,  until  we  found  a  low  gap  in  the 
mountains.  We  were  three  day's  crossing,  and  the  travelling 
was  both  fatiguing  and  difficult.     We  found  nothing  to  kill. 

On  the  23d  we  came  upon  the  river,  where  it  emptied  into 
a  beautiful  plain.     We  set  our  traps,  but  to  no  purpose,  for 


90 


Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

the  beavers  were  all  caught,  or  alarmed.  The  river  here 
pursues  a  west  course.  We  travelled  slowly,  using  every 
effort  to  kill  something  to  eat,  but  without  success. 

On  the  morning  of  the  26th  we  concluded,  that  we  must 
kill  a  horse,  as  we  had  eaten  nothing  for  four  day's  and  a  half, 
except  the  small  portion  of  a  hare  caught  by  my  dogs,  which 
fell  to  the  lot  of  each  of  a  party  of  seven.  Before  we  obtained 
this,  we  had  become  weak  in  body  and  mind,  complaining, 
and  desponding  of  our  success  in  search  of  beaver.  Desirous 
of  returning  to  some  settlement,  my  father  encouraged  our 
party  to  eat  some  of  the  horses,  and  pursue  our  journey. 
We  were  all  reluctant  to  begin  to  partake  of  the  horse-flesh; 
and  the  actual  thing  without  bread  or  salt  was  as  bad  as  the 
anticipation  of  it.  We  were  somewhat  strengthened,  how- 
ever, and  hastened  on,  while  our  supply  lasted,  in  the  hope 
of  either  overtaking  those  in  advance  of  us,  or  finding 
another  stream  yet  undiscovered  by  trappers. 

The  latter  desire  was  gratified  the  first  of  January,  1825. 
The  stream,  we  discovered,  carried  as  much  water  as  the 
Helay,  heading  north.  We  called  it  the  river  St.  Francisco." 
After  travelling  up  its  banks  about  four  miles,  we  encamped, 
and  set  all  our  traps,  and  killed  a  couple  of  fat  turkies.  In 
the  morning  we  examined  our  traps,  and  found  in  them  37 
beavers!  This  success  restored  our  spirits  instantaneously. 
Exhilarating  [56]  prospects  now  opened  before  us,  and  we 
pushed  on  with  animation.  The  banks  of  this  river  are  for 
the  most  part  incapable  of  cultivation  being  in  many  places 
formed  of  high  and  rugged  mountains.  Upon  these  we  saw 
multitudes  of  mountain  sheep."  These  animals  are  not 
found  on  level  ground,  being  there  slow  of  foot,  but  on  these 
cliffs  and  rocks  they  are  so  nimble  and  expert  in  jumping 

"  The  present  name  of  this  stream,  one  of  the  initial  forks  of  the  Gila.     The 
confluence  is  in  Arizona,  a  few  miles  over  the  New  Mexican  border.—  Ed. 

The  Rocky  Mountain  sheep  {Ovis  montana)  was  well  described  by  Lewis 
and  Clark.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  91 

from  point  to  point,  that  no  dog  or  wolf  can  overtake  them. 
One  of  them  that  we  killed  had  the  largest  horns,  that  I 
ever  saw  on  animals  of  any  description.  One  of  them  would 
hold  a  gallon  of  water.  Their  meat  tastes  like  our  mutton. 
Their  hair  is  short  like  a  deer's,  though  fine.  The  French 
call  them  the  gros  comes,  from  the  size  of  their  horns  which 
curl  around  their  ears,  like  our  domestic  sheep.  These 
animals  are  about  the  size  of  a  large  deer.  We  traced  this 
river  to  its  head,  but  not  without  great  difficulty,  as  the 
cliff's  in  many  places  came  so  near  the  w^ater's  edge,  that  we 
were  compelled  to  cross  points  of  the  mountain,  which 
fatigued  both  ourselves  and  our  horses  exceedingly. 

The  right  hand  fork  of  this  river,  and  the  left  of  the  Helay 
head  in  the  same  mountain,  which  is  covered  with  snow,  and 
divides  its  waters  from  those  of  Red  river.  We  finished  our 
trapping  on  this  river,  on  the  14th.  We  had  caught  the  very 
considerable  number  of  250  beavers,  and  had  used  and 
preserved  most  of  the  meat,  we  had  killed.  On  the  19th  we 
arrived  on  the  river  Helay,  encamped,  and  buried  our  furs 
in  a  secure  position,  as  we  intended  to  return  home  by  this 
route. 

On  the  20th  we  began  to  descend  the  Helay,  hoping  to 
find  in  our  descent  another  beaver  stream  emptying  into  it. 
We  had  abandoned  the  hope  of  rejoining  the  hunters,  that 
had  left  us,  and  been  the  occasion  of  our  being  compelled  to 
feed  upon  horse  flesh.  No  better  was  to  be  expected  of  us, 
than  that  we  should  take  leave  to  imprecate  many  a  curse 
upon  their  heads;  and  that  they  might  experience  no  better 
fate,  than  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  or  be  torn  in 
pieces  by  the  white  bears.  At  the  same  time,  so  ready  are 
the  hearts  of  mountain  hunters  to  relent,  that  I  have  not  a 
doubt  that  each  man  of  us  would  [57]  have  risqued  his  life 
to  save  any  one  of  them  from  the  very  fate,  we  imprecated 
upon  them. 

In  fact,  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  four  of  them,  actually 


0  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

half  starved,  arrived  at  our  camp,  declaring,  that  they  had 
eaten  nothing  for  five  days.  Notwithstanding  our  recent 
curses  bestowed  upon  them,  we  received  them  as  brothers. 
They  related  that  the  Indians  had  assaulted  and  defeated 
them,  robbing  them  of  all  their  horses,  and  killing  one  of 
their  number.  Next  day  the  remaining  two  came  in,  one  of 
them  severely  wounded  in  the  head  by  an  Indian  arrow. 
They  remained  with  us  two  days,  during  which  we  attempted 
to  induce  them  to  lead  us  against  the  Indians,  who  had 
robbed  them,  that  we  might  assist  them  to  recover  what  had 
been  robbed  from  them.  No  persuasion  would  induce  them 
to  this  course.  They  insisted  at  the  same  time,  that  if  we 
attempted  to  go  on  by  ourselves,  we  should  share  the  same 
fate,  which  had  befallen  them. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  we  gave  them  three  horses, 
and  as  much  dried  meat  as  would  last  them  to  the  mines, 
distant  about  150  miles.  Fully  impressed,  that  the  Indians 
would  massacre  us,  they  took  such  a  farewell  of  us,  as  if 
never  expecting  to  see  us  again. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  although  the  weather 
threatened  a  storm,  we  packed  up,  and  began  to  descend 
the  river.  We  encamped  this  night  in  a  huge  cavern  in  the 
midst  of  the  rocks.  About  night  it  began  to  blow  a  tempest, 
and  to  snow  fast.  Our  horses  became  impatient  under  the 
pelting  of  the  storm,  broke  their  ropes,  and  disappeared. 
In  the  morning,  the  earth  was  covered  with  snow,  four  or 
five  inches  deep.  One  of  our  companions  accompanied  me 
to  search  for  our  horses.  We  soon  came  upon  their  trail, 
and  followed  it,  until  it  crossed  the  river.  We  found  it  on 
the  opposite  side,  and  pursued  it  up  a  creek,  that  empties 
into  the  Helay  on  the  north  shore.  We  passed  a  cave  at  the 
foot  of  the  cliffs.  At  its  mouth  I  remarked,  that  the  bushes 
were  beaten  down,  as  though  some  animal  had  been  browsing 
upon  them.  I  was  aware,  that  a  bear  had  entered  the  cave. 
We  collected  some  pine  knots,  split  them  with  our   toma- 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  93 

hawks,  and  kindled  torches,  with  which  I  proposed  to  [58] 
my  companion,  that  we  should  enter  the  cave  together,  and 
shoot  the  bear.  He  gave  me  a  decided  refusal,  notwith- 
standing I  reminded  him,  that  I  had,  more  than  once,  stood 
by  him  in  a  similar  adventure ;  and  notwithstanding  I  made 
him  sensible,  that  a  bear  in  a  den  is  by  no  means  so  formid- 
able, as  when  ranging  freely  in  the  woods.  Finding  it  im- 
possible to  prevail  on  him  to  accompany  me,  I  lashed  my 
torch  to  a  stick,  and  placed  it  parallel  with  the  gun  barrel, 
so  as  that  I  could  see  the  sights  on  it,  and  entered  the  cave. 
I  advanced  cautiously  onward  about  twenty  yards,  seeing 
nothing.  On  a  sudden  the  bear  reared  himself  erect  within 
seven  feet  of  me,  and  began  to  growl,  and  gnash  his  teeth. 
I  levelled  my  gun  and  shot  him  between  the  eyes,  and  began 
to  retreat.  Whatever  light  it  may  throw  upon  my  courage, 
I  admit,  that  I  was  in  such  a  hurry,  as  to  stumble,  and 
extinguish  my  light.  The  growling  and  struggling  of  the 
bear  did  not  at  all  contribute  to  allay  my  apprehensions.  On 
the  contrary,  I  was  in  such  haste  to  get  out  of  the  dark  place, 
thinking  the  bear  just  at  my  heels,  that  I  fell  several  times  on 
the  rocks,  by  which  I  cut  my  limbs,  and  lost  my  gun.  When 
I  reached  the  light,  my  companion  declared,  and  I  can  be- 
lieve it,  that  I  was  as  pale  as  a  corpse.  It  was  some  time, 
before  I  could  summon  sufficient  courage  to  re-enter  the 
cavern  for  my  gun.  But  having  re-kindled  my  light,  and 
borrowed  my  companion's  gun,  I  entered  the  cavern  again, 
advanced  and  listened.  All  was  silent,  and  I  advanced  still 
further,  and  found  my  gun,  near  where  I  had  shot  the  bear. 
Here  again  I  paused  and  listened.  I  then  advanced  onward 
a  few  strides,  where  to  my  great  joy  I  found  the  animal  dead. 
I  returned,  and  brought  my  companion  in  with  me.  We 
attempted  to  drag  the  carcass  from  the  den,  but  so  great 
was  the  size,  that  we  found  ourselves  wholly  unable.  We 
went  out,  found  our  horses,  and  returned  to  camp  for  assist- 
ance.    My  father  severely   reprimanded    me  for  venturing 


94 


Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 


to  attack  such  a  dangerous  animal  in  its  den,  when  the 
failure  to  kill  it  outright  by  the  first  shot,  would  have  been 
sure  to  be  followed  by  my  death. 

Four  of  us  were  detached  to  the  den.  We  were  soon 
enabled  [59]  to  drag  the  bear  to  the  light,  and  by  the  aid  of 
our  beast  to  take  it  to  camp.  It  was  both  the  largest  and 
whitest  bear  I  ever  saw.  The  best  proof,  I  can  give,  of  the 
size  and  fatness  is,  that  we  extracted  ten  gallons  of  oil  from 
it.  The  meat  we  dried,  and  put  the  oil  in  a  trough,  which 
we  secured  in  a  deep  crevice  of  a  cliff,  beyond  the  reach  of 
animals  of  prey.  We  were  sensible  that  it  would  prove  a 
treasure  to  us  on  our  return. 

On  the  28th  we  resumed  our  journey,  and  pushed  down 
the  stream  to  reach  a  point  on  the  river,  where  trapping  had 
not  been  practised.  On  the  30th,  we  reached  this  point, 
and  found  the  man,  that  the  Indians  had  killed.  They  had 
cut  him  in  quarters,  after  the  fashion  of  butchers.  His 
head,  with  the  hat  on,  was  stuck  on  a  stake.  It  was  full  of 
the  arrows,  which  they  had  probably  discharged  into  it,  as 
they  had  danced  around  it.  We  gathered  up  the  parts  of 
the  body,  and  buried  them. 

At  this  point  we  commenced  setting  our  traps.  We 
found  the  river  skirted  with  very  wide  bottoms,  thick-set 
with  the  musquito  trees,^^  which  bear  a  pod  in  the  shape  of  a 
bean,  which  is  exceedingly  sweet.  It  constitutes  one  of  the 
chief  articles  of  Indian  subsistence;  and  they  contrive  to 
prepare  from  it  a  very  palatable  kind  of  bread,  of  which  we 
all  became  very  fond.  The  wild  animals  also  feed  upon  this 
pod. 

On  the  31st  we  moved  our  camp  ten  miles.  On  the  way 
we  noted  many  fresh  traces  of  Indians,  and  killed  a  bear, 

There  are  at  least  three  varieties  of  mesquit-tree  {prosopis)  in  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona.  It  is  related  to  the  acacia  and  locust;  and  the  fruit,  consisting  of 
ten  or  twelve  beans  in  a  sweet,  pulpy  pod,  is  gathered  by  the  Indians,  pounded  in 
a  mortar,  and  made  into  bread.  A  prolific  tree  will  yield  ten  bushels  of  beans  in 
the  hull.     The  Comanche  also  concoct  an  intoxicating  drink  from  this  bean.—  Ed. 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  95 

that  attacked  us.  The  river  pursues  a  west  course  amidst 
high  mountains  on  each  side.  We  trapped  slowly  onward, 
still  descending  the  river,  and  unmolested  by  the  Indians. 
On  the  8th  of  February,  we  reached  the  mouth  of  a  small 
river  entering  the  Helay  on  the  north  shore.  Here  we 
unexpectedly  came  upon  a  small  party  of  Indians,  that  fled 
at  the  sight  of  us,  in  such  consternation  and  hurry,  as  to 
leave  all  their  efifects,  which  consisted  of  a  quantity  of  the 
bread  mentioned  above,  and  some  robes  made  of  rabbit 
skins.  Still  more;  they  left  a  small  child.  The  child  was 
old  enough  to  distinguish  us  from  its  own  people,  for  it 
opened  its  little  throat,  and  screamed  so  lustily,  that  we 
feared  it  would  have  fits.  The  poor  thing  meanwhile  made 
its  [60]  best  efforts  to  fly  from  us.  We  neither  plundered  nor 
molested  their  little  store.  We  bound  the  child  in  such  a 
manner,  that  it  could  not  stray  away,  and  get  lost,  aware, 
that  after  they  deemed  us  sufficiently  far  off,  the  parents 
would  return,  and  take  the  child  away.  We  thence  ascended 
the  small  river  about  four  miles,  and  encamped.  For  fear 
of  surprize,  and  apprehending  the  return  of  the  savages, 
that  had  fled  from  us,  and  perhaps  in  greater  force,  we 
secured  our  camp  with  a  small  breast- work.  We  discovered 
very  little  encouragement  in  regard  to  our  trapping  pursuit, 
for  we  noted  few  signs  of  beavers  on  this  stream.  The  night 
passed  without  bringing  us  any  disturbance.  In  the  morn- 
ing two  of  us  returned  to  the  Indian  camp.  The  Indians 
had  re- visited  it,  and  removed  every  thing  of  value,  and 
what  gave  us  great  satisfaction,  their  child.  In  proof,  that 
the  feelings  of  human  nature  are  the  same  every  where,  and 
that  the  language  of  kindness  is  a  universal  one ;  in  token  of 
their  gratitude,  as  we  understood  it,  they  had  suspended  a 
package  on  a  kind  of  stick,  which  they  had  stuck  erect. 
Availing  ourselves  of  their  offer,  we  examined  the  present, 
and  found  it  to  contain  a  large  dressed  buck  skin,  an  article, 
which  we  greatly  needed  for  moccasins,  of  which  some  of  us 


q6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

were  in  pressing  want.  On  the  same  stick  we  tied  a  red 
handkerchief  by  way  of  some  return. 

We  thence  continued  to  travel  up  this  stream  four  days  in 
succession,  with  very  little  incident  to  diversify  our  march. 
We  found  the  banks  of  this  river  plentifully  timbered  with 
trees  of  various  species,  and  the  land  fine  for  cultivation. 
On  the  morning  of  the  13th,  we  returned  to  the  Helay,  and 
found  on  our  way,  that  the  Indians  had  taken  the  handker- 
chief, we  had  left,  though  none  of  them  had  shown  any 
disposition,  as  we  had  hoped,  to  visit  us.  We  named  the 
stream  we  had  left,  the  deserted  fork,  on  account  of  having 
found  it  destitute  of  beavers.  We  thence  resumed  our 
course  down  the  Helay,  which  continues  to  flow  through  a 
most  beautiful  country.  Warned  by  the  frequent  traces  of 
fresh  Indian  foot-prints,  we  every  night  adopted  [61]  the 
expedient  of  enclosing  our  horses  in  a  pen,  feeding  them  with 
cotton- wood  bark,  which  we  found  much  better  for  them 
than  grass. 

On  the  i6th,  we  advanced  to  a  point,  where  the  river  runs 
between  high  mountains,  in  a  ravine  so  narrow,  as  barely 
to  afford  it  space  to  pass.  We  commenced  exploring  them 
to  search  for  a  gap,  through  which  we  might  be  able  to  pass. 
We  continued  our  expedition,  travelling  north,  until  we  dis- 
covered a  branch,  that  made  its  way  out  of  the  mountains. 
Up  its  ravine  we  ascended  to  the  head  of  the  branch.  Its  foun- 
tains were  supplied  by  an  immense  snow  bank,  on  the  summit 
of  the  mountain.  With  great  labor  and  fatigue  we  reached 
this  summit,  but  could  descry  no  plains  within  the  limits  of 
vision.  On  every  side  the  peaks  of  ragged  and  frowning 
mountains  rose  above  the  clouds,  affording  a  prospect  of 
dreariness  and  desolation,  to  chill  the  heart.  While  we 
could  hear  the  thunder  burst,  and  see  the  lightnmg  glare 
before  us,  we  found  an  atmosphere  so  cold,  that  we  were 
obliged  to  keep  up  severe  and  unremitting  exercise,  to  escape 
freezing. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  97 

We  commenced  descending  the  western  declivity  of  the 
mountains,  amidst  thick  mists  and  dark  clouds,  with  which 
they  were  enveloped.  We  pitied  our  horses  and  mules, 
that  were  continually  sliding  and  falling,  by  which  their 
limbs  were  strained,  and  their  bodies  bruised.  To  our  great 
joy,  we  were  not  long,  before  we  came  upon  the  ravine  of  a 
branch,  that  wound  its  way  through  the  vast  masses  of 
crags  and  mountains.  We  were  disappointed,  however, 
in  our  purpose  to  follow  it  to  the  Helay.  Before  it  mingled 
with  that  stream,  it  ingulfed  itself  so  deep  between  the  cliffs, 
that  though  we  heard  the  dash  of  the  waters  in  their  narrow 
bed,  we  could  hardly  see  them.  We  were  obliged  to  thread 
our  way,  as  we  might,  along  the  precipice,  that  constituted 
the  banks  of  the  creek.  We  were  often  obliged  to  unpack 
our  mules  and  horses,  and  transport  their  loads  by  hand 
from  one  precipice  to  another.  We  continued  wandering 
among  the  mountains  in  this  way,  until  the  23d.  Our 
provisions  were  at  this  time  exhausted,  and  our  horses  and 
[62]  mules  so  worn  out,  that  they  were  utterly  unable  to  pro- 
ceed further.  Thus  we  were  absolutely  obliged  to  lie  by  two 
days.  During  this  time,  Allen  and  myself  commenced  climb- 
ing towards  the  highest  peak  of  the  mountains  in  our  vicinity. 
It  was  night-fall,  before  we  gained  it.  But  from  it  we 
could  distinctly  trace  the  winding  path  of  the  river  in  several 
places;  and  what  was  still  more  cheering,  could  see  smokes 
arising  from  several  Indian  camps.  To  meet  even  enemies, 
was  more  tolerable,  than  thus  miserably  to  perish  with  hun- 
ger and  cold  in  the  mountains.  Our  report  on  our  return 
animated  the  despair  of  our  companions.  On  the  morning 
of  the  25th  we  resumed  our  painful  efforts  to  reach  the  river. 
On  the  28th,  to  our  great  joy,  we  once  more  found  ourselves 
on  its  banks.  A  party  of  Indians,  encamped  there,  fled  at 
our  approach.  But  fortunately  they  left  a  little  mush  pre- 
pared from  the  seeds  of  grass.  Without  scruple  we  devoured 
it  with  appetites  truly  ravenous.     In  the  morning  we  took 


q8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

ten  beavers  in  our  traps,  and  Allen  was  detached  with  me 
to  clear  away  a  path,  through  which  the  pack  horses  might 
pass.  We  were  obliged  to  cross  the  river  twelve  times  in  the 
course  of  a  single  day.  We  still  discovered  the  fresh  foot- 
prints of  Indians,  who  had  deserted  their  camps,  and  fled 
before  us.  We  were  continually  apprehensive,  that  they 
would  fire  their  arrows  upon  us,  or  overwhelm  us  with 
rocks,  let  loose  upon  us  from  the  summits  of  the  high  cliffs, 
directly  under  which  we  were  obliged  to  pass.  The  third 
day,  after  we  had  left  our  company,  I  shot  a  wild  goose  in 
the  river.  The  report  of  my  gun  raised  the  screams  of 
women  and  children.  Too  much  alarmed  to  stop  for  my 
game,  I  mounted  my  horse,  and  rode  toward  them,  with  a 
view  to  convince  them,  or  in  some  way,  to  show  them,  that 
we  intended  them  no  harm.  We  discovered  them  ahead  of  us, 
climbing  the  mountains,  the  men  in  advance  of  the  women, 
and  all  fleeing  at  the  top  of  their  speed.  As  soon  as  they 
saw  us,  they  turned,  and  let  fly  a  few  arrows  at  us,  one  of 
which  would  have  despatched  my  companion,  had  he  not 
been  infinitely  dextrous  in  dodging.  Hungry  and  fatigued 
and  by  no  means  in  the  best  humor,  my  companion  returned 
[63]  them  abundance  of  curses  for  their  arrows.  From 
words  he  was  proceeding  to  deeds,  and  would  undoubtedly 
have  shot  one  of  them,  had  I  not  caught  his  gun,  and  made 
him  sensible  of  the  madness  of  such  a  deed.  It  was  clearly 
our  wisdom  to  convince  them,  that  we  had  no  inclination  to 
injure  them.  Some  of  them  were  clad  in  robes  of  rabbit 
skins,  part  of  which  they  shed,  in  their  hurry  to  clamber 
over  the  rocks. 

Finding  ourselves  unable  to  overtake  them,  we  returned 
to  their  camp,  to  discover  if  they  had  left  any  thing  that  we 
could  eat.  At  no  great  distance  from  their  camp,  we  ob- 
served a  mound  of  fresh  earth,  in  appearance  like  one  of 
our  coal  kilns.  Considering  it  improbable,  that  the  Indians 
would  be  engaged  in  burning  coal,  we  opened  the  mound, 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  99 

and  found  it  to  contain  a  sort  of  vegetable  that  had  the 
appearance  of  herbage,  which  seemed  to  be  baking  in  the 
ground,  to  prepare  it  for  eating.  I  afterwards  ascertained, 
that  it  was  a  vegetable,  called  by  the  Spanish,  mascal, 
(probably  maguey.)"  The  Indians  prepare  it  in  this  way, 
so  as  to  make  a  kind  of  whiskey  of  it,  tasting  like  crab-apple 
cider.  The  vegetable  grows  in  great  abundance  on  these 
mountains. 

Next  day  we  came  to  the  point,  where  the  river  discharges 
its  waters  from  the  mountains  on  to  the  plains.  We  thence 
returned,  and  rejoined  our  company,  that  had  been  making 
their  way  onward  behind  us.  March  3d,  we  trapped  along 
down  a  small  stream,  that  empties  into  the  Helay  on  the 
south  side,  having  its  head  in  a  south  west  direction.  It  being 
very  remarkable  for  the  number  of  its  beavers,  we  gave  it  the 
name  of  Beaver  river.  At  this  place  we  collected  200  skins; 
and  on  the  loth  continued  to  descend  the  Helay,  until  the 
20th,  when  we  turned  back  with  as  much  fur,  as  our  beasts 
could  pack.  As  yet  we  had  experienced  no  molestation 
from  the  Indians,  although  they  were  frequently  descried 
skulking  after  us,  and  gathering  up  the  pieces  of  meat,  we  had 
thrown  away.  On  the  morning  of  the  20th  we  were  all 
prepared  for  an  early  start,  and  my  father,  by  way  of  pre- 
caution, bade  us  all  discharge  our  guns  at  the  word  of  com- 
mand, and  then  re-load  them  afresh,  [64]  that  we  might,  in 
case  of  emergency,  be  sure  of  our  fire.  We  were  directed  to 
form  in  a  line,  take  aim,  and  at  the  word,  fire  at  a  tree.  We 
gave  sufficient  proofs,  that  we  were  no  strangers  to  the  rifle, 
for  every  ball  had  lodged  close  to  the  centre  of  our  mark. 
But  the  report  of  our  guns  was  answered  by  the  yell  of  more 

*' The  maguey  is  the  American  aloe  {Agave  americana).  The  Mexicans  and 
Indians  cut  off  the  leaves  near  the  root,  leaving  a  head  the  size  of  a  large  cabbage. 
The  heads  are  placed  in  the  ground,  overlaid  with  earth,  and  for  a  day  a  fire  is  kept 
burning  on  top  of  them;  they  are  then  eaten,  tasting  something  like  a  beet.  The 
roasted  heads  are  also  placed  in  a  bag  made  of  hides,  and  allowed  to  ferment,  pro- 
ducing the  liquor  known  as  "mescal." —  Ed. 


1  oo  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

than  an  hundred  savages,  above  us  on  the  mountains.  We 
immediately  marched  out  from  under  the  mountains  on  to 
the  plains,  and  beckoned  them  to  come  down,  by  every 
demonstration  of  friendship  in  our  power.  Nothing  seemed 
to  offer  stronger  enticement,  than  to  hold  out  to  them  our 
red  cloth.  This  we  did,  but  without  effect,  for  they  either 
understood  us  not,  or  were  reluctant  to  try  our  friendship. 
Leaving  one  of  our  number  to  watch  their  deportment,  and 
to  note  if  they  followed  us,  we  resumed  our  march.  It 
would  have  been  a  great  object  to  us  to  have  been  able  to 
banish  their  suspicions,  and  make  a  treaty  with  them.  But 
we  could  draw  from  them  no  demonstrations,  but  those  of 
fear  and  surprize.  On  the  25th  we  returned  to  Beaver  river, 
and  dug  up  the  furs  that  we  had  buried,  or  cashed, ^^  as  the 
phrase  is,  and  concluded  to  ascend  it,  trapping  towards  its 
head,  whence  we  purposed  to  cross  over  to  the  Helay  above 
the  mountains,  where  we  had  suffered  so  much  in  crossing. 
About  six  miles  up  the  stream,  we  stopped  to  set  our  traps, 
three  being  selected  to  remain  behind  in  the  camp  to  dry 
the  skins,  my  father  to  make  a  pen  for  the  horses,  and  I 
to  guard  them,  while  they  were  turned  loose  to  feed  in  the 
grass.  We  had  pitched  our  camp  near  the  bank  of  the  river, 
in  a  thick  grove  of  timber,  extending  about  a  hundred  yards 
in  width.  Behind  the  timber  was  a  narrow  plain  of  about 
the  same  width,  and  still  further  on  was  a  high  hill,  to  which 
I  repaired,  to  watch  my  horses,  and  descry  whatever  might 
pass  in  the  distance.  Immediately  back  of  the  hill  I  dis- 
covered a  small  lake,  by  the  noise  made  by  the  ducks  and 
geese  in  it.  Looking  more  attentively,  I  remarked  what 
gave  me  much  more  satisfaction,  that  is  to  say,  three  beaver 
lodges.  I  returned,  and  made  my  father  acquainted  with 
my  discovery.  The  party  despatched  to  set  traps  had  re- 
turned.    My  father   informed  [65]  them   of  my  discovery. 

For  the  method  of  making  a  "cache,"  see  Thwaites,  Original  Journals  oj  the 
Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  index. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  loi 

and  told  them  to  set  traps  in  the  Kttle  lake.  As  we  passed 
towards  the  lake,  we  observed  the  horses  and  mules  all 
crowded  together.  At  first  we  concluded  that  they  col- 
lected together  in  this  way,  because  they  had  fed  enough. 
We  soon  discovered,  that  it  was  owing  to  another  cause. 
I  had  put  down  my  gun,  and  stepped  into  the  water,  to  pre- 
pare a  bed  for  my  trap,  while  the  others  were  busy  in  pre- 
paring theirs.  Instantly  the  Indians  raised  a  yell,  and  the 
quick  report  of  guns  ensued.  This  noise  was  almost 
drowned  in  the  fierce  shouts  that  followed,  succeeded  by  a 
shower  of  arrows  falling  among  us  like  hail.  As  we  ran 
for  the  camp  leaving  all  the  horses  in  their  power,  we  saw 
six  Indians  stealthily  following  our  trail,  as  though  they  were 
tracking  a  deer.  They  occasionally  stopped,  raised  them- 
selves, and  surveyed  every  thing  around  them.  We  con- 
cealed ourselves  behind  a  large  cotton-wood  tree,  and 
waited  until  they  came  within  a  hundred  yards  of  us.  Each 
of  us  selected  a  separate  Indian  for  a  mark,  and  our  signal 
to  fire  together  was  to  be  a  whistle.  The  sign  was  given, 
and  we  fired  together.  My  mark  fell  dead,  and  my  com- 
panions' severely  wounded.  The  other  Indians  seized  their 
dead  and  wounded  companions,  and  fled. 

We  now  rejoined  our  company,  who  were  busily  occupied 
in  dodging  the  arrows,  that  came  in  a  shower  from  the 
summit  of  the  hill,  where  I  had  stationed  myself  to  watch 
our  horses.  Discovering  that  they  were  too  far  from  us, 
to  be  reached  by  our  bullets,  we  retreated  to  the  timber,  in 
hopes  to  draw  them  down  to  the  plain.  But  they  had  had 
too  ample  proofs  of  our  being  marksmen,  to  think  of  return- 
ing down  to  our  level,  and  were  satisfied  to  remain  yelling, 
and  letting  fly  their  arrows  at  random.  We  found  cause 
both  for  regret  and  joy;  regret,  that  our  horses  were  in  their 
power,  and  joy,  that  their  unprovoked  attack  had  been 
defeated  with  loss  to  themselves,  and  none  to  us. 

At  length  they  ceased  yelling,  and  disappeared.     We,  on 


I02  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

our  part,  set  ourselves  busily  to  work  to  fortify  our  camp  for 
the  night.  Meanwhile  our  savage  enemy  devised  a  plan, 
which,  but  for  the  circumspection  of  my  father,  would  have 
enabled  [66]  them  to  destroy  us.  They  divided  themselves 
into  two  parties,  the  one  party  mounted  on  horses,  stolen 
from  us,  and  so  arranged  as  to  induce  the  belief,  that  they 
constituted  the  whole  party.  They  expected  that  we  would 
pursue  them,  to  recover  our  horses.  As  soon  as  we  should 
be  drawn  out  from  behind  our  fortification,  they  had  a 
reserve  party,  on  foot,  who  were  to  rush  in,  between  us  and 
our  camp,  and  thus,  between  two  fires,  cut  us  all  off  together. 
It  so  happened,  that  I  had  retired  a  little  distance  from  the 
camp,  in  the  direction  of  the  ambush  party  on  foot.  I  met 
them,  and  they  raised  a  general  yell.  My  father,  supposing 
me  surrounded,  ran  in  the  direction  of  the  yell,  to  aid  me. 
He,  too,  came  in  direct  contact  with  the  foot  party,  who  let 
fly  a  shower  of  arrows  at  him,  from  which  nothing  but  good 
providence  preserved  him.  He  returned  the  fire  with  his 
gun  and  pistols,  by  which  he  killed  two  of  them,  and  the 
report  of  which  immediately  brought  his  companions  to  his 
side.  The  contest  was  a  warm  one  for  a  few  minutes,  when 
the  Indians  fled.  This  affair  commenced  about  three  in 
the  afternoon;  and  the  Indians  made  their  final  retreat  at 
five ;  and  the  succeeding  night  passed  without  further  moles- 
tation from  them. 

In  the  morning  of  the  26th,  we  despatched  two  of  our  men 
to  bring  our  traps  and  furs.  We  had  no  longer  any  way 
of  conveying  them  with  us,  for  the  Indians  had  taken  all  our 
horses.  We,  however,  in  the  late  contest,  had  taken  four  of 
their's,  left  behind  in  the  haste  of  their  retreat.  As  our 
companions  were  returning  to  camp  with  the  traps,  which 
they  had  taken  up  to  bury,  they  discovered  the  Indians, 
sliding  along  insidiously  towards  our  camp.  We  were  aU 
engaged  in  eating  our  breakfast  in  entire  confidence.  Our 
men  cried  out  to  us,  that  the  enemy  was  close  upon  us.     We 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  103 

sprang  to  our  arms.  The  Indians  instantly  fled  to  the  top 
of  the  hill,  which  we  had  named  battlehill.  In  a  few  minutes 
they  were  all  paraded  on  the  horses  and  mules  stolen  from 
us.  They  instantly  began  to  banter  us  in  Spanish  to  come 
up  to  them.  One  of  our  number  who  could  speak  Spanish, 
asked  them  to  what  nation  they  belonged  ?  They  answered, 
Eiotaro.  In  return,  they  asked  us,  who  we  were?  We 
answered  Americans.  Hearing  this,  they  stood  in  apparent 
[67]  surprise  and  astonishment  for  some  moments.  They 
then  replied,  that  they  had  thought  us  too  brave  and  too 
good  marksmen,  to  be  Spaniards;  that  they  were  sorry  for 
what  they  had  done,  under  the  mistake  of  supposing  us 
Spaniards.  They  declared  themselves  ready  to  make  a 
treaty  with  us,  provided  that  we  would  return  the  four 
horses,  we  had  taken  from  them,  and  bring  them  up  the  hill, 
where  they  promised  us  they  would  restore  us  our  own 
horses  in  exchange.  We  were  at  once  impressed,  that  the 
proposal  was  a  mere  trick,  to  induce  us  to  place  ourselves  in 
their  power.  We  therefore  answered  their  proposal  by 
another,  which  was,  that  they  should  bring  down  our  horses, 
and  leave  them  by  the  pen,  where  they  had  taken  them,  and 
we  in  return  would  let  their  horses  loose,  and  make  friendship 
with  them.  They  treated  our  proposal  with  laughter,  which 
would  have  convinced  us,  had  we  doubted  it  before,  that 
their  only  purpose  had  been  to  ensnare  us.  We  accordingly 
faced  them,  and  fired  upon  them,  which  induced  them  to 
clear  themselves  most  expeditiously. 

We  proceeded  to  bury  our  furs;  and  having  packed  our 
four  horses  with  provisions  and  two  traps,  we  commenced 
our  march.  Having  travelled  about  ten  miles,  we  encamped 
in  a  thicket  without  kindling  a  fire,  and  kept  a  strict  guard 
all  night.  Next  morning  we  made  an  early  march,  stiU 
along  the  banks  of  the  river.  Its  banks  are  still  plentifully 
timbered  with  cotton-wood  and  willow.  The  bottoms  on 
each  side  afford  a  fine  soil  for  cultivation.     From  these 


1 04  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

bottoms  the  hills  rise  to  an  enormous  height,  and  their  sum- 
mits are  covered  with  perpetual  snow.  In  these  bottoms 
are  great  numbers  of  wild  hogs,  of  a  species  entirely  different 
from  our  domestic  swine.  They  are  fox-colored,  with  their 
navel  on  their  back,  towards  the  back  part  of  their  bodies. 
The  hoof  of  their  hind  feet  has  but  one  dew-claw%  and  they 
yield  an  odor  not  less  offensive  than  our  polecat.  Their 
figure  and  head  are  not  unlike  our  swine,  except  that  their 
tail  resembles  that  of  a  bear.  We  measured  one  of  their 
tusks,  of  a  size  so  enormous,  that  I  am  afraid  to  commit  my 
credibility,  by  giving  the  dimensions.  They  remain  undis- 
turbed [68]  by  man  and  other  animals,  whether  through  fear 
or  on  account  of  their  offensive  odor,  I  am  unable  to  say. 
That  they  have  no  fear  of  man,  and  that  they  are  exceedingly 
ferocious,  I  can  bear  testimony  myself.  I  have  many  times 
been  obliged  to  climb  trees  to  escape  their  tusks.  We  killed 
a  great  many,  but  could  never  bring  ourselves  to  eat  them. 
The  country  presents  the  aspect  of  having  been  once  settled 
at  some  remote  period  of  the  past.  Great  quantities  of 
broken  pottery  are  scattered  over  the  ground,  and  there  are 
distinct  traces  of  ditches  and  stone  walls,  some  of  them  as 
high  as  a  man's  breast,  with  very  broad  foundations.  A 
species  of  tree,  which  I  had  never  seen  before,  here  arrested 
my  attention.'^  It  grows  to  the  height  of  forty  or  fifty  feet. 
The  top  is  cone  shaped,  and  almost  without  foliage.  The 
bark  resembles  that  of  the  prickly  pear;  and  the  body  is 
covered  with  thorns.  I  have  seen  some  three  feet  in  diam- 
eter at  the  root,  and  throwing  up  twelve  distinct  shafts. 
On  the  29th,  we  made  our  last  encampment  on  this  river, 
intending  to  return  to  it  no  more,  except  for  our  furs.  We 
set  our  two  traps  for  the  last  time,  and  caught  a  beaver  in 
each. —  We  skinned  the  animals,  and  prepared  the  skins 

'•  This  is  apparently  the  giant  cactus  {Cereus  giganteus).  The  height  to  which 
it  grows  varies  with  the  nature  of  the  soil,  the  average  being  from  twenty  to  thirty 
feet.—  Ed. 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie' s  Personal  Narrative  105 

to  hold  water,  through  fear,  that  we  might  find  none  on  our 
unknown  route  through  the  mountains  to  the  Helay,  from 
which  we  judged  ourselves  distant  two  hundred  miles. 
Our  provisions  were  all  spoiled.  We  had  nothing  to  carry 
with  us  to  satisfy  hunger,  but  the  bodies  of  the  two  beavers 
which  we  had  caught,  the  night  before.  We  had  nothing 
to  sustain  us  in  this  disconsolate  march,  but  our  trust  in 
providence;  for  we  could  not  but  foresee  hunger,  fatigue 
and  pain,  as  the  inevitable  attendants  upon  our  journey. 
To  increase  the  depression  of  our  spirits,  our  moccasins 
were  worn  out,  our  feet  sore  and  tender,  and  the  route  full 
of  sharp  rocks. 

On  the  31st,  we  reached  the  top  of  the  mountain,  and 
fed  upon  the  last  meat  of  our  beavers.  We  met  with  no 
traces  of  game.  What  distressed  me  most  of  all  was,  to 
perceive  my  father,  who  had  already  passed  the  meridian 
of  his  days,  sinking  with  fatigue  and  weakness.  On  the 
morning  of  the  first  of  April,  [69]  we  commenced  descending 
the  mountain,  from  the  side  of  which  we  could  discern  a  plain 
before  us,  which,  however,  it  required  two  severe  days 
travel  to  reach.  During  these  two  days  we  had  nothing 
either  to  eat  or  drink.  In  descending  from  these  icy  moun- 
tains, we  were  surprised  to  find  how  warm  it  was  on  the 
plains.  On  reaching  them  I  killed  an  antelope,  of  which 
we  drank  the  warm  blood;  and  however  revolting  the 
recital  may  be,  to  us  it  was  refreshing,  tasting  like  fresh 
milk.  The  meat  we  put  upon  our  horses,  and  travelled  on 
until  twelve  o'clock,  before  we  found  water. 

Here  we  encamped  the  remainder  of  the  day,  to  rest,  and 
refresh  ourselves.  The  signs  of  antelopes  were  abundant, 
and  the  appearances  were,  that  they  came  to  the  water  to 
drink;  from  which  we  inferred,  that  there  was  no  other 
drinking  place  in  the  vicinity.  Some  of  our  hunters  went 
out  in  pursuit  of  the  antelopes.  From  the  numbers  of  these 
animals,  we  called  the  place  Antelope  Plain.    The  land  lies 


1 06  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

very  handsomely,  and  is  a  rich,  black  soil,  with  heavily 
timbered  groves  in  the  vicinity. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  though  exceedingly  stiff  and 
sore,  we  resumed  our  march,  and  reaching  the  opposite  side 
of  the  plain,  encamped  at  a  spring,  that  ran  from  the  moun- 
tain. Next  day  we  ascended  this  mountain  to  its  summit, 
which  we  found  covered  with  iron  ore.  At  a  distance  we 
saw  a  smoke  on  our  course.  We  were  aware  that  it  was  the 
smoke  of  an  Indian  camp,  and  we  pushed  on  towards  it. 
In  the  evening  we  reached  the  smoke,  but  found  it  deserted 
of  Indians.  All  this  day's  march  was  along  a  country 
abundant  in  minerals.  In  several  places  we  saw  lead  and 
copper  ore.  I  picked  up  a  small  parcel  of  ore,  which  I  put 
in  my  shot-pouch,  which  was  proved  afterward  to  be  an  ore 
of  silver.  The  misfortune  of  this  region  is,  that  there  is  no 
water  near  these  mineral  hills.  We  commenced  our  morning 
march  half  dead  with  thirst,  and  pushed  on  with  the  eager- 
ness inspired  by  that  tormenting  appetite.  Late  in  the 
evening  we  found  a  little  water,  for  our  own  drinking,  in  the 
bottom  of  a  rock.  Not  a  drop  remained  for  our  four  horses, 
that  evidently  showed  a  thirst  no  less  devouring  than  ours. 
[70]  Their  feet  were  all  bleeding,  and  the  moment  we  paused 
to  rest  ourselves,  the  weary  companions  of  our  journey 
instantly  laid  down.  It  went  still  more  to  my  heart,  to  see 
my  two  faithful  dogs,  which  had  followed  me  all  the 
way  from  my  father's  house,  where  there  was  always  bread 
enough  and  to  spare,  looking  to  me  with  an  expression,  which 
a  hunter  in  the  desert  only  can  understand,  as  though  begging 
food  and  water.  Full  gladly  would  I  have  explained  to 
them,  that  the  sterile  wilderness  gave  me  no  means  of 
supplying  their  wants. 

We  had  scarcely  commenced  the  next  morning's  march, 
when,  at  a  little  distance  from  our  course,  we  saw  a  smoke. 
Supposing  it  an  Indian  camp,  we  immediately  concluded  to 
attack  it.    Adopting  their  own  policy,  we  slipped  onward 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 07 

in  silence  and  concealment,  until  we  were  close  by  it.  We 
found  the  persons  women  and  children.  Having  no  dis- 
position to  harm  them,  we  fired  a  gun  over  their  heads,  which 
caused  them  instantly  to  fly  at  the  extent  of  their  speed. 
Hunger  knows  no  laws;  and  we  availed  ourselves  of  their 
provision,  which  proved  to  be  mascal,  and  grass  seed,  of 
which  we  made  mush.  Scanty  as  this  nutriment  was,  it  was 
sufficient  to  sustain  life. 

We  commenced  an  early  march  on  the  6th,  and  were 
obliged  to  move  slowly,  as  we  were  bare-footed,  and  the 
mountains  rough  and  steep.  We  found  them  either  wholly 
barren,  or  only  covered  with  a  stinted  growth  of  pine  and 
cedar,  live  oak  and  barbary  bushes.  On  the  8th,  our  pro- 
visions were  entirely  exhausted,  and  so  having  nothing  to 
eat,  we  felt  the  less  need  of  water.  Our  destitute  and  for- 
lorn condition  goaded  us  on,  so  that  we  reached  the  Helay 
on  the  12th.  We  immediately  began  to  search  for  traces 
of  beavers,  where  to  set  our  traps,  but  found  none.  On  the 
morning  of  the  13th,  we  killed  a  raven,  which  we  cooked 
for  seven  men.  It  was  unsavory  flesh  in  itself,  and  would 
hardly  have  afforded  a  meal  for  one  hungry  man.  The 
miserable  condition  of  our  company  may  be  imagined,  when 
seven  hungry  men,  who  had  not  eaten  a  full  meal  for  ten 
days,  were  all  obliged  to  breakfast  on  this  nauseous  bird. 
We  were  all  weak  and  emaciated.  But  I  was  young  [71] 
and  able  to  bear  hardships.  My  heart  only  ached  for  my 
poor  father  who  was  reduced  to  a  mere  skeleton.  We  moved 
on  slowly  and  painfully,  until  evening,  when  we  encamped. 
On  my  return  from  setting  our  two  traps,  I  killed  a  buzzard, 
which,  disagreeable  as  it  was,  we  cooked  for  supper.  In  the 
morning  of  the  i8th,  I  found  one  of  the  traps  had  caught  an 
otter. 

This  served  for  breakfast  and  supper.  It  seemed  the 
means  of  our  present  salvation,  for  my  father  had  become 
so  weak,  that  he  could  no  longer  travel.     We  therefore 


io8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

encamped  early,  and  three  of  us  went  out  to  hunt  deer  among 
the  hills.  But  in  this  sad  emergency  we  could  find  none. 
When  we  returned,  my  father  had  prepared  lots,  that  we 
should  draw,  to  determine  who  of  us  should  kill  one  of  the 
dogs.  I  refused  through  fear  that  the  lot  would  fall  to  me. 
These  faithful  companions  of  our  sufferings  were  so  dear  to 
me,  that  I  felt  as  though  I  could  not  allow  them  to  be  killed 
to  save  my  own  life ;  though  to  save  my  father,  I  was  aware 
that  it  was  a  duty  to  allow  it  to  be  done. 

We  lay  here  until  the  i8th,  my  father  finding  the  flesh  of 
the  dog  both  sweet,  nutritive  and  strengthening.  On  the 
1 8th,  he  was  again  able  to  travel;  and  on  the  20th,  we  ar- 
rived at  Bear  creek,  where  we  hid  the  bears  oil,  which  we 
found  unmolested.  We  lay  here  two  days,  during  which 
time  we  killed  four  deer  and  some  turkies.  The  venison 
we  dried,  and  cased  the  skin  of  one  of  the  deer,  in  which  to 
carry  our  oil.  We  commenced  an  early  march  on  the  23d, 
and  on  the  25th  reached  the  river  San  Francisco,  where  we 
found  our  buried  furs  all  safe.  I  suffered  exceedingly  from 
the  soreness  of  my  feet,  giving  me  great  pain  and  fever  at 
night.  We  made  from  our  raw  deer  skins  a  very  tolerable 
substitute  for  shoes.  The  adoption  of  this  important 
expedient  enabled  us  to  push  on,  so  that  we  reached  the 
Copper  mines  on  the  29th. 

The  Spaniards  seemed  exceedingly  rejoiced,  and  welcomed 
us  home,  as  though  we  were  of  their  own  nation,  religion 
and  kindred.  They  assured  us,  that  they  had  no  expectation 
ever  to  see  us  again.  The  superintendent  of  the  mines, 
especially,  who  appeared  to  me  a  gentleman  of  the  highest 
order,  received  [72]  us  with  particular  kindness,  and  supplied 
all  our  pressing  wants.  Here  we  remained,  to  rest  and 
recruit  ourselves,  until  the  2d  of  May.  My  father  then 
advised  me  to  travel  to  Santa  Fe,  to  get  some  of  our  goods, 
and  purchase  a  new  supply  of  horses,  with  which  to  return, 
and  bring  in  our  furs.     I  had  a  horse,  which  we  had  taken 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  1 09 

from  the  Indians,  shod  with  copper  shoes,  and  in  company 
with  four  of  my  companions,  and  the  superintendent  of  the 
mines,  I  started  for  Santa  Fe.  The  superintendent  assured 
us,  that  he  would  gladly  have  furnished  us  horses;  but  the 
Appache  Indians^"  had  recently  made  an  incursion  upon 
his  establishment,  stealing  all  his  horses,  and  killing  three 
men,  that  were  herding  them.  This  circumstance  had  sus- 
pended the  working  of  the  mines.  Besides  he  was  unable 
to  procure  the  necessary  coal,  with  which  to  work  them, 
because  the  Appaches  way-laid  the  colliers,  and  killed  them, 
as  often  as  they  attempted  to  make  coal. 

We  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  governor  on  the  12th. 
Jacova,  his  daughter,  received  us  with  the  utmost  affection; 
and  shed  tears  on  observing  me  so  ill;  as  I  was  in  fact  re- 
duced by  starvation  and  fatigue,  to  skin  and  bone.  Beings 
in  a  more  wretched  plight  she  could  not  often  have  an 
opportunity  to  see.  My  hair  hung  matted  and  uncombed. 
My  head  was  surmounted  with  an  old  straw  hat.  My  legs 
were  fitted  with  leather  leggins,  and  my  body  arrayed  in  a 
leather  hunting  shirt,  and  no  want  of  dirt  about  any  part  of 
the  whole.  My  companions  did  not  shame  me,  in  com- 
parison, by  being  better  clad.  But  all  these  repulsive 
circumstances  notwithstanding,  we  were  welcomed  by  the 
governor  and  Jacova,  as  kindly,  as  if  we  had  been  clad  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  their  establishment. 

We  rested  ourselves  here  three  days.  I  had  left  my  more 
decent  apparel  in  the  care  of  Jacova,  when  we  started  from 
the  house  into  the  wilderness  on  our  trapping  expedition. 
She  had  had  my  clothes  prepared  in  perfect  order.  I  once 
more  dressed  myself  decently,  and  spared  to  my  companions 
all  my  clothes  that  fitted  them.     We  all  had  our  hair  trimmed. 

*°  The  Apache  were  long  the  scourge  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  northern 
Mexico.  Living  by  plunder  alone,  they  systematically  robbed  and  killed  Spaniards, 
Mexicans,  and  Americans.  They  belong  to  the  Athabascan  family,  and  comprise 
many  tribes  and  sub-tribes.  At  present  they  number  about  six  thousand  souls, 
and  are  located  on  five  different  reservations. —  Ed. 


1 1  o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

All  this  had  much  improved  our  appearance.  When  we 
started  [73]  on  the  15th,  the  old  gentleman  gave  each  of  us 
a  good  horse,  enabling  us  to  travel  at  our  ease. 

On  the  1 8th  we  arrived  at  Santa  Fe,  where  we  immediately 
met  some  of  our  former  companions.  It  hardly  need  be 
added,  that  the  joy  of  this  recognition  was  great  and  mutual. 
We  found  Air.  Pratte  iU  in  bed.  He  expressed  himself 
delighted  to  see  me,  and  was  stiU  more  desirous  to  see  my 
father.  He  informed  me,  that  four  of  the  company  that  he 
had  detached  to  trap,  had  been  defeated  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  majority  of  them  killed.  He  had,  also,  despaired 
of  ever  seeing  us  again.  I  took  a  part  of  my  goods,  and 
started  back  to  the  mines  on  the  21st.  None  of  my  com- 
panions were  willing  to  accompany  me  on  account  of  the 
great  apprehended  danger  from  the  Indians  between  this 
place  and  the  mines.  In  consequence,  I  hired  a  man  to  go 
with  me,  and  having  purchased  what  horses  I  wanted,  we 
two  travelled  on  in  company.  I  would  have  preferred  to 
have  purchased  my  horses  of  the  old  governor.  But  I 
knew  that  his  noble  nature  would  impel  him  to  give  them  to 
me,  and  felt  reluctant  to  incur  such  an  obligation.  When  I 
left  his  house,  he  insisted  on  my  receiving  a  gold  chain,  in 
token  of  the  perpetual  remembrance  of  his  daughter.  I  saw 
no  pretext  for  refusing  it,  and  as  I  received  it,  she  assured  me 
that  she  should  always  make  mention  of  my  father  and  me 
in  her  prayers. 

I  left  this  hospitable  place  on  the  24th,  taking  all  my 
clothes  with  me,  except  the  hunting  shirt,  which  I  had  worn 
in  the  battle  with  the  Commanches.  This  she  desired  to 
retain,  insisting,  that  she  wished  to  preserve  this  memorial 
to  the  day  of  her  death.  We  arrived  at  the  mines  the  first 
day  of  June,  having  experienced  no  molestation  from  the 
Indians.  We  continued  here,  making  arrangements  for 
our  expedition  to  bring  in  the  furs,  until  the  6th.  The  good 
natured  commander  gave  us  provisions  to  last  us  to  the  point 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  1 1 1 

where  our  furs  were  buried,  and  back  again.  Still  more, 
he  armed  ten  of  his  laborers,  and  detached  them  to  accom- 
pany us.  The  company  consisted  of  four  Americans,  the 
man  hired  at  Santa  Fe,  and  the  commander's  ten  men, 
fifteen  in  all. 

[74]  We  left  the  mines  on  the  7th,  and  reached  Battle-hill 
on  Beaver  river  on  the  22d.  I  need  not  attempt  to  describe 
my  feelings,  for  no  description  could  paint  them,  when  I 
found  the  furs  all  gone,  and  perceived  that  the  Indians  had 
discovered  them  and  taken  them  away.  All  that,  for  which 
we  had  hazarded  ourselves,  and  suffered  ever)'  thing  but 
death,  was  gone.  The  whole  fruit  of  our  long,  toilsome  and 
dangerous  expedition  was  lost,  and  all  my  golden  hopes  of 
prosperity  and  comfort  vanished  like  a  dream.  I  tried  to 
convince  myself,  that  repining  was  of  no  use,  and  we  started 
for  the  river  San  Francisco  on  the  29th.  Here  we  found  the 
small  quantity  buried  there,  our  whole  compensation  for  a 
year's  toil,  misery  and  danger.  We  met  no  Indians  either 
going  or  returning. 

We  arrived  at  the  mines  the  8th  of  July,  and  after  having 
rested  two  days  proposed  to  start  for  Santa  Fe.  The  com- 
mander, don  Juan  Unis,  requested  us  to  remain  \\ith  him 
two  or  three  months,  to  guard  his  workmen  from  the  Indians, 
while  pursuing  their  emplo}'ment  in  the  woods.  He  offered, 
as  a  compensation,  a  dollar  a  day.  We  consented  to  stay, 
though  without  accepting  the  wages.  We  should  have  con- 
sidered ourselves  ungrateful,  after  aU  the  kindness,  he  had 
rendered  us  at  the  hour  of  our  greatest  need,  either  to  have 
refused  the  request,  or  to  have  accepted  a  compensation. 
Consequently  we  made  our  arrangements  to  stay. 

We  passed  our  time  most  pleasantly  in  hunting  deer  and 
bears,  of  which  there  were  great  numbers  in  the  vicinity. 
We  had  no  other  duties  to  perform,  than  to  walk  round  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  workmen,  or  sit  by  and  see  them  work. 
Most  of  my  time  was  spent  ^dth  don  Juan,  who  kindly  under- 


1  I  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

took  to  teach  me  to  speak  Spanish.  Of  him,  having  no  other 
person  with  whom  to  converse,  I  learned  the  language  easily, 
and  rapidly.  One  month  of  our  engagement  passed  off 
without  any  molestation  from  the  Indians.  But  on  the  first 
day  of  August,  while  three  of  us  were  hunting  deer,  we  dis- 
covered the  trail  of  six  Indians  approaching  the  mines. 
We  followed  the  trail,  and  wathin  about  a  mile  from  the 
mines,  we  came  up  with  them.  [75]  They  fled,  and  we  pur- 
sued close  at  their  heels.  Gaining  upon  them,  one  of  them 
dodged  us,  into  the  head  of  a  hollow.  We  surrounded  him. 
As  soon  as  he  saw  that  we  had  discovered  him,  and  that 
escape  was  impossible,  he  sprung  on  his  feet,  threw  away 
his  bow  and  arrows,  and  begged  us  most  submissively  not  to 
shoot  him.  One  of  our  men  made  up  to  him,  while  the  other 
man  and  myself  stood  with  our  guns  cocked,  and  raised  to 
our  faces,  ready  to  shoot  him,  if  he  made  the  least  motion 
towards  his  bow.  But  he  remained  perfectly  still,  crossing 
his  hands,  that  we  might  tie  them.  Having  done  it,  we 
drove  him  on  before  us.  We  had  advanced  about  a  hundred 
yards  from  the  point  where  we  took  him,  when  he  pointed 
out  to  us  a  hollow  tree,  intimating  that  there  was  another 
Indian  concealed  there.  We  bade  him  instruct  his  com- 
panion to  make  no  resistance,  and  to  surrender  himself,  or 
we  would  kill  him.  He  explained  our  words  to  his  com- 
panion in  the  tree.  He  immediately  came  forth  from  his 
concealment  with  his  bow,  and  we  tied  his  hands  in  the  same 
way  as  the  other's.  We  marched  them  before  us  to  the 
mines,  where  we  put  them  in  prison.  The  Spaniards,  exas- 
perated with  their  recent  cruelties  and  murders,  would  have 
killed  them.  We  insisted  that  they  should  be  spared,  and 
they  remained  in  prison  until  the  next  morning. 

We  then  brought  them  out  of  prison,  conversed  with  them, 
and  showed  them  how  closely  we  could  fire.  We  instructed 
one  of  them  to  tell  his  chief  to  come  in,  accompanied  by  all 
his  warriors,  to  make  peace.    We  retained  one  of  the  pris- 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  1 1 3 

oners  as  a  hostage,  assuring  the  other,  that  if  his  chief  did 
not  come  in  to  make  peace,  we  would  put  the  hostage  to 
death.  In  regard  to  the  mode  of  making  it,  we  engaged, 
that  only  four  of  our  men  should  meet  them  at  a  hollow, 
half  a  mile  from  the  mine.  We  enjoined  it  on  him  to  bring 
them  there  within  the  term  of  four  days.  We  readily  discov- 
ered by  the  tranquil  countenance  of  our  hostage,  that  he 
had  no  apprehensions  that  they  would  not  come  in. 

Afterwards,  by  way  of  precaution,  my  father  put  in  requi- 
sition all  the  arms  he  could  find  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mines, 
with  [76]  which  he  armed  thirty  Spaniards.  He  then 
ordered  a  trench  dug,  at  a  hundred  yard's  distance  from  the 
point  designated  for  the  Indians  to  occupy.  This  trench 
was  to  be  occupied  by  our  armed  men,  during  the  time  of 
the  treaty,  in  case,  that  if  the  Indians  should  be  insolent  or 
menacing,  these  men  might  be  at  hand  to  overawe  them,  or 
aid  us,  according  to  circumstances. 

On  the  5th,  we  repaired  to  the  place  designated,  and  in  a 
short  time,  the  Indians  to  the  number  of  80,  came  in  sight. 
We  had  prepared  a  pipe,  tobacco,  and  a  council  fire,  and  had 
spread  a  blanket,  on  which  the  chief  might  sit  down.  As 
soon  as  they  came  near  us,  they  threw  down  their  arms. 
The  four  chiefs  came  up  to  us,  and  we  all  sat  down  on  the 
blanket.  We  commenced  discussing  the  subject,  for  which 
they  were  convened.  We  asked  them,  if  they  were  ready 
to  make  a  peace  with  us;  and  if  not  what  were  the  objec- 
tions? They  replied,  that  they  had  no  objections  to  a  peace 
with  the  Americans,  but  would  never  make  one  with  the 
Spaniards.  When  we  asked  their  reasons,  they  answered 
that  they  had  been  long  at  war  with  the  Spaniards,  and  that 
a  great  many  murders  had  been  mutually  inflicted  on  either 
side.  They  admitted,  that  they  had  taken  a  great  many 
horses  from  the  Spaniards,  but  indignantly  alleged,  that  a 
large  party  of  their  people  had  come  in  to  make  peace  with 
the    Spaniards,    of    which    they    pretended    to    be  very 


1 1 A  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

desirous;  that  with  such  pretexts,  they  had  decoyed  the 
party  within  their  walls,  and  then  commenced  butchering 
them  like  a  flock  of  sheep.  The  very  few  who  had  escaped, 
had  taken  an  unalterable  resolution  never  to  make  peace 
with  them.  'In  pursuance,'  they  continued,  'of  our  pur- 
poses of  revenge,  great  numbers  of  our  nation  went  in  among 
the  Spaniards,  and  were  baptized.  There  they  remain  faith- 
ful spies  for  us,  informing  us  when  and  where  there  were 
favorable  opportunities  to  kill,  and  plunder  our  enemies.' 

We  told  them  in  reply,  that  if  they  really  felt  disposed 
to  be  at  peace  with  the  Americans,  these  mines  were  now 
working  jointly  by  us  and  the  Spaniards;  that  it  was  wrong 
in  them  to  revenge  the  crimes  of  the  guilty  upon  the  innocent, 
and  that  [77]  these  Spaniards  had  taken  no  part  in  the  cow- 
ardly and  cruel  butchery,  of  which  they  had  spoken;  and 
that  if  they  would  not  be  peaceable,  and  allow  us  to  work 
the  mines  unmolested,  the  Americans  would  consider  them 
at  war,  and  would  raise  a  sufficient  body  of  men  to  pursue 
them  to  their  lurking  places  in  the  mountains;  that  they  had 
good  evidence  that  our  people  could  travel  in  the  woods  and 
among  the  mountains,  as  well  as  themselves;  and  that  we 
could  shoot  a  great  deal  better  than  either  they  or  the  Span- 
iards, and  that  we  had  no  cowards  among  us,  but  true  men, 
who  had  no  fear  and  would  keep  their  word. 

The  chiefs  answered,  that  if  the  mines  belonged  to  the 
Americans,  they  would  promise  never  to  disturb  the  people 
that  worked  them.  We  left  them,  therefore,  to  infer  that 
the  mines  belonged  to  us,  and  took  them  at  their  word.  We 
then  lit  the  pipe,  and  all  the  Indians  gathered  in  a  circle 
round  the  fire.  The  four  chiefs,  each  in  succession  made  a 
long  speech,  in  which  we  could  often  distinguish  the  terms 
Americans,  and  Espanola.  The  men  listened  with  profound 
attention,  occasionally  sanctioning  what  was  said  by  a  nod 
of  the  head.  We  then  commenced  smoking,  and  the  pipe 
passed  twice  round  the  circle.     They  then  dug   a   hole  in 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  115 

the  ground  in  the  centre  of  the  circle,  and  each  one  spat  in 
it.  They  then  filled  it  up  with  earth,  danced  round  it,  and 
stuck  their  arrows  in  the  little  mound.  They  then  gathered 
a  large  pile  of  stones  over  it,  and  painted  themselves  red. 
Such  are  their  ceremonies  of  making  peace.  All  the  forms 
of  the  ceremony  were  familiar  to  us,  except  the  pile  of  stones, 
and  spitting  in  the  hole  they  had  dug,  which  are  not  prac- 
tised by  the  Indians  on  the  American  frontiers.  We  asked 
them  the  meaning  of  the  spitting.  They  said,  that  they  did 
it  in  token  of  spitting  out  all  their  spite  and  revenge,  and 
burying  their  anger  under  the  ground. 

It  was  two  o'clock  before  all  these  ceremonies  were  fin- 
ished. We  then  showed  them  our  reserve  force  in  the  trench. 
They  evinced  great  alarm  to  see  their  enemies  the  Spaniards 
so  close  to  them,  and  all  ready  for  action.  We  explained  to 
them,  that  we  intended  to  be  in  good  faith,  if  they  were;  and 
that  these  [78]  men  were  posted  there,  only  in  case  they 
showed  a  disposition  to  violence.  Their  fears  vanished  and 
tranquility  returned  to  their  countenances.  The  chiefs 
laughed,  and  said  to  each  other,  these  Americans  know  how 
to  fight,  and  make  peace  too.  But  were  they  to  fight  us, 
they  would  have  to  get  a  company  entirely  of  their  own 
people;  for  that  if  they  took  any  Spaniards  into  their 
company,  they  would  be  sure  to  desert  them  in  the  time  of 
action. 

We  thence  all  marched  to  the  mines,  where  we  killed  three 
beeves  to  feed  the  Indians.  After  they  had  eaten,  and  were 
in  excellent  humor,  the  head  chief  made  a  present  to  my 
father,  of  ten  miles  square  of  a  tract  of  land  lying  on  a  river 
about  three  miles  from  the  mines.  It  was  very  favorable  for 
cultivation,  and  the  Spaniards  had  several  times  attempted 
to  make  a  crop  of  grain  upon  it ;  but  the  Indians  had  as  often 
either  killed  the  cultivators,  or  destroyed  the  grain.  My 
father  informed  them,  that  though  the  land  might  be  his,  he 
should  be  obliged  to  employ  Spaniards  to  cultivate  it  for 


1 1 6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

him;  and  that,  having  made  the  land  his,  they  must  consider 
these  cultivators  his  people,  and  not  molest  them.  With  a 
look  of  great  firmness,  the  chief  said  'that  he  was  a  man  of 
truth,  and  had  given  his  word,  and  that  we  should  find  that 
nothing  belonging  to  the  mines  would  be  disturbed,  for  that 
he  never  would  allow  the  treaty  to  be  violated.'  He  went 
on  to  add,  'that  he  wanted  to  be  at  peace  with  us,  because 
he  had  discovered,  that  the  Americans  never  showed  any 
disposition  to  kill,  except  in  battle;  that  they  had  had  a  proof 
of  this  in  our  not  killing  the  two  prisoners  we  had  taken; 
but  had  sent  one  of  them  to  invite  his  people  to  come  in,  and 
make  peace  with  us,  and  that  he  took  pleasure  in  making 
known  to  us,  that  they  were  good  people  too,  and  had  no 
wish  to  injure  men  that  did  not  disturb  or  injure  them.' 

All  this  farce  of  bringing  the  Indians  to  terms  of  peace 
with  this  establishment  was  of  infinite  service  to  the  Span- 
iards, though  of  none  to  us;  for  we  neither  had  any  interest 
in  the  mines,  nor  intended  to  stay  there  much  longer.  But 
we  were  glad  to  oblige  don  Juan  who  had  been  so  great  a 
benefactor  [79]  to  us.  He,  on  his  part,  was  most  thankful 
to  us;  for  he  could  now  work  the  mines  without  any  risk  of 
losing  men  or  cattle.  He  could  now  raise  his  own  grain, 
which  he  had  hitherto  been  obliged  to  pack  200  miles,  not 
without  having  many  of  those  engaged  in  bringing  it,  either 
killed  or  robbed.  The  Indians  now  had  so  much  changed 
their  deportment  as  to  bring  in  horses  or  cows,  that  they 
found  astray  from  the  mines.  They  regularly  brought  in 
deer  and  turkies  to  sell,  which  don  Juan,  to  keep  alive  their 
friendship,  purchased,  whether  he  needed  the  articles  or 
not.  Every  day  more  or  less  Indians  came  into  the  settle- 
ment to  go  and  hunt  deer  and  bears  with  us.  They  were 
astonished  at  the  closeness  of  our  shooting;  and  nothing 
seemed  to  delight  them  so  much,  as  our  telling  them,  we 
would  learn  them  to  shoot  our  guns.  My  father  had  the 
honor  to  be  denominated  in  their  language,  the  big  Captain. 


1824- 1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  117 

Don  Juan,  apprehending  that  the  truce  with  the  Indians 
would  last  no  longer  than  while  we  staid,  and  that  after  our 
departure,  the  Indians  would  resume  their  former  habits  of 
robbery  and  murder,  was  desirous  to  retain  us  as  long  as 
possible.  We  agreed  to  stay  until  December,  when  our 
plan  was  to  commence  another  trapping  expedition  on  the 
Helay,  following  it  down  to  its  mouth.  With  every  disposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  don  Juan  to  render  our  stay  agreeable, 
the  time  passed  away  pleasantly.  On  the  i6th  of  September, 
the  priest,  to  whose  diocese  the  mines  belonged,  made  a  visit 
to  the  mines,  to  release  the  spirits  of  those  who  had  died 
since  his  last  visit,  from  purgatory,  and  to  make  Christians 
by  baptising  the  little  persons  who  had  been  born  in  the 
same  time. 

This  old  priest,  out  of  a  reverend  regard  to  his  own  person, 
had  fled  from  this  settlement  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Indian  disturbances;  and  had  not  returned  until  now,  when 
the  Indians  had  made  peace.  A  body  of  Indians  happened 
to  be  in,  when  the  priest  came.  We  were  exceedingly 
amused  with  the  interview  between  the  priest  and  an  Indian 
chief,  who,  from  having  had  one  of  his  hands  bitten  off  by 
a  bear,  was  called  Mocho  Mano.  The  priest  asked  the  one 
handed  chief,  why  [80]  he  did  not  offer  himself  for  baptism  ? 
Mocho  remained  silent  for  some  time,  as  if  ruminating  an 
answer.  He  then  said,  'the  Appache  chief  is  a  very  big 
rogue  now.  Should  he  get  his  crown  sprinkled  with  holy 
water,  it  would  either  do  him  no  good  at  all,  or  if  it  had  any 
effect,  would  make  him  a  greater  rogue ;  for  that  the  priests, 
who  made  the  water  holy,  and  then  went  sprinkling  it  about 
among  the  people  for  money,  were  the  biggest  rogues  of  all.' 
This  made  the  priest  as  angry  as  it  made  us  merry. 

When  we  had  done  laughing,  Mocho  asked  us,  how  we 
baptised  among  our  people?  I  answered  that  we  had  two 
ways  of  performing  it;  but  that  one  way  was,  to  plunge  the 
baptised  person  under  water.     He  replied  promptly,  'now 


1 1 8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

there  is  some  sense  in  that;'  addmg  that  when  a  great  quan- 
tity of  rain  fell  from  the  clouds,  it  made  the  grass  grow ;  but 
that  it  seemed  to  him  that  sprinkling  a  few  drops  of  water 
amounted  to  nothing. 

The  priest,  meanwhile,  prophesied,  that  the  peace  be- 
tween the  Spaniards  and  Indians  would  be  of  very  short 
duration.  On  the  i8th,  he  left  the  mines,  and  returned  to 
the  place  whence  he  had  come.  On  the  20th,  we  started 
with  some  Indian  guides  to  see  a  mountain  of  salt,  that  they 
assured  us  existed  in  their  country.  We  travelled  a  north- 
erly course  through  a  heavily  timbered  country,  the  trees 
chiefly  of  pine  and  live  oak.  We  killed  a  great  number  of 
bears  and  deer  on  the  first  day;  and  on  account  of  their 
reverence  for  my  father,  they  treated  me  as  if  I  had  been  a 
prince.  On  the  second  we  arrived  at  the  salt  hill,  which  is 
about  one  hundred  miles  north  of  the  mines.  The  hill  is 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  length,  and  on  the  front  side  of  it 
is  the  salt  bluff,  eight  or  ten  feet  in  thickness.  It  has  the 
appearance  of  a  black  rock,  divided  from  the  earthy  matters, 
with  which  the  salt  is  mixed.  What  was  to  me  the  most 
curious  circumstance  of  the  whole,  was  to  see  a  fresh  water 
spring  boiling  up  within  twenty  feet  from  the  salt  bluff,  which 
is  a  detached  and  solitary  hill,  rising  out  of  a  valley,  which  is 
of  the  richest  and  blackest  soil,  and  heavily  timbered  [81]  with 
oak,  ash  and  black  walnut.  I  remained  here  two  days, 
during  which  I  killed  fifteen  deer,  that  came  to  lick  salt. 

An  Indian  woman  of  our  company  dressed  all  my  deer 
skins,  and  we  loaded  two  mules  with  the  salt,  and  started 
back  to  the  mines,  where  we  arrived  the  first  of  October. 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  seasonable  or  acceptable  to 
don  Juan,  than  the  salt  we  brought  with  us.  Having  men- 
tioned these  mines  so  often,  perhaps  it  may  not  be  amiss, 
to  give  a  few  details  respecting  them.  Within  the  circum- 
ference of  three  miles,  there  is  a  mine  of  copper,  gold  and 
silver,  and  beside,  a  cliff  of  load   stone.     The  silver  mine 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  119 

is  not  worked,  as  not  being  so  profitable,  as  either  the  copper 
or  gold  mines. 

We  remained  here  to  the  last  of  December,  when  the 
settlement  was  visited  by  a  company  of  French  trappers, 
who  were  bound  for  Red  river. ^^  We  immediately  made 
preparations  to  return  with  them,  which  again  revived  the 
apprehensions  of  don  Juan,  that  the  Indians  would  break 
in  upon  the  settlement  as  soon  as  we  were  gone,  and  again 
put  an  end  to  the  working  of  the  mines.  To  detain  us 
effectually,  he  proposed  to  rent  the  mines  to  us  for  five  years, 
at  a  thousand  dollars  a  year.  He  was  willing  to  furnish 
provisions  for  the  first  year  gratis,  and  pay  us  for  all  the 
improvements  we  should  make  on  the  establishment.  We 
could  not  but  be  aware,  that  this  was  an  excellent  offer. 
My  father  accepted  it.  The  writings  were  drawn,  and  my 
father  rented  the  establishment  on  his  own  account,  selecting 
such  partners  as  he  chose. 

I,  meanwhile,  felt  within  me  an  irresistible  propensity  to 
resume  the  employment  of  trapping.  I  had  a  desire,  which 
I  can  hardly  describe,  to  see  more  of  this  strange  and  new 
country.  My  father  suffered  greatly  in  the  view  of  my 
parting  with  him,  and  attempted  to  dissuade  me  from  it. 
He  strongly  painted  the  dangers  of  the  route,  and  represented 
to  me,  that  I  should  not  find  these  Frenchmen  like  my  own 
country  people,  for  companions.  All  was  unavailing  to 
change  my  fixed  purpose,  and  we  left  the  mines,  January  2d, 
1826. 

We  travelled  down  the  river  Helay,  of  which  I  have  for- 
merly [82]  given  a  description,  as  far  as  the  point  where  we 
had  left  it  for  Battle-hill.  Here,  although  we  saw  fresh 
Indian  signs,  we  met  with  no  Indians.  Where  we  encamped 
for  the  night,  there  were  arrows  sticking  in  the  ground.  We 
made  an  early  start  on  the  i6th,  and  at  evening  came  upon 

"  The  Red  is  here  used  as  one  of  the  rather  infrequent  names  for  the  Colo- 
rado.—  Ed. 


I  20  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

the  self  same  party  of  Indians,  that  had  robbed  us  of  our 
horses,  the  year  past.  Some  of  them  had  on  articles  of  my 
father's  clothes,  that  he  had  left  where  we  buried  our  furs. 
They  had  made  our  beaver  skins  into  robes,  which  we  now 
purchased  of  them.  While  this  bargain  was  transacting,  I 
observed  one  of  the  Indians  mounted  on  the  self  same  horse, 
on  which  my  father  had  travelled  from  the  States.  My 
blood  instantly  boiled  within  me,  and,  presenting  my  gun 
at  him,  I  ordered  him  instantly  to  dismount.  He  immedi- 
ately did  as  I  bade  him,  and  at  once  a  trepidation  and  alarm 
ran  through  the  whole  party.  They  were  but  twenty  men, 
and  they  were  encumbered  with  women  and  children.  We 
were  thirteen,  well  mounted  and  armed.  The  chief  of  the 
party  came  to  me,  and  asked  me,  4f  I  knew  this  horse?'  I 
answered,  that  T  did,  and  that  it  was  mine.'  He  asked  me 
again,  'if  we  were  the  party,  whose  horses  and  furs  they  had 
taken  the  year  before  ? '  I  answered,  that  I  was  one  of  them, 
and  that  if  he  did  not  cause  my  furs  and  horses  to  be  delivered 
up  to  me,  we  would  kill  them  all  on  the  spot.  He  imme- 
diately brought  me  150  skins  and  three  horses,  observing, 
that  they  had  been  famished,  and  had  eaten  the  rest,  and 
that  he  hoped  this  would  satisfy  me,  for  that  in  the  battle 
they  had  suffered  more  than  we,  he  having  lost  ten  men, 
and  we  having  taken  from  them  four  horses  with  their  sad- 
dles and  bridles.  I  observed  to  him  in  reply,  that  he  must 
remember  that  they  were  the  aggressors,  and  had  provoked 
the  quarrel,  in  having  robbed  us  of  our  horses,  and  attempt- 
ing to  kill  us.  He  admitted  that  they  were  the  aggressors, 
in  beginning  the  quarrel,  but  added,  by  way  of  apology,  that 
they  had  thought  us  Spaniards,  not  knowing  that  we  were 
Americans;  but  that  now,  when  he  knew  us,  he  was  willing 
to  make  peace,  and  be  in  perpetual  friendship.  On  this  we 
lit  the  pipe  of  peace,  and  smoked  friends.  I  gave  him  some 
red  [83]  cloth,  with  which  he  was  delighted.  I  then  asked 
him  about  the  different  nations,  through  which  our  route 


1 824-1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  121 

would  lead  us?  He  named  four  nations,  with  names,  as  he 
pronounced  them,  sufficiently  barbarous.  All  these  nations 
he  described  as  bad,  treacherous  and  quarrelsome. 

Though  it  was  late  in  the  evening,  we  resumed  our  march, 
until  we  had  reached  the  point  where  the  river  runs  between 
mountains,  and  where  I  had  turned  back  the  year  before. 
There  is  here  little  timber,  beside  musqueto-wood,  which 
stands  thick.  We  passed  through  the  country  of  the  first  two 
tribes,  which  the  Indian  chief  had  described  to  us,  without 
meeting  an  individual  of  them.  On  the  25th,  we  arrived  at  an 
Indian  village  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river.  Almost 
all  the  inhabitants  of  this  village  speak  Spanish,  for  it  is  situ- 
ated only  three  days  journey  from  a  Spanish  fort  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Sonora,^^  through  which  province  this  river  runs.  The 
Indians  seemed  disposed  to  be  friendly  to  us.  They  are 
to  a  considerable  degree  cultivators,  raising  wheat,  corn 
and  cotton,  which  they  manufacture  into  cloths.  We  left 
this  village  on  the  25th,  and  on  the  28th  in  the  evening 
arrived  at  the  Papawar  village,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
came  running  to  meet  us,  with  their  faces  painted,  and  their 
bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands.  We  were  alarmed  at  these 
hostile  appearances,  and  halted.  We  told  them  that  we  were 
friends,  at  which  they  threw  down  their  arms,  laughing  the 
while,  and  showing  by  their  countenances  that  they  were 
aware  that  we  were  frightened.  We  entered  the  village,  and 
the  French  began  to  manifest  their  uncontrollable  curiosity, 
by  strolling  about  in  every  direction.  I  noted  several  crowds 
of  Indians,  collected  in  gangs,  and  talking  earnestly.     I 

'^  The  Mexican  province  of  Sonora  had  then  nearly  the  same  boundaries  as  now, 
save  for  a  northern  strip  —  the  Gadsden  Purchase  —  which  was  transferred  to 
Arizona  in  1803.  Along  its  northern  frontier  stretched  a  Une  of  five  forts,  to  pro- 
tect the  ranches  and  villages  from  Apache  raids.  The  tribe  of  Indians  which 
behaved  so  treacherously  towards  the  French  companions  of  Pattie  were  the 
Papago  (Papawar),  who  still  inhabit  this  region,  being  herdsmen  in  southern 
Arizona  and  northern  Sonora.  See  BandeUer,  "Final  Report  of  Investigations 
among  the  Indians  of  the  Southwestern  United  States,"  American  Archaeological 
Institute  Papers,  American  Series,  iii,  pp.  250-252. —  Ed. 


122  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

called  the  leader  of  my  French  companions,  and  informed 
him  that  I  did  not  like  these  movements  of  the  Indians,  and 
was  fearful  that  they  were  laying  a  plan  to  cut  us  all  up.  He 
laughed  at  my  fears,  telling  me  I  was  a  coward.  I  replied, 
that  I  did  not  think  that  to  be  cautious,  and  on  our  guard, 
was  to  show  cowardice,  and  that  I  still  thought  it  best  for 
us  to  start  [84]  off.  At  this  he  became  angry,  and  told  me 
that  I  might  go  when  I  pleased,  and  that  he  would  go  when 
he  was  ready. 

I  then  spoke  to  a  Frenchman  of  our  number,  that  I  had 
known  for  a  long  time  in  Missouri;  I  proposed  to  him  to 
join  me,  and  we  would  leave  the  village  and  encamp  by 
ourselves.  He  consented,  and  vv^e  went  out  of  the  village  to 
the  distance  of  about  400  yards,  under  the  pretext  of  going 
there  to  feed  our  horses.  When  the  sun  was  about  half  an 
hour  high,  I  observed  the  French  captain  coming  out 
towards  us,  accompanied  by  a  great  number  of  Indians,  all 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  This  confirmed  me  in  my 
conviction  that  they  intended  us  no  good.  Expressing  my 
apprehensions  to  my  French  companion,  he  observed  in  his 
peculiar  style  of  English,  that  the  captain  was  too  proud  and 
headstrong,  to  allow  him  to  receive  instruction  from  any 
one,  for  that  he  thought  nobody  knew  any  thing  but  himself. 

Agreeing  that  we  had  best  take  care  of  ourselves,  we  made 
us  a  fire,  and  commenced  our  arrangements  for  spending 
the  night.  We  took  care  not  to  unsaddle  our  horses,  but  to 
be  in  readiness  to  be  off  at  a  moment's  warning.  Our  French 
captain  came  and  encamped  within  a  hundred  yards  of  us, 
accompanied  by  not  less  than  a  hundred  Indians.  They 
were  all  exceedingly  officious  in  helping  the  party  unpack 
their  mules;  and  in  persuading  the  captain,  that  there  was 
no  danger  in  turning  them  all  loose,  they  promised  that  they 
would  guard  them  with  their  own  horses.  This  proposal 
delighted  the  lazy  Frenchmen,  who  hated  to  go  through  the 
details  of  preparing  for  encampment,  and  had  a  particular 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  123 

dislike  to  standing  guard  in  the  night.  The  Indian  chief 
then  proposed  to  the  captain  to  stack  their  arms  against  a 
tree,  that  stood  close  by.  To  this  also,  under  a  kind  of  spell 
of  infatuation  he  consented.  The  Indian  chief  took  a  rope, 
and  tied  the  arms  fast  to  a  tree. 

As  I  saw  this,  I  told  the  captain  that  it  seemed  to  me  no 
mark  of  their  being  friendly,  for  them  to  retain  their  own 
arms,  and  persuade  us  to  putting  ours  out  of  our  power,  and 
that  one,  who  had  known  Indians,  ought  to  be  better  ac- 
quainted with  their  character,  than  to  encamp  with  them, 
without  his  men  havmg  [85]  their  own  arms  in  their  hand. 
On  this  he  flew  into  a  most  violent  passion,  calling  me,  with 
a  curse  added  to  the  epithet,  a  coward,  wishing  to  God  that 
he  had  never  taken  me  with  him,  to  dishearten  his  men,  and 
render  them  insubordinate.  Being  remarkable  neither  for 
forbearance,  or  failing  to  pay  a  debt  of  hard  words,  I  gave 
him  as  good  as  he  sent,  telling  him,  among  other  things  no 
ways  flattering,  that  he  was  a  liar  and  a  fool,  for  that  none 
other  than  a  fool  would  disarm  his  men,  and  go  to  sleep  in 
the  midst  of  armed  savages  in  the  woods.  To  this  he  replied, 
that  he  would  not  allow  me  to  travel  any  longer  in  his  com- 
pany. I  answered  that  I  was  not  only  willing,  but  desirous 
to  leave  him,  for  that  I  considered  myself  safer  in  my  own 
single  keeping,  than  under  the  escort  of  such  a  captain,  and 
that  I  estimated  him  only  to  have  sense  enough  to  lead 
people  to  destruction. 

He  still  continued  to  mutter  harsh  language  in  reply,  as  I 
returned  to  my  own  camp.  It  being  now  dusk,  we  prepared, 
and  ate  our  supper.  We  had  just  finished  it,  when  the  head 
chief  of  the  village  came  to  invite  us  to  take  our  supper  with 
them,  adding,  by  way  of  inducement,  that  they  had  brought 
some  fine  pumpkins  to  camp,  and  had  cooked  them  for 
the  white  people.  We  told  him,  we  had  taken  supper;  and 
the  more  he  insisted,  the  more  resolutely  we  refused.  Like 
the  French  captain,  he  began  to  abuse  us,  telling  us  we  had 


I  24  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

bad  hearts.  We  told  him,  that  when  with  such  people,  we 
chose  rather  to  trust  to  our  heads  than  our  hearts.  He 
then  asked  us  to  let  some  of  his  warriors  come  and  sleep  with 
us,  and  share  our  blankets,  alleging,  as  a  reason  for  the 
request,  that  the  nights  were  cold,  and  his  warriors  too  poor 
to  buy  blankets.  We  told  him,  that  he  could  easily  see  that 
we  were  poor  also,  and  were  no  ways  abundantly  supplied 
with  blankets,  and  that  we  should  not  allow  them  to  sleep 
with  us.  He  then  marched  off  to  the  French  camp,  evidently 
sulky  and  in  bad  temper.  While  roundly  rating  us  to  the 
French  captain,  he  gave  as  a  reason  why  we  ought  not  to 
sleep  by  ourselves,  that  we  were  in  danger  of  being  killed  in 
the  night  by  another  tribe  of  Indians,  with  whom  he  was  at 
war. 

[86]  The  captain,  apparently  more  calm,  came  to  us,  and 
told  us,  that  our  conduct  was  both  imprudent  and  improper, 
in  not  conciliating  the  Indians  by  consenting  to  eat  with 
them,  or  allowing  them  to  sleep  with  us.  My  temper  not 
having  been  at  all  sweetened  by  any  thing  that  had  occurred 
since  we  fell  out,  I  told  him,  that  if  he  had  a  fancy  to  eat,  or 
sleep  with  these  Indians,  I  had  neither  power  nor  the  will 
to  control  him;  but  that,  being  determined,  that  neither  he 
nor  they  should  sleep  with  me,  he  had  better  go  about  his 
business,  and  not  disturb  me  with  useless  importunity.  At 
this  he  began  again  to  abuse  and  revile  me,  to  which  I 
made  no  return.  At  length,  having  exhausted  his  stock  of 
epithets,  he  returned  to  his  camp. 

As  soon  as  we  were  by  ourselves,  we  began  to  cut  grass  for 
our  horses,  not  intending  either  to  unsaddle,  or  let  them 
loose  for  the  night.  My  companion  and  myself  were  alike 
convinced,  that  some  catastrophe  was  in  reserve  from  the 
Indians,  and  seeing  no  chance  of  defending  ourselves  against 
an  odds  of  more  than  twenty  to  one,  we  concluded,  as  soon 
as  all  should  be  silent  in  the  camp,  to  fly.  We  packed  our 
mules  so  as  to  leave  none  of  our  effects  behmd,  and  kept 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  125 

awake.  We  remained  thus,  until  near  midnight,  when  we 
heard  a  fierce  whistle,  which  we  instantly  understood  to  be 
the  signal  for  an  attack  on  the  French  camp.  But  a  moment 
ensued,  before  we  heard  the  clashing  of  war  clubs,  followed 
by  the  shrieks  and  heavy  groans  of  the  dying  French,  mingled 
with  the  louder  and  more  horrible  yells  of  these  treacherous 
and  blood  thirsty  savages.  A  moment  afterwards,  we  heard 
a  party  of  them  making  towards  us.  To  convince  them  that 
they  could  not  butcher  us  in  our  defenceless  sleep,  we  fired 
upon  them.  This  caused  them  to  retreat.  Convinced  that 
we  had  no  time  to  lose,  we  mounted  our  horses,  and  fled  at 
the  extent  of  our  speed.  We  heard  a  single  gun  discharged 
in  the  Indian  camp,  which  we  supposed  the  act  of  an  Indian, 
who  had  killed  the  owner.  We  took  our  direction  towards  a 
high  mountain  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  and  pushed  for 
it  as  fast  as  we  thought  our  horses  could  endure  to  be  driven. 
We  reached  the  mountain  at  day  break,  [87]  and  made  our 
way  about  three  miles  up  a  creek,  that  issued  from  the 
mountain.  Here  we  stopped  to  refresh  our  horses,  and  let 
them  feed,  and  take  food  ourselves.  The  passage  of  the 
creek  was  along  a  kind  of  crevice  of  the  mountain,  and  we 
were  strongly  convinced  that  the  Indians  would  not  follow 
upon  our  trail  further  than  the  entrance  to  the  mountain. 
One  of  us  ascended  a  high  ridge,  to  survey  whatever  might 
be  within  view.  My  companion,  having  passed  nearly  an 
hour  in  the  survey,  returned  to  me,  and  said  he  saw  something 
on  the  plain  approaching  us.  I  ascended  with  him  to  the 
same  place,  and  plainly  perceived  something  black  approach- 
ing us.  Having  watched  it  for  some  time,  I  thought  it  a 
bear.  At  length  it  reached  a  tree  on  the  plain,  and  ascended 
it.  We  were  then  convinced,  that  it  was  no  Indian,  but  a 
bear  searching  food.  We  could  see  the  smokes  arising  from 
the  Indian  town,  and  had  no  doubt,  that  the  savages  were 
dancing  at  the  moment  around  the  scalps  of  the  unfortunate 
Frenchmen,  who  had  fallen  the  victims  of  their  indolence 


J  26  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

and  rash  confidence  in  these  faithless  people.     All  anger 
for  their  abuse  of  me  for  my  timely  advice  was  swallowed  up 
in  pity  for  their  fate.     But  yesterday  these  people  were  the 
merriest  of  the  merry.     What  were  they  now?    Waiting  a 
few  moments,  we  saw  the  supposed  bear  descend  the  tree, 
and  advance  directly  to  the  branch  on  which  we  were  en- 
camped.   We  had  observed  that  the  water  of  this  branch, 
almost  immediately  upon  touching  the  plain,  was  lost  in  the 
arid  sand,  and  gave  no  other  evidence  of  its  existence,  than 
a  few  green  trees.    In  a  moment  we  saw  buttons  glitter  on 
this  object  from  the  reflected  glare  of  the  sun's  rays.     We 
were  undeceived  in  regard  to  our  bear,  and  now  supposed  it 
an  Indian,  decorated  with  a  coat  of  the  unfortunate  French- 
men.   We  concluded  to  allow  him  to  approach  close  enough 
to  satisfy  our  doubts,  before  we  fired  upon  him.    We  lay 
still,  until  he  came  within  fair  rifle  distance,  when  to  our 
astonishment,  we  discovered  it  to  be  the  French  captain! 
We  instantly  made  ourselves  known  from  our  perch.     He 
uttered  an  exclamation  of  joy,  and  fell  prostrate  on  the  earth. 
Fatigue  and  [88]  thirst  had  brought  him  to  death's  door. 
We  raised  him,  and  carried  him  to  our  camp.     He  was 
wounded  in  the  head  and  face  with  many  and  deep  wounds, 
the  swelling  of  which  had  given  him  fever.     I  happened  to 
have  with  me  some  salve,  which  my  father  gave  me  when  I 
left  the  mines.     I  dressed  his  wounds.     Having  taken  food, 
and  sated  his  thirst,  hope  returned  to  him.     So  great  was  his 
change  in  a  few  hours,  that  he  was  able  to  move  off  with  us 
that  evening.     In  his  present  miserable  and  forlorn  con- 
dition, I  exercised  too  much  humanity  and  forbearance  to 
think  of  adverting  to  our  quarrel  of  the  preceding  evening. 
Probably  estimating  my  forbearance  aright,  he  himself  led 
to  the  subject.     He  observed  in  a  tone  apparently  of  deep 
compunction,  that  if  he  had  had  the  good  sense  and  good 
temper  to  have  listened  to  my  apprehensions  and  cautions, 
both  he  and  his  people  might  have  been  now  gaily  riding 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  127 

over  the  prairies.  Oppressed  with  mixed  feelings,  I  hardly 
knew  what  reply  to  make,  and  only  remarked,  that  it  was 
too  late  now  to  lament  over  what  was  unchangeable,  and  that 
the  will  of  God  had  been  done.  After  a  silence  of  some  time, 
he  resumed  the  conversation,  and  related  all  the  particulars 
of  the  terrible  disaster,  that  had  come  to  his  knowledge. 
His  own  escape  he  owed  to  retaining  a  pocket  pistol,  when 
the  rest  of  their  arms  were  stacked.  This  he  fired  at  an 
Indian  approaching  him,  who  fell,  and  thus  enabled  him  to 
fly;  not,  however,  until  he  had  received  a  number  of  severe 
wounds  from  their  clubs.  I  had  not  the  heart  to  hear  him 
relate  what  became  of  the  rest  of  his  comrades.  I  could 
easily  divine  that  the  treacherous  savages  had  murdered 
every  one.  Feelings  of  deep  and  burning  revenge  arose  in 
my  bosom,  and  I  longed  for  nothing  so  much  as  to  meet  with 
these  monsters  on  any  thing  like  terms  of  equality.  About 
sunset  we  could  distinctly  discern  the  river  bottom  about  five 
miles  distant  from  us.  When  it  became  dark,  we  descried 
three  fires  close  together,  which  we  judged  to  be  those  of 
savages  in  pursuit  of  us.  Like  some  white  people,  the 
Indians  never  forgive  any  persons  that  they  have  outraged 
and  injured.  We  halted,  and  took  counsel,  what  [89]  was 
to  be  done.  We  concluded  that  my  companion  and  myself 
should  leave  our  wounded  companion  to  take  care  of  the 
horses,  and  go  and  reconnoitre  the  camp,  in  which  were  these 
fires,  and  discover  the  number  of  the  Indians,  and  if  it  was 
great,  to  see  how  we  could  be  most  likely  to  pass  them  un- 
observed. When  we  had  arrived  close  to  the  fires,  we 
discovered  a  considerable  number  of  horses  tied,  and  only 
two  men  guarding  them.  We  crawled  still  closer,  to  be 
able  to  discern  their  exact  number  and  situation. 

In  this  way  we  arrived  within  fifty  yards  of  their  camp,  and 
could  see  no  one,  but  the  two,  any  where  in  the  distance. 
We  concluded,  that  all  the  rest  of  the  company  were  asleep 
in  some  place  out  of  our  view.    We  presumed  it  would  not 


I  2  8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

be  long  before  some  of  them  would  awake,  it  being  now  ten 
at  night.  Our  intention  was  to  take  aim  at  them,  as  they 
should  pass  between  us  and  their  fire,  and  drop  them  both 
together.  We  could  distinctly  hear  them  speaking  about 
their  horses.  At  length  one  of  them  called  to  the  other,  in 
English,  to  go  and  wake  their  relief  guards.  Words  would 
poorly  express  my  feelings,  at  hearing  these  beloved  sounds. 
I  sprang  from  my  couching  posture,  and  ran  towards  them. 
They  were  just  ready  to  shoot  me,  when  I  cried  a  friend,  a 
friend !  One  of  them  exclaimed,  Vhere  in  God's  name  did 
you  spring  from.'  'You  seem  to  have  come  out  of  the  earth.' 
The  surprise  and  joy  upon  mutual  recognition  was  great  on 
both  sides.  I  gave  him  a  brief  sketch  of  the  recent  catas- 
trophe of  our  company,  as  we  followed  them  to  camp.  The 
company  was  all  roused  and  gathered  round  us,  eagerly 
listening  to  the  recital  of  our  recent  disaster.  At  hearing  my 
sad  story,  they  expressed  the  hearty  sorrow  of  good  and  true 
men,  and  joined  us  in  purposes  of  vengeance  against  the 
Indians. 

We  were  now  thirty-two  in  all.  We  fired  twelve  guns,  a 
signal  which  the  wounded  captain  heard  and  understood, 
for  he  immediately  joined  us.  We  waited  impatiently  for 
the  morning.  As  soon  as  it  was  bright  dawn,  we  all  formed 
under  a  genuine  American  leader,  who  could  be  entirely 
relied  upon.  [90]  His  orders  were,  that  twenty  should 
march  in  front  of  the  pack  horses,  and  twelve  behind.  In 
the  evening  we  encamped  within  five  miles  of  the  Indian 
village,  and  made  no  fires.  In  the  morning  of  the  31st,  we 
examined  all  our  arms,  and  twenty-six  of  us  started  to  attack 
the  village.  When  we  had  arrived  close  to  it,  we  discovered 
most  fortunately,  what  we  considered  the  dry  bed  of  a  creek, 
though  we  afterwards  discovered  it  to  be  the  old  bed  of  the 
river,  that  had  very  high  banks,  and  ran  within  a  hundred 
yards  of  the  village.  In  this  bed  we  all  formed  ourselves 
securely  and  at  our  leisure,  and  marched  quite  near  to  the 


1 824- 1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  129 

verge  of  the  village  without  being  discovered.  Every  man 
posted  himself  in  readiness  to  fire.  Two  of  our  men  were 
then  ordered  to  show  themselves  on  the  top  of  the  bank. 
They  were  immediately  discovered  by  the  Indians,  who 
considered  them,  I  imagine,  a  couple  of  the  Frenchmen  that 
they  had  failed  to  kill.  They  raised  the  yell,  and  ran  towards 
the  two  persons,  who  instantly  dropped  down  under  the 
bank.  There  must  have  been  at  least  200  in  pursuit.  They 
were  in  a  moment  close  on  the  bank.  In  order  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  the  two  men,  they  spread  into  a  kind  of  circle 
to  surround  them.  This  brought  the  whole  body  abreast 
of  us.  We  allowed  them  to  approach  within  twenty  yards, 
when  we  gave  them  our  fire.  They  commenced  a  precipitate 
retreat,  we  loading  and  firing  as  fast  as  was  in  our  power. 
They  made  no  pause  in  their  village,  but  ran  off,  men, 
women  and  children,  towards  a  mountain  distant  700  yards 
from  their  village.  In  less  than  ten  minutes,  the  village  was 
so  completely  evacuated,  that  not  a  human  being  was  to  be 
found,  save  one  poor  old  blind  and  deaf  Indian,  who  sat 
eating  his  mush  as  unconcernedly  as  if  all  had  been  tranquil 
in  the  village.     We  did  not  molest  him. 

We  appropriated  to  our  own  use  whatever  we  found  in  the 
village  that  we  judged  would  be  of  any  service  to  us.  We 
then  set  fire  to  their  wigwams,  and  returned  to  our  camp. 
They  were  paid  a  bloody  price  for  their  treachery,  for  no 
of  them  were  slain.  At  twelve  we  returned  to  the  village  in 
a  body,  and  retook  all  the  horses  of  the  Frenchmen,  that 
they  had  killed.  [91]  We  then  undertook  the  sad  duty  of 
burying  the  remains  of  the  unfortunate  Frenchmen.  A  sight 
more  horrible  to  behold,  I  have  never  seen.  They  were 
literally  cut  in  pieces,  and  fragments  of  their  bodies  scattered 
in  every  direction,  round  which  the  monsters  had  danced, 
and  yelled.  We  then  descended  the  river  about  a  mile  below 
the  village,  to  the  point  where  it  enters  the  Helay  from  the 
north.     It  affords  as  much  water  at  this  point  as  the  Helay. 


I  oo  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

In  the  morning  of  the  ist  of  February,  we  began  to  ascend 
Black  river.*^  We  found  it  to  abound  with  beavers.  It  is 
a  most  beautiful  stream,  bounded  on  each  side  with  high 
and  rich  bottoms.  We  travelled  up  this  stream  to  the  point 
where  it  forks  in  the  mountains;  that  is  to  say,  about  80 
miles  from  its  mouth.  Here  our  company  divided,  a  part 
ascending  one  fork,  and  a  part  the  other.  The  left  fork 
heads  due  north,  and  the  right  fork  north  east.  It  was  my 
lot  to  ascend  the  latter.  It  heads  in  mountains  covered  with 
snow,  near  the  head  of  the  left  hand  fork  of  the  San  Francisco. 
On  the  1 6th,  we  all  met  again  at  the  junction  of  the  forks. 
The  other  division  found  that  their  fork  headed  in  snow 
covered  mountains,  as  they  supposed  near  the  waters  of  Red 
river.  They  had  also  met  a  tribe  of  Indians,  who  called 
themselves  Mokee.^*  They  found  them  no  ways  disposed 
to  hostility.  From  their  deportment  it  would  seem  as  if 
they  had  never  seen  white  people  before.  At  the  report  of 
a  gun  they  fell  prostrate  on  the  ground.  They  knew  no 
other  weapon  of  war  than  a  sling,  and  with  this  they  had 

^  This  river  is  still  called  the  Black,  but  more  frequently  the  Salt.  It  is  a  con- 
siderable fork  of  the  Gila,  uniting  with  it  a  short  distance  below  Phoenix,  Ari- 
zona. The  left  branch  of  the  Salt  is  the  Verde,  the  principal  river  of  central 
Arizona.  Pattie's  geography  is  correct  in  describing  the  source  of  these  two  great 
streams. —  Ed. 

**  The  habitat  of  the  Hopi  Indians  (the  more  commonly-used  Moki  is  an  oppro- 
brious nickname),  has  been  the  same  for  two  hundred  years  —  a  plateau  in  north- 
eastern Arizona,  about  fifty  miles  from  the  Little  Colorado  River.  They  are  of 
Shoshonean  stock,  but  became  separated  from  their  kindred  and  estabUshed  them- 
selves in  six  pueblos,  forming  the  Tusayan  confederacy.  A  seventh  village  was 
later  added,  composed  of  Tanoan  Indians  from  the  Rio  Grande.  These  pueblos 
were  visited  by  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar,  a  lieutenant  of  Coronado,  in  1540.  In  1599 
they  gave  their  formal  allegiance  to  Juan  de  Onate,  who  six  years  later  again 
visited  their  country.  They  appear  to  have  taken  part  in  the  rebellion  of  1680, 
being  reconquered  in  1692-94.  A  delegation  visited  Santa  Fe  in  1700,  and  Garces 
is  known  to  have  travelled  to  their  villages  in  1776.  With  the  rise  of  the  Apache 
the  Hopi  were  necessarily  cut  off  from  contact  with  the  New  Mexicans,  which 
accounts  for  their  surprise  at  the  appearance  of  Pattie's  comrades.  For  their 
present  habits  and  customs,  consult  Bandelier,  "Final  Report,"  op.  cit.,  iii,  iv, 
also  Bourke,  Snake  Dance  of  the  Maquis  0}  Arizona  (New  York,  1884). —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  131 

so  much  dexterity  and  power,  that  they  were  able  to  bring 
down  a  deer  at  the  distance  of  100  yards. 

We  thence  returned  down  the  Helay,  which  is  here  about 
200  yards  wide,  with  heavily  timbered  bottoms.  We  trapped 
its  whole  course,  from  where  we  met  it,  to  its  junction  with 
Red  river.  The  point  of  junction  is  inhabited  by  a  tribe  of 
Indians  called  Umene.^^  Here  we  encamped  for  the  night. 
On  the  morning  of  the  26th,  a  great  many  of  these  Indians 
crossed  the  river  to  our  camp,  and  brought  us  dried  beans, 
for  which  we  paid  them  with  red  cloth,  with  which  they  were 
delighted  beyond  [92]  measure,  tearing  it  into  ribbands,  and 
tieing  it  round  their  arms  and  legs;  for  if  the  truth  must  be 
told,  they  were  as  naked  as  Adam  and  Eve  in  their  birth  day 
suit.  They  were  the  stoutest  men,  with  the  finest  forms  I 
ever  saw,  well  proportioned,  and  as  straight  as  an  arrow. 
They  contrive,  however,  to  inflict  upon  their  children  an 
artificial  deformity.  They  flatten  their  heads,  by  pressing 
a  board  upon  their  tender  scalps,  which  they  bind  fast  by  a 
ligature.  This  board  is  so  large  and  light,  that  I  have  seen 
women,  when  swimming  the  river  with  their  children,  towing 
them  after  them  by  a  string,  which  they  held  in  their  mouth. 
The  little  things  neither  suffered  nor  complained,  but  floated 
behind  their  mothers  like  ducks. 

At  twelve  we  started  up  Red  river,  which  is  between  two 
and  three  hundred  yards  wide,  a  deep,  bold  ^stream,  and  the 

**  The  Indians  whom  Pattie  meets  in  this  region  —  the  Mohave,  on  the  Colo- 
rado, at  the  mouth  of  the  Mohave  River;  the  Yuma,  or  Cuchans,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Gila;  the  Cocopa  near  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado;  and  the  Coco-Maricopa, 
or  Maricopa,  along  the  southern  bank  of  the  Gila  —  are  the  principal  members  of 
the  Yuman  family,  the  three  latter  being  originally  united  in  a  confederacy.  They 
were  generally  hostile  to  Americans,  and  Forts  Yuma  and  Mohave  were  erected  to 
keep  them  in  subjection.  Early  travellers  frequently  commented  upon  their 
physical  beauty,  but  contact  with  the  whites  rapidly  pauperized  and  debauched 
them.  At  present  some  fifteen  hundred  Mohave  are  located  at  the  Colorado 
River  and  San  Carlos  reservations,  in  Arizona;  the  Yuma,  to  the  number  of  about 
a  thousand,  are  at  the  Mission  Agency  of  CaHfomia,  and  at  San  Carlos ;  and  about 
three  hundred  Maricopa  are  Uving  on  the  Pima  reservation,  in  Arizona. —  Ed. 


I  2  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

water  at  this  point  entirely  clear.  The  bottoms  are  a  mile 
in  general  width,  with  exceedingly  high,  barren  cliffs.  The 
timber  of  the  bottoms  is  very  heavy,  and  the  grass  rank  and 
high.  Near  the  river  are  many  small  lakes,  which  abound 
in  beavers. 

March  ist  we  came  among  a  tribe  of  Indians,  called  Co- 
comarecopper.  At  sight  of  us  they  deserted  their  wigwams, 
one  and  all,  and  fled  to  the  mountains,  leaving  all  their  effects 
at  our  discretion.  Of  course  we  did  not  meddle  with  any 
thing.  Their  com  was  knee  high.  We  took  care  not  to  let 
our  horses  injure  it,  but  marched  as  fast  as  we  could  from 
their  village,  to  deprive  them  of  their  homes  [in]  as  little  time 
as  possible.  About  four  miles  above  the  town  we  encamped, 
and  set  our  traps.  About  twelve  next  day  it  began  to  rain, 
and  we  pitched  our  tents. 

We  had  scarce  kindled  our  fires,  when  loo  Indians  came 
to  our  camp,  all  painted  red  in  token  of  amity.  They  asked 
fire,  and  when  we  had  given  it,  they  went  about  20  yards 
from  us,  and  as  the  rain  had  been  heavy  and  the  air  cool, 
they  made  a  great  fire,  round  which  they  all  huddled.  We 
gave  them  the  bodies  of  six  large  fat  beavers,  which  they 
cooked  by  digging  holes  in  the  ground,  at  the  bottom  of 
which  they  kindled  fires,  and  on  the  fires  threw  the  beavers 
which  they  covered  with  dirt.  This  dainty,  thus  prepared 
they  greedily  devoured,  entrails  [93]  and  all.  Next  morning, 
fearful  that  our  guns  might  have  experienced  inconvenience 
from  the  rain,  we  fired  them  off  to  load  them  afresh.  They 
were  amazed  and  alarmed,  to  see  us  make,  what  they  called 
thunder  and  lightning.  They  were  still  more  startled,  to  see 
the  bullet  holes  in  the  tree,  at  which  we  had  aimed.  We 
made  signs  to  them,  that  one  ball  would  pass  through  the 
body  of  two  men.  Some  of  our  men  had  brought  with  them 
some  scalps  of  the  Papa  wars,  the  name  of  the  tribe  where  our 
French  captain  lost  his  company.  They  informed  us  that 
they  were  at  war  with  that  tribe,  and  begged  some  of  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 3  3 

scalps  to  dance  round.    They  were  given  them,  and  they 
began  to  cut  their  horrid  anticks  about  it. 

Our  traps  had  taken  thirty  beavers  the  last  night.  We 
gave  them  the  meat  of  twenty,  with  which  present  they  were 
delighted,  their  gratitude  inducing  them  to  manifest  affection 
to  us.  They  ate  and  danced  all  day  and  most  of  the  night. 
On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  they  left  us,  returning  to  their 
camps.  We  resumed  our  march,  and  on  the  6th  arrived  at 
another  village  of  Indians  called  Mohawa.  When  we 
approached  their  village,  they  were  exceedingly  alarmed. 
We  marched  directly  through  their  village,  the  women  and 
children  screaming,  and  hiding  themselves  in  their  huts. 
We  encamped  about  three  miles  above  the  village.  We  had 
scarcely  made  our  arrangements  for  the  night,  when  100  of 
these  Indians  followed  us.  The  chief  was  a  dark  and  sulky 
looking  savage,  and  he  made  signs  that  he  wanted  us  to  give 
him  a  horse.  We  made  as  prompt  signs  of  refusal.  He 
replied  to  this,  by  pointing  first  to  the  river,  and  then  at  the 
furs  we  had  taken,  intimating,  that  the  river,  with  all  it  con- 
tained, belonged  to  him;  and  that  we  ought  to  pay  him  for 
what  we  had  taken,  by  giving  him  a  horse.  When  he  was 
again  refused,  he  raised  himself  erect,  with  a  stem  and 
fierce  air,  and  discharged  his  arrow  into  the  tree,  at  the  same 
time  raising  his  hand  to  his  mouth,  and  making  their  peculiar 
yell.  Our  captain  made  no  other  reply,  than  by  raising  his 
gun  and  shooting  the  arrow,  as  it  stiU  stuck  in  the  tree,  in 
two.  The  chief  seemed  bewildered  with  this  mark  of  close 
[94]  markmanship,  and  started  off  with  his  men.  We  had 
no  small  apprehensions  of  a  night  attack  from  these  Indians. 
We  erected  a  hasty  fortification  with  logs  and  skins,  but 
sufficiently  high  and  thick,  to  arrest  their  arrows  in  case  of 
attack.  The  night,  contrary  to  our  fears,  passed  without 
interruption  from  them.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the 
chief  returned  on  horse  back,  and  in  the  same  sulky  tone 
again  demanded  a  horse.    The  captain  bade  him  be  off,  in 


1^4  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

a  language  and  with  a  tone  alike  understood  by  all  people. 
He  started  off  on  full  gallop,  and  as  he  passed  one  of  our 
horses,  that  was  tied  a  few  yards  from  the  camp,  he  fired  a 
spear  through  the  animal.  He  had  not  the  pleasure  to 
exult  in  his  revenge  for  more  than  fifty  yards,  before  he  fell 
pierced  by  four  bullets.  We  could  not  doubt,  that  the 
Indians  would  attempt  to  revenge  the  death  of  their  chief. 
After  due  consideration,  we  saw  no  better  place  in  which  to 
await  their  attack,  than  the  one  we  now  occupied.  On  the 
rear  we  were  defended  by  the  river,  and  in  front  by  an  open 
prairie.  We  made  a  complete  breastwork,  and  posted 
spies  in  the  limbs  of  the  tall  trees,  to  descry  the  Indians,  if 
any  approached  us,  while  still  at  a  distance.  No  Indians 
approached  us  through  the  day,  and  at  night  a  heavy  rain 
commenced  falling.  We  posted  sentinels,  and  secured  our 
horses  under  the  river  bank.  We  kindled  no  fires,  and  we 
passed  the  night  without  annoyance.  But  at  day  break, 
they  let  fly  at  us  a  shower  of  arrows.  Of  these  we  took  no 
notice.  Perhaps,  thinking  us  intimidated,  they  then  raised 
the  war  whoop,  and  made  a  charge  upon  us.  At  the  distance 
of  150  yards  we  gave  them  a  volley  of  rifle  balls.  This 
brought  them  to  a  halt,  and  a  moment  after  to  a  retreat,  more 
rapid  than  their  advance  had  been.  We  sallied  out  after 
them,  and  gave  them  the  second  round,  which  induced  all, 
that  were  not  forever  stopped,  to  fly  at  the  top  of  their  speed. 
We  had  killed  sixteen  of  their  number.  We  returned  to  our 
camp,  packed,  and  started,  having  made  a  determination 
not  to  allow  any  more  Indians  to  enter  our  camp.  This 
affair  happened  on  the  9th. 

We  pushed  on  as  rapidly  as  possible,  fearful  that  these  red 
[95]  children  of  the  desert,  who  appear  to  inherit  an  equal 
hatred  of  all  whites,  would  follow  us,  and  attack  us  in  the 
night.  With  timely  warning  we  had  no  fear  of  them  by  day, 
but  the  affair  of  the  destruction  of  the  French  company, 
proved  that  they  might  become  formidable  foes  by  night. 


1824-1830]  Pattie^s  Personal  Narrative  135 

To  prevent,  as  far  as  might  be,  such  accidents,  we  raised 
a  fortification  round  our  camp  every  night,  until  we  con- 
sidered ourselves  out  of  their  reach,  which  was  on  the  evening 
of   the    12th.     This   evening   we   erected   no   breast- work, 
placed  no  other  guard  than  one  person  to  watch  our  horses, 
and  threw  ourselves  in  careless  security  round  our  fires. 
We  had  taken  very  little  rest  for  four  nights,  and  being 
exceedingly  drowsy,  we  had  scarcely  laid  ourselves  down, 
before  we  were  sound  asleep.    The  Indians  had  still  fol- 
lowed us,  too  far  off  to  be  seen  by  day,  but  had  probably 
surveyed  our  camp  each  night.    At  about  11  o'clock  this 
night,  they  poured  upon  us  a  shower  of  arrows,  by  which 
they  killed  two  men,  and  wounded   two  more;    and  what 
was  most  provoking,  fled  so  rapidly  that  we  could  not  even 
give  them  a  round.     One  of  the  slain  was  in  bed  with  me. 
My  own  hunting  shirt  had  two  arrows  in  it,  and  my  blanket 
was  pinned  fast  to  the  ground  by  arrows.    There  were  six- 
teen arrows  discharged  into  my  bed.    We  extinguished  our 
fires,  and  it  may  easily  be  imagined,  slept  no  more  that  night. 
In  the  morning,  eighteen  of  us  started  in  pursuit  of  them, 
leaving  the  rest  of  the  company  to  keep  camp  and  bury  our 
dead.    We  soon  came  upon  their  trail,  and  reached  them 
late  in  the  evening.     They  were  encamped,  and  making 
their  supper  from  the  body  of  a  horse.     They  got  sight  of  us 
before  we  were  within  shooting  distance,  and  fled.     We  put 
spurs  to  our  horses,  and  overtook  them  just  as  they  were 
entering  a  thicket.     Having  every  advantage,  we  killed  a 
greater  part  of  them,  it  being  a  division  of  the  band  that  had 
attacked  us.     We  suspended  those  that  we  had  killed  upon 
the  trees,  and  left  their  bodies  to  dangle  in  terror  to  the  rest, 
and  as  a  proof,  how  we  retaliated  aggression.     We  then 
returned  to  our  company,  who  had  each  received  sufficient 
warning  not  to  encamp  in  the  territories  [96]  of  hostile 
Indians  without  raising  a  breast- work  round  the  camp.     Red 
river  at  this  point  bears  a  north  course,  and  affords  an 


136  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

abundance  of  the  finest  lands.  We  killed  plenty  of  mountain 
sheep  and  deer,  though  no  bears.  We  continued  our  march 
until  the  i6th,  without  seeing  any  Indians.  On  that  day 
we  came  upon  a  small  party,  of  whom  the  men  fled,  leaving 
a  single  woman.  Seeing  herself  in  our  power,  she  began  to 
beat  her  breast,  and  cry  Cower  a,  Cower  a\  from  which  we 
gathered,  that  she  belonged  to  that  tribe.  We  treated  her 
kindly,  and  travelled  on.  On  the  23d,  we  came  to  a  village 
of  the  Shuena  Indians.  As  we  approached  it,  they  came 
out  and  began  to  fire  arrows  upon  us.  We  gave  them  in 
return  a  round  of  rifle  balls.  In  the  excitement  of  an  attack, 
we  laughed  heartily  to  see  these  sons  of  the  desert  dodge, 
and  skulk  away  half  bent,  as  though  the  heavens  were  falling 
upon  them.  From  their  manner  we  inferred,  that  they  were 
in  fact  wholly  unacquainted  with  white  people,  or  at  least 
they  never  before  heard  the  report  of  a  gun.  The  whole 
establishment  dispersed  to  the  mountains,  and  we  marched 
through  the  village  without  seeing  any  inhabitants,  except 
the  bodies  of  those  we  had  killed.  We  had  received  more 
than  one  lesson  of  caution,  and  we  moved  on  with  great 
circumspection.  But  so  much  of  our  time  was  taken  up  in 
defence  and  attacks,  and  fortifying  our  camps,  that  we  had 
little  leisure  to  trap.  In  order  that  our  grand  object  should 
not  be  wholly  defeated,  we  divided  our  men  into  two  com- 
panies, the  one  to  trap  and  the  other  to  keep  guard.  This 
expedient  at  once  rendered  our  trapping  very  productive. 
We  discovered  little  change  in  the  face  of  the  country.  The 
course  of  the  river  still  north,  flowing  through  a  rich  valley, 
skirted  with  high  mountains,  the  summits  of  which  were 
white  with  snow. 

On  the  25th  we  reached  a  small  stream,^®  emptying  into 

"  This  is  now  known  as  Bill  WiUiams's  Fork.  It  is  composed  of  two  main 
branches,  the  Santa  Maria  and  the  Big  Sandy,  and  drains  west-central  Arizona, 
uniting  with  the  Colorado  at  the  present  Aubrey  City.  The  villages  just  passed 
were  probably  those  of  the  Coconino  (properly  Havasupai),  a  distinct  Indian 
family,  although  speaking  a  Yuman  dialect.  See  Bandelier,  op.  cit.,  iv,  pp.  381- 
833.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  137 

Red  river  through  the  east  bank,  up  which  we  detached  three 
men,  each  carrying  a  trap,  to  discover  if  beavers  abounded 
in  that  stream.  They  were  to  return  the  next  day,  while  we 
were  engaged  in  shoeing  our  horses.  The  next  day  elapsed, 
but  none  returned.  We  became  anxious  about  their  fate; 
and  on  the  [97]  27th,  started  to  see  what  had  become  of  them. 
At  mid-day  we  found  their  bodies  cut  in  pieces,  and  spitted 
before  a  great  fire,  after  the  same  fashion  which  is  used  in 
roasting  beaver.  The  Indians  who  had  murdered  them,  saw 
us  as  we  came  on,  and  fled  to  the  mountains,  so  that  we  had 
no  chance  of  avenging  the  death  of  our  unfortunate  com- 
panions. We  gathered  the  fragments  of  their  bodies  to- 
gether and  buried  them.  With  sadness  in  our  hearts,  and 
dejection  on  our  countenances,  we  returned  to  our  camp, 
struck  our  tents,  and  marched  on.  The  temperature  in 
this  region  is  rather  severe,  and  we  were  wretchedly  clad  to 
encounter  the  cold. 

On  the  28th,  we  reached  a  point  of  the  river  where  the 
mountains  shut  in  so  close  upon  its  shores,  that  we  were 
compelled  to  climb  a  mountain,  and  travel  along  the  acclivity, 
the  river  still  in  sight,  and  at  an  immense  depth  beneath  us.°^ 
—  Through  this  whole  distance,  which  we  judged  to  be,  as  the 
river  meanders,  100  leagues,  we  had  snow  from  a  foot  to 
eighteen  inches  deep.  The  river  bluffs  on  the  opposite 
shore,  were  never  more  than  a  mile  from  us.     It  is  perhaps, 


"  Pattie  reaches  at  this  point  the  fort  of  Black  Canon,  and  traverses  the  southern 
bank  of  the  canons  of  the  Colorado  for  their  entire  length,  a  distance  which  he 
accurately  estimates  at  three  hundred  miles.  Apparently  the  beauty  and  wonder 
of  the  great  chasm  did  not  appeal  to  the  weary  traveller.  The  canons  of  the  Colo- 
rado were  first  visited  by  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  of  Coronado's  party,  in  1540. 
Again,  in  1583,  Antonio  de  Espejo  reports  his  visit  thither.  It  was  two  centuries 
before  another  white  traveller  is  recorded  as  seeing  the  Grand  Canon  of  the  Colo- 
rado; and  Pattie  is  apparently  the  first  known  American  to  traverse  its  banks. 
In  1857  Lieutenant  Ives  ascended  in  a  steamer  as  far  as  Black  Canon,  and  then 
proceeded  overland  to  Grand  Canon;  twelve  years  later  Major  J.  W.  Powell 
descended  the  entire  gorge  in  boats;  see  Dellenbaugh,  Romance  0}  the  Colorado 
River  (New  York,  1902).  The  canons  are  now  much  frequented  by  tourists. 
See  for  example,  Monroe,  "Grand  Canon  of  the  Colorado,"  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
1900. —  Ed. 


1^8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

this  very  long  and  formidable  range  of  mountains,  which  has 
caused,  that  this  country  of  Red  river,  has  not  been  more 
explored,  at  least  by  the  American  people.  A  march  more 
gloomy  and  heart- wearing,  to  people  hungry,  poorly  clad, 
and  mourning  the  loss  of  their  companions,  cannot  be 
imagined.  Our  horses  had  picked  a  little  herbage,  and  had 
subsisted  on  the  bark  of  shrubs.  Our  provisions  were  run- 
ning low,  and  we  expected  every  hour  to  see  our  horses 
entirely  give  out. 

April  loth,  we  arrived  where  the  river  emerges  from  these 
horrid  mountains,  which  so  cage  it  up,  as  to  deprive  all  human 
beings  of  the  ability  to  descend  to  its  banks,  and  make  use  of 
its  waters.  No  mortal  has  the  power  of  describing  the 
pleasure  I  felt,  when  I  could  once  more  reach  the  banks  of 
the  river. —  Our  traps,  by  furnishing  us  beavers,soon  enabled 
us  to  renew  our  stock  of  provisions.  We  likewise  killed 
plenty  of  elk,  and  dressed  their  skins  for  clothing.  On  the 
13th  we  reached  another  part  of  the  river,  emptying  into  the 
main  river  from  the  [98]  north.  Up  this  we  all  trapped  two 
days.  During  this  excursion  we  met  a  band  of  hostile 
Indians,  who  attacked  us  with  an  unavailing  discharge  of 
arrows,  of  whom  we  killed  four. 

On  the  15th,  we  returned  to  the  banks  of  Red  river,  which 
is  here  a  clear  beautiful  stream.  We  moved  very  slowly, 
for  our  beasts  were  too  lean  and  worn  down,  to  allow  us  to 
do  otherwise.  On  the  i6th  we  met  with  a  large  party  of  the 
Shoshonees,®^  a  tribe  of  Indians  famous  for  the  extent  of 
their  wanderings,  and  for  the  number  of  white  people  they 
had  killed,  by  pretending  friendship  to  them,  until  they 
found  them  disarmed,  or  asleep.  One  of  our  company 
could  speak  their  language,  from  having  been  a  prisoner 
among  them  for  a  year.     They  were  warmly  clad  with 

For  the  Shoshoni  Indians,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  our  volume  v,  p.  227,  note 
123.  The  river  up  which  they  trapped  for  two  days  was  probably  the  Little 
Colorado,  which  comes  in  from  the  southeast.  Pattie's  "north"  is  a  misprint  for 
"south." —  Ed. 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  139 

buffaloe  robes,  and  they  had  muskets,  which  we  knew  they 
must  have  taken  from  the  white  people.  We  demanded  of 
them  to  give  up  the  fire  arms,  which  they  refused.  On  this 
we  gave  them  our  fire,  and  they  fled  to  the  mountains, 
leaving  their  women  and  children  in  our  power. —  We  had  no 
disposition  to  molest  them.  We  learned  from  these  women, 
that  they  had  recently  destroyed  a  company  of  French  hun- 
ters on  the  head  waters  of  the  Platte.  We  found  six  of  their 
yet  fresh  scalps,  which  so  exasperated  us,  that  we  hardly 
refrained  from  killing  the  women.  We  took  from  them  all 
the  beaver  skins  which  they  had  taken  from  the  slain  French, 
and  five  of  their  mules,  and  added  to  our  provisions  their 
stock  of  dried  buffaloe  meat.  We  had  killed  eight  of  their 
men,  and  we  mortified  the  women  excessively,  by  com- 
pelling them  to  exchange  the  scalps  of  the  unfortunate 
Frenchmen  for  those  of  their  own  people. 

We  resumed  our  march,  and  ascended  the  river  to  the 
point  where  it  forked  again,  neither  fork  being  more  than 
from  twenty-five  to  thirty  yards  wide.  On  the  igth,  we 
began  to  ascend  the  right  hand  fork,  which  pursues  a  N.  E. 
course.*"*  On  the  23d,  we  arrived  at  the  chief  village  of  the 
Nabahoes,  a  tribe  that  we  knew  to  be  friendly  to  the  whites. 
We  enquired  of  them,  if  we  could  cross  the  Rocky  Mountains 
best  at  the  head  of  this  fork  or  the  other;  and  they  informed 
us,  that  the  mountains  [99]  were  impassable,  except  by 
following  the  left  hand  fork.  Knowing  that  they  were  at 
war  with  the  Shoshonee,  we  let  them  know  how  many  of 
them  we  had  killed.  With  this  they  were  delighted,  and 
gave  us  eight  horses,  one  for  each  man  we  had  slain.  They 
sent  with  us,  moreover,  ten  Indians  to  point  out  to  us  the 
route,  in  which  to  cross  the  mountains. 

On  the  25th,  we  started  up  the  left  hand  fork,  and  arrived 

'*  This  was  San  Juan  River,  which  heads  in  northwest  New  Mexico;  entering 
southeastern  Utah,  it  passes  around  the  base  of  Mount  Navaho,  and  unites  with 
the  Colorado  in  Kane  County.  It  formed  the  northern  boundary  of  the  Navaho 
territory;   see  ante,  note  41. —  Ed. 


1 40  Early  Western  Tra'vels  [Vol.  18 

on  the  30th,  in  the  country  of  the  Pewee  tribe/"  who  are 
friendly  to  the  Nabahoes.  Their  chief  village  is  situated 
within  two  days'  travel  of  the  low  gap,  at  which  we  were  to 
cross  the  mountains,  at  which  gap  we  arrived  on  the  first  of 
May."  The  crossing  was  a  work,  the  difficulty  of  which 
may  be  imagined  from  the  nature  of  the  case  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  mountains. —  The  passage  occupied  six  days, 
during  which  we  had  to  pass  along  compact  drifts  of  snow, 
higher  than  a  man  on  horseback.  The  narrow  path  through 
these  drifts  is  made  by  the  frequent  passing  of  buffaloes,  of 
which  we  found  many  dead  bodies  in  the  way.  We  had 
to  pack  cotton-wood  bark  on  the  horses  for  their  own  eating, 
and  the  wood  necessary  to  make  fires  for  our  cooking. 
Nothing  is  to  be  seen  among  these  mountains,  but  bare 
peaks  and  perpetual  snow.  Every  one  knows,  that  these 
mountains  divide  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans. 
At  the  point  where  we  crossed  them,  they  run  in  a  direction 
a  little  north  of  west,  and  south  of  east,  further  than  the  eye 
can  reach. 

On  the  7th,  we  struck  the  south  fork  of  the  Platte,  near 
Long's  Peak,"  and  descended  it  five  days.  We  then  struck 
across  the  plain  to  the  main  Platte,  on  which  we  arrived  on 
the  1 6th.  In  descending  it  we  found  the  beavers  scarce, 
for  all  these  rivers  had  been  thoroughly  trapped.  The  river 
is  skirted  with  only  a  few  small  willows,  and  the  country  is 

^°  As  they  held  possession  of  the  mountains  of  Colorado,  these  were  probably 
Paiutes.  The  numerous  tribes  of  Ute  are  of  Shoshonean  stock;  they  extended 
along  the  Colorado  River  from  California  to  its  sources,  and  occupied  nearly  all 
of  the  present  states  of  Utah  and  Nevada. —  Ed. 

"  Pattie  is  not  sufficiently  definite  for  us  to  determine  whether  or  not  he  crossed 
the  divide  by  the  now  famous  South  Pass,  which  was  already  known  to  Rocky 
Mountain  trappers.  According  to  Coues  {Henry-Thompson  Journals,  ii,  p.  884), 
Stuart,  Crooks,  and  four  other  Astorians  discovered  it  on  an  overland  journey 
from  Astoria  in  181 2.  The  fur-trader  Andrew  Henr>'  passed  through  it  in  1823, 
but  it  was  first  made  known  to  the  world  at  large  by  John  C.  Fremont  (1842),  and 
is  in  consequence  most  often  associated  with  his  name. —  Ed. 

"  For  further  information  concerning  Long's  Peak,  see  James's  Long's  Expedi- 
tion, volume  XV  of  our  series,  p.  271,  note  126. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  1 4 1 

open  prairie,  entirely  destitute  of  trees.  We  saw  immense 
droves  of  elk,  buffaloes,  and  white  bears,  which  haunt  the 
buffaloe  range  to  prey  upon  those  noble  animals.  We  had 
the  merriest  sport  imaginable,  in  chasing  the  buffaloes  over 
these  perfectly  level  plains,  and  shooting  them  with  the 
arrows  we  had  taken  from  the  Indians  [100]  we  had  killed. 
I  have  killed  myself,  and  seen  others  kill  a  buffaloe,  with  a 
single  shot  of  an  arrow.  The  bows  are  made  with  ribs  of 
buffaloes,  and  drive  the  arrows  with  prodigious  force.  On 
the  20th,  we  left  this  river  and  started  for  the  Big  Horn," 
a  fork  of  the  Yellow  Stone,  itself  a  considerable  river  of  the 
Missouri.  We  reached  the  Big  Horn  on  the  31st,  and  found 
but  few  beavers.  June  2d,  we  struck  over  towards  the  main 
Yellow  Stone, ^*  and  on  the  3d  entered  the  country  of  the 
Flat  Heads,  who  were  entirely  friendly."  We  purchased 
some  furs  of  them.  They  are  Indians  of  exceedingly  hand- 
some forms,  were  it  not  for  the  horrid  deformity  of  their 
heads,  which  are  transversely  from  ear  to  ear  but  a  few 
inches  in  diameter,  and  in  the  other  direction  monstrous, 
giving  them  the  appearance  of  wearing  a  military  cap  with 
all  its  plumage.  This  plumage  is  furnished  by  their  matted 
tresses  of  hair,  painted  and  skewered  up  to  a  high  point. 
This  monstrosity  is  occasioned  by  binding  two  pieces  of 
board  on  each  side  of  the  head  of  the  new-bom  infant,  which 
is  kept  secure  with  bandages,  until  the  child  is  three  years 
old,  at  which  time  the  head  bones  have  acquired  a  firmness 
to  retain  their  then  shape  during  life. 

"  The  Bighorn  is  one  of  the  three  largest  tributaries  of  the  Yellowstone.  It 
rises  in  the  Shoshone  and  Wind  River  Mountains,  in  Wyoming,  and  following  a 
northerly  course  enters  the  Yellowstone  at  about  46°  15'  north  latitude.  At  its 
mouth,  Manuel  Lisa  established  the  first  trading  post  on  the  Yellowstone  (1807). 
One  of  its  branches  has  become  famous  as  the  scene  of  the  Custer  massacre. —  Ed. 

"  For  the  Yellowstone  River,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  volume  v  of  our  series, 
p.  100,  note  68. —  Ed. 

'^  A  brief  account  of  the  Flathead  Indians  may  be  found  in  Franchere's  Narra- 
tive, in  our  volxime  vi,  p.  340,  note  145.  For  the  method  of  compressing  the 
children's  heads,  consult  illustration  in  Thwaites,  Original  Journals  of  the  Lewis 
and  Clark  Expedition,  iv. —  Ed. 


142 


Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 


On  the  nth,  we  reached  the  Yellow  Stone,  and  ascended 
it  to  its  head ;  and  thence  crossed  the  ridges  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  Clarke's  fork  of  the  Columbia.''  But  all 
these  streams  had  been  so  much  trapped,  as  to  yield  but  few 
beavers.  Clarke's  fork  is  a  hundred  yards  wide,  a  bold, 
clear,  pleasant  stream,  remarkable  for  the  number  and 
excellence  of  its  fish,  and  most  beautiful  country  of  fertile 
land  on  its  shores.  We  ascended  this  river  to  its  head, 
which  is  in  Long's  Peak,  near  the  head  waters  of  the  Platte. 
We  thence  struck  our  course  for  the  head  waters  of  the 
Arkansas,  on  which  we  arrived  July  ist.  Here  we  met  a 
band  of  the  Grasshopper  Indians,  who  derive  their  name 
from  gathering  grasshoppers,  drying  them,  and  pulverizing 
them,  with  the  meal  of  which  they  make  mush  and  bread; 
and  this  is  their  chief  article  of  food.  They  are  so  little 
improved,  as  not  even  to  have  furnished  themselves  with 
[loi]  the  means  of  killing  buffaloes.  At  sight  of  us,  these 
poor  two-legged  animals,  dodged  into  the  high  grass  like  so 
many  partridges. 

We  marched  up  this  stream,  trapping  for  the  few  beavers 
which  it  afforded.  Its  banks  are  scantily  timbered,  being 
only  skirted  with  a  few  wiUows.  On  the  5th,  we  met  a  war 
party  of  the  Black  Foot  Indians,"  all  well  mounted.  As 
soon  as  they  saw  us,  they  came  fiercely  upon  us,  yelling  as 

"  On  the  return  journey  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition,  Clark  passed  from 
the  Bitterroot  fork  of  Clark's  branch  of  the  Columbia,  across  the  continental 
divide,  through  Gibbon's  Pass,  thence  by  way  of  Bozeman  Pass  and  Jefferson  and 
Gallatin  rivers  to  the  Yellowstone,  reaching  the  latter  near  the  present  site  of 
Livingston,  Montana,  about  forty-five  miles  north  of  Yellowstone  Park.  See 
Thwaites,  Original  Journals  oj  the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  v,  p.  262. 

There  is  at  this  point  some  strange  mistake  or  hiatus  in  Pattie's  journal.  Clark's 
Fork  of  the  Columbia  takes  its  rise  in  the  Bitterroot  Mountains,  and  does  not 
flow  within  a  thousand  miles  of  Long's  Peak;  nor  would  the  time  allowed  —  less 
than  three  weeks  —  have  admitted  of  so  extensive  a  journey.  The  trappers  must 
have  become  confused  among  the  northern  rivers,  and  returned  on  their  steps  up 
the  North  Fork  of  the  Platte. —  Ed. 

"  For  the  Blackfeet  Indians,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  volume  v  of  our  series, 
p.  225,  note  120. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  143 

though  the  spirit  of  darkness  had  loaned  them  the  voices  of 
all  his  tenants.  We  dismounted,  and  as  soon  as  they  were 
within  shooting  distance,  we  gave  them  our  fire,  which  they 
promptly  returned.  The  contest  was  fierce  for  something 
more  than  20  minutes,  a  part  of  the  time  not  more  than  50 
yards  apart.  They  then  retreated,  and  we  mounted  our 
horses,  and  gave  them  chase,  though  unavailingly,  for  their 
horses  were  as  fleet  as  the  wind,  compared  with  ours.  We 
soon  desisted  from  so  useless  a  pursuit,  and  returned  to  the 
battle  ground.  We  found  sixteen  Blackfeet  dead,  and  with 
infinite  anguish,  counted  four  of  our  own  companions 
weltering  in  their  blood.  We  buried  them  with  sorrowful 
hearts,  and  eyes  full  of  tears.  Ah!  Among  those  who  live 
at  home,  surrounded  by  numerous  relations  and  friends, 
in  the  midst  of  repose,  plenty  and  security,  when  one  of  the 
number  droops,  and  dies  with  sickness  or  age,  his  removal 
leaves  a  chasm  that  is  not  filled  for  years.  Think  how  we 
must  have  mourned  these  brave  men,  who  had  shared  so 
many  dangers,  and  on  whose  courage  and  aid  we  had  every 
day  relied  for  protection.  Here  on  these  remote  plains,  far 
from  their  friends,  they  had  fallen  by  the  bloody  arrow  or 
spear  of  these  red,  barbarous  Ishmaelites  of  the  desert,  but 
neither  unwept  nor  unrevenged.  Having  performed  the 
sad  task  of  depositing  the  bodies  of  these  once  warm  hearted 
friends  in  the  clay,  we  ascended  to  the  head  of  this  river,  and 
crossed  the  mountain  that  separates  its  waters  from  those  of 
the  Rio  del  Norte,  which  river  we  struck  on  the  20th.  We 
began  to  descend  it,  and  on  the  23d  met  a  band  of  the  Naba- 
hoes,  who  accompanied  us  [102]  quite  to  their  chief  village. 
It  will  be  seen,  that  all  these  streams  upon  which  we  have 
been  trapping,  rise  from  sources  which  interlock  with  each 
other,  and  the  same  range  of  peaks  at  very  short  distances 
from  each  other.  These  form  the  heads  of  Red  river  of  the 
east,  and  the  Colorado  of  the  west,  Rio  del  Norte,  Arkansas, 
Platte,  Yellow  Stone,  Missouri  and  Columbia.    The  village 


I A^  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

of  these  Indians  is  distant  50  miles  from  the  Rio  del  Norte. 
We  remained  at  it  two  days,  and  rested  our  horses,  and 
refreshed  ourselves.  This  tribe  some  years  since  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Spanish,  during  which  they  plundered  them 
of  great  numbers  of  horses,  mules  and  cattle,  which  caused 
that  they  had  now  large  stocks  of  these  animals,  together 
with  flocks  of  sheep.  They  raise  a  great  abundance  of 
grain,  and  manufacture  their  wool  much  better  than  the 
Spanish.  On  the  first  of  August  we  arrived  at  Santa  Fe, 
with  a  fine  amount  of  furs.  Here  disaster  awaited  us.  The 
Governor,  on  the  pretext  that  we  had  trapped  without  a 
license  from  him,  robbed  us  of  all  our  furs.  We  were 
excessively  provoked,  and  had  it  not  been  from  a  sense  of 
duty  to  our  own  beloved  country,  we  would  have  redressed 
our  wrongs,  and  retaken  our  furs  with  our  own  arms. 

Here  I  remained  until  the  i8th,  disposing  of  a  part  of  my 
goods,  and  reserving  the  remainder  for  a  trip  which  I  con- 
templated to  the  province  of  Sonora.  I  had  the  pleasure  once 
more  of  receiving  the  affectionate  greeting  of  Jacova,  who 
gave  me  the  most  earnest  counsels  to  quit  this  dangerous 
and  rambling  way  of  life,  and  settle  myself  down  in  a  house 
of  my  own.  I  thanked  her  for  her  kindness  and  good 
counsel,  and  promised  to  follow  it,  after  rambling  another 
year  in  the  wilderness. —  Thence  I  went  to  the  mines,  where 
I  had  the  inexpressible  satisfaction  again  to  embrace  my 
dear  father,  whom  I  found  in  perfect  health,  and  making 
money  rapidly.  I  remained  there  three  days,  and,  accom- 
panied with  one  servant,  arrived  in  Hanas  on  the  first  of 
September.  This  is  a  small  town  situated  in  the  province 
of  Biscay,  between  the  province  of  Sonora  and  New  Mexico, 
in  a  direction  S.  W.  from  the  copper  mines." 

'*  The  province  of  Biscay  was,  properly  speaking,  Nueva  Vizcaya.  Originally 
extensive,  and  including  Sonora,  it  by  this  time  comprised  only  the  present  states 
of  Chihuahua  and  Durango.  Hanas  is  doubtless  Janos  (named  for  an  Indian 
tribe),  one  of  the  fortified  towns  of  Chihuahua,  situated  on  the  Casas  Grandes 
River. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  145 

[103]  The  country  is  generally  of  that  character,  denomi- 
nated in  Kentucky,  barren.  The  soil  is  level  and  black. 
These  people  raise  a  great  quantity  of  stock,  such  as  horses, 
cows,  sheep  and  goats.  Their  farming  implements  are 
clumsy  and  indifferent.  They  use  oxen  entirely  in  their 
agriculture.  Their  ploughs  are  a  straight  piece  of  timber, 
five  feet  long  and  eight  inches  thick,  mortised  for  two  other 
pieces  of  timber,  one  to  be  fitted  to  the  beam,  by  which  the 
oxen  draw,  and  another  to  the  handle,  by  which  the  man 
holds  the  plough.  The  point  that  divides  the  soil,  is  of  wood, 
and  hewed  sloping  to  such  a  point,  that  a  hollow  piece  of 
iron  is  fastened  on  it  at  the  end.  This  is  one  inch  thick,  and 
three  inches  broad  at  top,  and  slopes  also  to  a  point. 

Their  hoes,  axes  and  other  tools  are  equally  indifferent; 
and  they  are  precisely  in  such  a  predicament,  as  might  be 
expected  of  a  people  who  have  no  saw  mills,  no  labor  saving 
machinery,  and  do  every  thing  by  dint  of  hard  labor,  and  are 
withal  very  indolent  and  unenterprising. 

I  amused  myself  at  times  with  an  old  man,  who  daily  fell 
in  my  way,  who  was  at  once  rich  and  to  the  last  degree  a 
miser;  and  yet  devotedly  attached  to  the  priests,  who  were 
alone  able  to  get  a  little  money  out  of  him.  He  often  spoke 
to  me  about  the  unsafeness  of  my  religion.  Instead  of 
meeting  his  remarks  with  an  argument,  I  generally  affronted 
him  at  once,  and  then  diverted  myself  with  his  ways  of 
showing  his  anger.  I  told  him  that  his  priest  treated  him 
as  the  Spanish  hostlers  do  their  horses.  He  asked  me  to 
explain  the  comparison.  I  observed,  'you  know  how  the 
hostler  in  the  first  place  throws  his  lasso  over  the  mule's 
neck.  That  secures  the  body  of  the  beast.  Next  the 
animal  is  blindfolded.  That  hinders  his  seeing  where  he 
is  led.  Next  step  he  binds  the  saddle  safe  and  fast.  Then 
the  holy  father  rigs  his  heels  with  spurs.  Next  come  spur 
and  lash,  and  the  animal  is  now  restive  to  no  purpose.  There 
is  no  shaking  off  the  rider.     On  he  goes,  till  the  animal  under 


1^6  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

him  dies,  and  both  go  to  hell  together!'  At  this  he  flew 
into  such  a  violent  rage,  as  to  run  at  me  with  his  knife.  I 
dodged  out  of  his  [104]  way,  and  appeased  him  by  con- 
vincmg  him  that  I  was  in  jest.  The  rich,  in  their  way  of 
living,  unite  singular  contrasts  of  magnificence  and  meanness. 
For  instance,  they  have  few  of  the  useful  articles  of  our 
dining  and  tea  sets,  but  a  great  deal  of  massive  silver  plate, 
and  each  guest  a  silver  fork  and  spoon.  The  dining  room 
is  contiguous  to  the  kitchen.  A  window  is  thrown  open, 
and  the  cook  hands  a  large  dish  through  the  window  to  a 
servant,  who  bears  it  to  the  table.  The  entertainer  helps 
himself  first,  and  passes  the  dish  round  to  all  the  guests. 
Then  another  and  another  is  brought  on,  often  to  the  num- 
ber of  sixteen.  All  are  savored  so  strong  with  garlic  and 
red  pepper,  that  an  American  at  first  cannot  eat  them.  The 
meat  is  boiled  to  such  a  consistency  that  a  spoon  manages  it 
better  than  a  knife.  At  the  close  of  the  dinner  they  bring 
in  wine  and  cigars,  and  they  sit  and  smoke  and  drink  wine 
until  drowsiness  steals  upon  them,  and  they  go  to  bed  for 
their  siesta.  They  sleep  until  three  in  the  afternoon,  at 
which  time  the  church  bell  tolls.  They  rise,  take  a  cup  of 
chocolate,  and  handle  the  wine  freely.  This  short  affair 
over,  they  return  and  sit  down  on  the  shaded  side  of  the 
house,  and  chatter  like  so  many  geese  till  night,  when  they 
divide,  a  part  to  mass,  and  a  part  to  the  card  table,  where 
I  have  seen  the  poor,  betting  their  shirts,  hats  and  shoes. 
The  village  contains  700  souls. 

On  the  6th,  I  departed  from  this  town,  travelling  a  west 
course  through  a  most  beautiful  country,  the  plains  of 
which  were  covered  with  domestic  animals  running  wild. 
On  the  8th  I  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  that  divides 
the  province  of  Sonora  from  Biscay.  I  slept  at  a  country 
seat,  where  they  were  making  whiskey  of  a  kind  of  plantain, 
of  which  I  have  spoken  before,  which  they  called  Mascal 
(Maguey) .   Here  were  assembled  great  numbers  of  Spaniards 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  147 

and  Indians.  They  were  soon  drunk,  and  as  a  matter  of 
course,  fighting  with  knives  and  clubs.  In  the  morning, 
two  Spaniards  and  one  Indian  were  found  dead.  Late 
in  the  morning,  a  file  of  soldiers  arrived,  and  took  the  sus- 
pected murderers  to  prison. 

In  the  morning  I  commenced  climbing  the  mountain 
before  [105]  me,  and  in  the  evening  arrived  at  a  small  town 
in  Sonoro,  called  Barbisca;^^  situated  on  the  bank  of  a  most 
beautiful  little  stream,  called  lago,  which  discharges  itself 
into  the  Pacific  ocean,  near  the  harbor  of  Ymus.  Its  banks 
are  not  much  timbered,  nor  is  the  soil  uncommonly  good. 
The  morning  of  the  9th  was  a  great  religious  festival,  or 
famous  Saint's  day,  which  collected  a  vast  crowd  of  people. 
After  breakfast  and  mass,  the  image  of  the  virgin  Mary 
was  paraded  round  the  public  square  in  solemn  procession, 
during  which  there  was  a  constant  crash  of  cannon  and  small 
arms.  Then  an  old  priest  headed  a  procession,  bearing  the 
image  of  Christ,  nailed  to  a  cross.  After  these  images  were 
returned  to  their  church,  they  brought  into  a  square  en- 
closure, strongly  fenced  for  that  purpose,  a  wild  bull,  which 
they  threw  down,  tied  and  sharpened  its  horns.  The  tops 
of  the  houses  were  all  covered  with  people  to  see  the  spectacle 
that  was  performing.  The  bull  was  covered  with  red  cloth, 
and  two  men  entered  the  enclosure,  each  holding  in  the 
right  hand  a  bundle  of  sky  rockets,  and  in  the  left  a  red 
handkerchief.  The  rockets  were  lashed  to  a  stick  a  foot 
long,  in  the  end  of  which  was  a  small  nail,  a  half  an  inch 
long,  with  a  beard  at  the  end,  like  that  of  a  fish  hook.  They 
then  untied  the  fierce  animal.  No  sooner  was  he  on  his 
feet,  than  he  sprang  at  one  of  his  assailants,  who  avoided 
his  attack,  by  dextrously  slipping  aside,  and  as  the  animal 

'°  The  mountains  crossed  were  the  Sierra  Madre.  Bavispe  (Barbisca)  was  a 
presidio  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Sonora;  it  is  situated  on  the  river  of  the  same 
name,  one  of  the  main  forks  of  the  Yaqui,  the  largest  Sonoran  river,  which  follows 
a  southwest  course  and  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  California  below  Port-Guaymas. 
The  village  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake  in  May,  1887. —  Ed. 


148  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

darted  by  him,  stuck  in  his  neck  two  small  rockets,  one  on 
each  side.     The  other  assailant  then  gave  a  sharp  whistle 
to  draw  the  infuriated  animal  upon  him.     The  bull  snorted 
and  dashed  at  him.     He  dodged  the  animal  in  the  same 
manner,  as  the  other  had  done,  and  left  sticking  in  his  fore- 
head, as  he  passed,  a  garland  of  artificial  flowers,  made  of 
paper,  beautifully  cut  and  painted,  and  large  enough  to 
cover  his  whole  forehead.     In  this  way  they  kept  alternately 
driving  him  this  way  and  that,  sticking  rockets  in  him  as  he 
dashed  by  them,  until  he  was  covered  with  eight  or  ten, 
clinging  to  his  neck  and  shoulders.     They^  then  touched  the 
crackers  with  a  lighted  match.     Words  would  not  paint  the 
bull's  expressions  of  rage  and  terror,  as  he  bounded  round 
the  enclosure,  covered  with  fire,  [106]  and  the  rockets  every 
moment   discharging   like   fire   arms.     After   this,   a   man 
entered  with  a  small  sword.     The  bull  bellowed  and  darted 
at  him.     As  the  bull  dropped  his  head  to  toss  him,  he  set 
his  feet  upon  the  horns,  and  in  a  twinkling,  thrust  his  sword 
between  the  shoulder  blades,  so  as  to  touch  the  spinal  marrow. 
The  animal  dropped  as  dead  as  a  stone.     The  drum  and 
fife  then  struck  up,  as  a  signal  for  the  horsemen  to  come  and 
carry  off  the  dead  animal,  and  bring  in  a  fresh  one.     All 
this  was  conducted  with  incredible  dispatch.     In  this  way 
seven  bulls  were  successively  tortured  to  death,  by  footmen. 
After  this,  four  men  entered  on  horseback,  equipped  with 
spears  in  the  shape  of  a  trowel,  and  a  handle  four  feet  long. 
With  this  spear  in  the  one  hand,  and  a  noose  in  the  other, 
they  gallopped  round  the  bull.     The  bull  immediately  made 
at  the  horsemen  passing  him,  who  moved  just  at  such  a  pace, 
as  not  to  allow  the  bull  to  toss  the  horse.     The  horseman 
then  couched  his  spear  backwards,  so  as  to  lay  it  on  the 
bull's  neck.     The  bull  instantly  reared  and  tossed,  and  in 
the  act  forced  the  spear  between  his  fore  shoulders,  so  as 
to  hit  the  spinal  marrow.     If  the  spear  is  laid  rightly,  and 
the  animal  makes  his  accustomed  motions,  he  drops  instantly 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  149 

dead.  But  to  do  this  requires  infinite  dexterity  and  fearless- 
ness. If  the  man  be  clumsy,  or  of  weak-nerves,  he  is  apt 
to  fail  in  couching  the  spear  right,  in  which  case,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  the  horse  is  gored,  and  it  is  ten  to  one  that  the  man 
is  slain.  In  this  way  fourteen  bulls  were  killed,  and  with 
them,  five  horses  and  one  man,  during  this  festival.  At 
night  commenced  gambling  and  card  playing,  and  both  as 
fiercely  pursued  as  the  bull  fighting.  This  great  feast  lasted 
three  days,  during  which,  as  the  people  were  in  a  very  pur- 
chasable humor,  I  sold  a  number  of  hundred  dollar's  worth 
of  my  goods. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  I  left  this  place,  and  in  the 
evening  arrived  at  a  small  town  called  Vassarac,  and  re- 
mained there  one  day.  The  country  in  the  vicinity  is  well 
timbered  and  very  hilly.  The  woods  are  full  of  wild  cattle 
and  horses.  On  the  13th,  I  travelled  through  a  fine  rich 
country,  abounding  with  cattle,  and  arrived  in  the  evening 
at  a  town  called  Tepac,  [107]  situated  on  a  small  creek,  near 
a  mountain,  in  which  there  is  a  gold  mine  worked  by  the 
lago  Indians,^"  a  nation  formerly  under  the  protection  of  an 
old  priest.  He  attempted  to  practice  some  new  imposition 
upon  them,  and  they  killed  him  some  years  ago.  On  this 
the  Spaniards  made  war  upon  them,  and  the  conflict  was 
continued  some  years.  They  lost  the  best  and  bravest  of 
their  men,  and  the  remnant  were  obliged  to  submit  to  such 
terms  as  the  Spaniards  saw  fit  to  impose.  They  were  either 
condemned  to  the  mines,  or  to  raise  food  for  those  who 
wrought  them. 

I  remained  in  this  town  three  days,  and  purchased  gold 


**  The  Yaquis  Indians,  living  along  the  Yaqui  River,  have  been  difficult  to  keep 
in  subjection;  they  revolted  in  1740,  and  again  in  1825.  At  present  constituting 
the  laboring  class  of  Sonora,  although  Uving  apart  from  whites,  in  their  own 
villages,  they  are  much  employed  in  the  gold  mines,  in  which  Sonora  abounds, 
being  one  of  the  richest  mining  districts  in  the  world.  The  mine  described  by 
Pattie  was  evidently  near  the  present  village  of  Tepache,  northeast  of  the  centre 
of  the  state,  which  is  still  strewn  with  abandoned  shafts. —  Ed. 


iro  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

in  bars  and  lumps  of  the  Indians,  at  the  rate  of  ten  dollars 
per  ounce.  The  diggings  seldom  exceed  twenty  feet  in 
depth.  Most  of  the  gold  is  found  on  the  surface  after  hard 
rains.  Their  mode  of  extracting  the  gold  from  the  earth 
with  which  it  is  mixed,  or  the  stone  in  which  it  is  imbedded, 
is  this.  The  stone  is  pulverised  or  ground,  still  keeping  the 
matter  wet.  It  is  carefully  mixed  with  mercury,  and 
kneaded  with  the  hands,  until  the  water  is  separated  from 
the  mass,  and  the  mercury  is  perfectly  incorporated  with  it. 
This  process  is  repeated,  until  the  water  runs  off  perfectly 
clear.  They  then  grind  or  triturate  the  mass  anew  until  all 
the  particles  of  earthy  matter  are  washed  away.  The 
remaining  matter  is  amalgam,  of  the  color  of  silver,  and  the 
consistency  of  mush.  They  then  put  it  into  a  wet  deer  skin, 
and  strain  the  mercury  by  pressure  through  the  pores  of  the 
skin.  The  gold  is  left,  still  retaining  enough  mercury  to  give 
it  the  color  of  silver.  The  coarse  way  of  managing  it  after- 
wards, is  to  put  it  in  the  fire,  and  evaporate  all  the  mercury 
from  it,  and  it  is  then  pure  virgin  gold.  There  is  a  more 
artificial  way  of  managing  it,  by  which  the  mercury  is  saved. 

This  province  would  be  among  the  richest  of  the  Mexican 
country,  if  it  were  inhabited  by  an  enlightened,  enterprising 
and  industrious  people.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  indolence 
of  the  actual  inhabitants.  The  only  point,  in  which  I  ever 
saw  them  display  any  activity,  is  in  throwing  the  lasso,  and 
in  horsemanship.  In  this  I  judge,  they  surpass  all  other 
people.  Their  great  [108]  business  and  common  pursuit, 
is  in  noosing  and  taming  wild  horses  and  cattle. 

On  the  15th,  I  left  this  place  and  travelled  through  a  coun- 
try well  timbered  and  watered,  though  the  land  is  too  broken 
to  be  cultivated,  and  in  the  evening  arrived  in  a  town  called 
Varguacha.  This  is  a  place  miserably  poor,  the  people 
being  both  badly  fed  and  clothed.  But  their  indolence  alone 
is  in  fault.  The  land  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  town 
is  good,  and  the  woods  teem  with  wild  cattle.     But  they 


I 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  151 

are  too  lazy  to  provide  more  meat  than  will  serve  them  from 
day  to  day.  On  the  17th  I  continued  my  course  through  a 
beautiful  country,  thinly  settled  by  civilized  Indians,  who 
raise  sugar  cane  and  abundance  of  stock.  They  are  obvi- 
ously more  enterprising  and  industrious  than  the  Spaniards. 
Approaching  the  shore  of  the  great  Pacific,  I  found  the 
country  more  level  and  better  settled.  Some  rich  and  noble 
sugar  farms  lay  in  my  view. 

On  the  2 2d  I  arrived  in  Patoka,  which  is  a  considerable 
town,  and  the  capital  of  this  province."  It  is  two  day's 
travel  hence  to  Ymus.  The  people  here  seemed  to  me  more 
enlightened,  and  to  have  a  higher  air  of  civilization  than 
any  I  had  seen  in  the  whole  country.  It  probably  results 
from  the  intercourse  they  have  with  foreigners,  from  their 
vicinity  to  the  Pacific.  Most  of  them  are  dressed  in  the 
stile  of  the  American  people.  Their  houses  are  much 
better  furnished,  and  the  farmers  are  supplied  with  superior 
farming  utensils,  compared  with  any  thing  I  saw  in  the 
interior.  The  chief  manufactures  are  soap  and  sugar,  the 
latter  of  an  inferior  quality,  I  imagine,  in  consequence  of 
the  clumsy  mode  of  manufacturing  it.  From  the  port  of 
Ymus  they  also  export  considerable  quantities  of  tallow 
and  hides,  for  which  the  farmers  are  repaid  in  merchandize 
at  an  enormous  advance.  A  great  many  horses  and  mules 
are  driven  from  the  interior  to  this  port.  Many  also  are 
taken  to  the  American  states.  The  price  of  mules  in  this 
province  is  from  three  to  four  dollars  a  head. 

I  remained  here  until  I  had  disposed  of  all  my  goods.  On 
the  26th,  I  left  this  town,  and  travelled  on  to  port  Ymus, 
at  which  [109]  I  arrived  on  the  28th,  and  first  saw  the  waters 
of  the  vast  Pacific.  ^^    I  spent  a  day  here  on  board  an  Amer- 

'^  Sonora  has  had  several  capitals,  and  it  is  uncertain  to  which  Pattie  here 
refers.  The  present  executive  town  is  Hermosillo,  on  the  Sonora  River.  Its 
earlier  rival  was  Ures,  some  miles  up  the  same  river. —  Ed. 

*^  Pattie  sees  here  the  Gulf  of  California,  whose  principal  port  is  still  Guaymas, 
with  a  popiilation  of  about  five  thousand  five  hundred. —  Ed. 


1^2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

ican  ship,  the  master  of  which  was  surprised  at  the  account 
I  gave  of  myself,  and  would  hardly  believe  that  I  had  travelled 
to  this  place  from  the  United  States.  I  was  equally  amazed 
at  hearing  him  relate  the  disasters  which  had  befallen  him 
at  sea.  On  the  29th,  I  left  this  port,  and  travelled  a  N.  W. 
course,  through  a  country  full  of  inhabitants,  and  abounding 
in  every  species  of  fruit.  Snow  never  falls,  although  the 
general  temperature  is  not  so  warm  but  that  woollen  gar- 
ments may  be  worn.  To  add  to  its  advantages,  it  is  very 
healthy.  On  the  7th  of  October,  I  arrived  at  a  town  called 
Oposard.  The  population  amounts  to  about  8000  souls. 
I  here  became  acquainted  with  one  of  my  own  countrymen, 
married  to  a  Spanish  woman.  He  informed  me,  that  he 
had  been  in  this  country  thirty  years,  eight  of  which  he  had 
spent  in  prison.  The  sufferings  he  endured  from  the  Span- 
iards were  incredible;  and  I  internally  shuddered,  as  he 
related,  lest  I,  in  travelling  through  the  country  might  fall 
into  similar  misfortunes.  As  some  palliation  of  their  cruelty, 
he  observed,  that  he  was  made  prisoner  at  the  period  when 
the  revolution  was  just  commencing  in  that  country.*^  At 
that  time  the  Inquisition  was  still  in  force,  and  committed 
many  a  poor  mortal  to  the  flames,  for  his  alleged  heresy. 
He  assured  me,  that  he  should  have  met  the  same  fate,  had 
he  not  become  a  member  of  their  church.  He  afterwards 
married  a  lady,  who  had  gained  his  affections  by  being  kind 
to  him  in  prison. 

I  remained  with  this  man  two  days,  and  on  the  third 
resumed  my  journey,  travelling  an  easterly  course,  and  part 
of  the  time  over  a  very  rough  country.  I  met  no  inhabitants, 
but  Indians,  who  were  uniformly  friendly.     On  the  loth,  I 


^  The  Mexican  revolt  against  Spain  began  with  the  rising  of  Hidalgo  in  1810, 
and  was  carried  on  with  varying  success  until  apparently  quelled  in  1817. 
But  the  Spanish  revolution  of  1820  was  the  signal  for  a  new  and  successful  out- 
break, and  Mexico  became  independent  the  following  year. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  153 

arrived  at  the  mines  of  Carrocha,^*  which  were  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Chihuahua,  situated  between  two  mountains,  and 
considered  the  richest  silver  mines  in  New  Mexico.  There 
are  about  800  miners  working  this  mine,  and  they  have 
advanced  under  ground  at  least  half  a  mile.  On  the  12th, 
I  started  for  the  capital,  and  reached  it  on  the  i6th,  passing 
over  great  tracts  of  good  and  bad  land,  all  [no]  untilled,  and 
most  of  it  an  uninhabited  wilderness.  This  city  is  the 
next  largest  in  New  Mexico.®^  It  is  the  largest  and  hand- 
somest town  I  had  ever  seen,  though  the  buildings  are  not  so 
neat  and  well  arranged  as  in  our  country.  The  roofs  are 
flat,  the  walls  well  painted,  and  the  streets  kept  very  clean. 
Here  they  smelt  and  manufacture  copper  and  silver,  and 
several  other  metals.  They  have  also  a  mint.  The  terms 
of  their  currency  are  very  different  from  ours.  They  count 
eight  rials,  or  sixteen  four  pence  half  pennies,  to  the  dollar. 
Their  merchandize  is  packed  from  Ymus,  or  Mexico. 

I  have  heard  much  talk  about  the  Splendid  churches  in 
this  city.  It  is  for  others,  who  think  much  of  such  immense 
buildings,  wrung  from  the  labors  of  the  poor,  to  describe 
them.  For  my  part,  having  said  it  is  a  large  and  clean  town, 
I  present  a  result  of  their  institutions  and  manners,  which 
I  considered  the  more  important  sort  of  information.     Dur- 

**  These  were  probably  the  mines  of  Cosihuiriachi,  located  in  the  Sierra  de 
Metates,  about  ninety  miles  west  of  the  capital  of  Chihuahua.  Accidentally 
discovered  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they  became  highly  profitable, 
the  number  of  persons  living  there  in  Spanish  times  being  estimated  at  ten  thou- 
sand. As  in  the  case  of  the  copper  mines,  the  plundering  of  the  Apache  caused  a 
decline,  and  by  1850  most  of  them  had  been  abandoned.  For  further  details,  see 
Wislizenus,  "A  Tour  to  Northern  Mexico"  {Senate  Misc.,  30  Cong.,  i  sess.,  26,  pp. 
51-53).— Ed. 

^  Chihuahua,  the  capital  of  the  state  of  that  name,  is  attractively  situated  in  a 
valley  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Mountains,  about  a  hundred  miles  west  of  the  Rio 
Grande  River.  It  was  settled  about  1691,  the  population  being  considerably 
greater  in  Spanish  than  in  Mexican  times.  The  most  noteworthy  building  is  the 
cathedral,  perhaps  the  richest  and  most  beautiful  in  Mexico.  A  second  large 
church  was  begun  by  the  Jesuits,  but  never  completed;  it  served  as  a  prison  for 
the  patriot  Hidalgo  before  his  execution.     See  Wislizenus,  op.  cit.,  pp.  60-63. —  Ed. 


I  f  4  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

ing  a  stay  of  only  three  days  here,  ten  dead  bodies  were 
brought  into  town,  of  persons  who  had  been  murdered  in 
the  night.  Part  of  the  number  were  supposed  to  have  been 
killed  on  account  of  having  been  known  to  carry  a  great  deal 
of  money  with  them,  and  part  to  have  had  a  quarrel  about 
some  abandoned  women.  This  last  is  a  most  common 
occasion  of  night  murders,  the  people  being  still  more 
addicted  to  jealousy,  and  under  still  less  restraints  of  law, 
than  in  old  Spain,  in  the  cities  of  which,  assassinations  from 
this  cause  are  notoriously  frequent. 

I  asked  my  informant  touching  these  matters,  if  there  was 
no  police  in  the  city?  He  answered,  that  the  forms  of  the 
law  were  complete,  and  that  they  had  a  numerous  guard, 
and  that  it  was  quite  as  likely  they  committed  the  murders 
themselves,  as  not.  I  came  to  the  same  conclusion,  for  in  a 
small  and  regular  city  like  this,  it  was  impossible  that  so 
many  guards,  parading  the  streets  by  night,  should  not  be 
aware  of  the  commission  of  such  deeds,  and  acquainted  with 
the  perpetrators.  No  inquest  of  any  sort  was  held  over  the 
bodies.  They  were,  however,  paraded  through  the  streets 
to  beg  money  to  pay  the  priests  for  performing  funeral  rites 
at  their  burial.  This  excited  in  me  [iii]  still  more  disgust, 
than  the  murders.  I  expressed  myself  in  consequence,  with 
so  much  freedom,  in  regard  to  this  sort  of  miserable  im- 
position, as  to  give  great  offence  to  my  host,  who,  like  most 
of  the  people,  was  rigidly  devoted  to  the  religion  of  the 
church.  On  the  evening  of  i6th,  I  left  this  city,  and  trav- 
elled through  a  fine  country,  thickly  inhabited  by  shepherds, 
who  live  in  small  towns,  and  possess  a  vast  abundance  of 
stock.  It  is  well  watered,  but  thinly  timbered.  The  most 
magnificent  part  of  the  spectacle  is  presented  in  the  lofty 
snow  covered  mountains,  that  rise  far  in  the  distance,  and 
have  their  summits  lost  in  the  clouds,  glistening  in  indescrib- 
able brilliance  in  the  rays  of  the  rising  and  setting  sun. 

The  road  at  this  time  was  deemed  to  be  full  of  robbers, 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  155 

and  very  dangerous.  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  meet  with 
none.  On  the  i8th,  I  arrived  at  a  small  town,  called  San 
Bueneventura,*^  which  is  surrounded  with  a  wall.  In  fact, 
most  of  the  considerable  villages  are  walled.  They  are 
called  in  Spanish,  Presidio,  the  English  of  which  is,  a  garri- 
son. In  the  forenoon,  I  crossed  a  small  river  called  Rio 
Grande,"  and  travelled  down  this  stream  all  day,  the  banks 
of  which  were  thickly  settled,  and  in  high  cultivation,  with 
wheat,  corn  and  barley.  On  the  22d,  I  arrived  at  a  village 
called  Casas  Grandes,  or  the  Great  Houses.''  On  the  23d, 
I  pursued  an  east  course  towards  Passo  del  Norte,  situated 
on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  del  Norte.  I  travelled  over  a  very 
rough  country  with  some  high  mountains,  inhabited  by  a 
wandering  tribe  of  the  Appache  Indians,  that  live  by  seizing 
their  opportunities  for  robbery  and  murder  among  the 
Spaniards,  riding  off  upon  the  stolen  horses,  to  the  obscure 
and  almost  inaccessible  fastnesses  of  their  mountains,  where 
they  subsist  upon  the  stolen  horseflesh. 

I  know  not,  whether  to  call  the  Passo  del  Norte,  a  settle- 
ment or  a  town.'*  It  is  in  fact  a  kind  of  continued  village, 
extending  eight  miles  on  the  river.     Fronting  this  large 

^  San  Buenaventura  was  originally  a  Franciscan  mission  about  a  hundred  and 
eighty  miles  northeast  of  Chihuahua.  It  was  frequently  disturbed  by  Apache 
attacks,  and  about  1775  was  moved  a  short  distance  and  made  one  of  the  frontier 
presidios. —  Ed. 

*'  From  its  location  this  river  would  seem  to  be  the  Santa  Maria,  a  small  stream 
which  rises  in  the  mountains  south  of  San  Buenaventura,  and  flowing  northward 
loses  itself  in  a  lake  not  far  from  El  Paso. —  Ed. 

'*  Casas  Grandes  is  a  short  distance  south  of  Janos  (see  ante,  note  78).  Near 
the  Mexican  village  are  the  famous  ruins  of  large,  several-storied  dwelUngs  built 
by  an  Indian  tribe  that  has  passed  away.  Evidence  of  a  canal  which  conveyed  the 
water  supply  is  also  to  be  seen,  and  at  some  distance  from  the  cluster  of  buildings 
is  a  kind  of  watch-tower.  Similar  ruins  have  been  discovered  in  Arizona,  all  the 
work  of  Pueblo  Indians,  although  of  a  tribe  having  attained  a  somewhat  higher 
culture  than  those  of  to-day.    See  Bandelier, ' '  Final  Report,"  iv,  pp.  S44-S75- —  Ed. 

*'  The  town  of  El  Paso  dates  from  about  1680,  when  the  Spanish  were  driven 
out  of  Santa  Fe  by  the  great  Pueblo  revolt.  For  Indian,  trapper,  trader,  and  miner 
it  has  been  a  gateway  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  river  systems.  Its  name 
arose  from  the  fact  that  there  the  Rio  del  Norte  emerges  from  the  mountains  to  the 
plains.     The  modern  El  Paso,  Texas,  is  across  the  river  from  the  old  town. —  Ed. 


I  r()  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

group  of  houses,  is  a  nursery  of  the  fruit  trees,  of  almost  all 
countries  and  climes.  It  has  a  length  of  eight  miles  and  a 
breadth  of  nearly  three.  I  was  struck  with  the  magnificent 
vineyards  of  this  place,  from  [112]  which  are  made  great 
quantities  of  delicious  wine.  The  wheat  fields  were  equally 
beautiful,  and  the  wheat  of  a  kind  I  never  saw  before,  the 
stalks  generally  yielding  two  heads  each.  The  land  is 
exceedingly  rich,  and  its  fertility  increased  by  urrigation. 

On  the  28th,  I  started  for  the  Copper  mines,  wrought  by 
my  father.  This  day  my  course  led  me  up  the  del  Norte, 
the  bottoms  of  which  are  exceedingly  rich.  At  a  very  short 
distance  from  the  Passo,  I  began  to  come  in  contact  with  grey 
bears,  and  other  wild  animals.  At  a  very  little  distance  on 
either  side  are  high  and  ragged  mountains,  entirely  sterile  of 
all  vegetation.  I  had  no  encounter  with  the  bears,  save  in 
one  instance.  A  bear  exceedingly  hungry,  as  I  suppose, 
came  upon  my  horses  as  I  was  resting  them  at  mid-day, 
and  made  at  one  of  them.  I  repaid  him  for  his  impudence 
by  shooting  him  through  the  brain.  I  made  a  most  delicious 
dinner  of  the  choice  parts  of  his  flesh.  My  servant  would 
not  touch  it,  his  repugnance  being  shared  by  great  numbers 
in  his  condition.  It  is  founded  on  the  notion,  that  the  bear 
is  a  sort  of  degenerated  man,  and  especially,  that  the  entrails 
are  exactly  like  those  of  human  beings. 

On  the  30th,  I  struck  off  from  the  del  Norte,  and  took  my 
course  for  the  Copper  mines  directly  over  the  mountains, 
among  which  we  toiled  onward,  subsisting  by  what  we 
packed  with  us,  or  the  product  of  the  rifle,  until  the  nth  of 
November,  when  I  had  once  more  the  satisfaction  of  em- 
bracing my  father  at  the  Copper  mines.  He  was  in  perfect 
health,  and  delighted  to  see  me  again.  He  urged  me  so 
earnestly  to  remain  with  him,  though  a  stationary  life  was 
not  exactly  to  my  taste,  that  I  consented  from  a  sense  of 
filial  duty,  and  to  avoid  importunity.  I  remained  here  until 
the  first  of  December,  amusing  myself  sometimes  by  hunting, 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  157 

and  sometimes  by  working  in  the  gold  mine,  an  employment 
in  which  I  took  much  pleasure. 

In  a  hunting  excursion  with  a  companion  who  was  an 
American,  he  one  morning  saw  fit  to  start  out  of  bed,  and 
commence  his  hunt  while  I  was  yet  asleep  in  bed.     He  had 
scarcely  advanced  a  league,  before  he  killed  a  deer  on  the 
top  of  a  high  ridge.     He  was  so  inadvertent,  as  to  commence 
skinning  the  animal,  before  [113]  he  had  re-loaded  his  rifle. 
Thus  engaged,  he  did  not  perceive  a  bear  with  her  cubs, 
which  had  advanced  within  a  few  feet  of  him.     As  soon  as 
he  saw  his  approaching  companion,  without  coveting  any 
farther  acquaintance,  he  left  deer  and  rifle,  and  ran  for  his 
life.     He  stopped  not,  until  he  arrived  at  the  mines.     The 
bear  fell  to  work  for  a  meal  upon  the  deer,  and  did  not  pur- 
sue him.     We  immediately  started  back  to  have  the  sport 
of  hunting  this  animal.     As  we  approached  the  ridge,  where 
he  had  killed  the  deer,  we  discovered  the  bear  descending 
the  ridge  towards  us.     We  each  of  us  chose  a  position,  and 
his  was  behind  a  tree,  which  he  could  mount,  in  case  he 
wounded,  without  killing  her.     This  most  ferocious  and 
terrible  animal,  the  grizzly  or  grey  bear,  does  not  climb  at 
all.     I  chose  my  place  opposite  him,  behind  a  large  rock, 
which  happened  to  be  near  a  precipice,  that  I  had  not 
observed.     Our   agreement   was   to   wait   until   she   came 
within  30  yards,  and  then  he  was  to  give  her  the  first  fire. 
He  fired,  but  the  powder  being  damp,  his  gun  made  long 
fire,  whence  it  happened  that  he  shot  her  too  low,  the  ball 
passing  through  the  belly,  and  not  a  mortal  part.     She  made 
at  him  in  terrible  rage.     He  sprang  up  his  tree,  the  bear 
close  at  his  heels.     She  commenced  biting  and  scratching 
the  tree,  making,  as  a  Kentuckian  would  phrase  it,  the  lint 
fly.     But  finding  that  she  could  not  bite  the  tree  down,  and 
being  in  an  agony  of  pain,  she  turned  the  course  of  her  attack, 
and  came  growling  and  tearing  up  the  bushes  before  her, 
towards  me.     My  companion  bade  me  lie  still,  and  my  own 


I  r  8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

purpose  was  to  wait  until  I  could  get  a  close  fire.  So  I 
waited  until  the  horrible  animal  was  within  six  feet  of  me. 
I  took  true  aim  at  her  head.  My  gun  flashed  in  the  pan. 
She  gave  one  growl  and  sprang  at  me  with  her  mouth  open. 
At  two  strides  I  leapt  down  the  unperceived  precipice.  My 
jaw  bone  was  split  on  a  sharp  rock,  on  which  my  chin  struck 
at  the  bottom.  Here  I  lay  senseless.  When  I  regained 
recollection,  I  found  my  companion  had  bled  me  with  the 
point  of  his  butcher  knife,  and  was  sitting  beside  me  with 
his  hat  full  of  water,  bathing  my  head  and  face.  It  was 
perhaps  an  hour,  before  I  gained  full  recollection,  [114]  so  as 
to  be  able  to  walk.  My  companion  had  cut  a  considerable 
orifice  in  my  arm  with  his  knife,  which  I  deemed  rather 
supererogation;  for  I  judged,  that  I  had  bled  sufiiciently  at 
the  chin. 

When  I  had  come  entirely  to  myself,  my  companion  pro- 
posed that  we  should  finish  the  campaign  with  the  bear.  I, 
for  my  part,  was  satisfied  with  what  had  already  been  done, 
and  proposed  to  retreat.  He  w^as  importunate,  however, 
and  I  consented.  We  ascended  the  ridge  to  where  he  had 
seen  the  bear  lie  down  in  the  bushes.  We  fixed  our  guns 
so  that  we  thought  ourselves  sure  of  their  fire.  We  then 
climbed  two  trees,  near  where  the  bear  was,  and  made  a 
noise,  that  brought  her  out  of  her  lair,  and  caused  her  to 
spring  fiercely  towards  our  trees.  We  fired  together,  and 
killed  her  dead.  We  then  took  after  the  cubs.  They  were 
three  in  number.  My  companion  soon  overtook  them. 
They  were  of  the  size  of  the  largest  rackoons.  These  imps 
of  the  devil  turned  upon  him  and  made  fight.  I  was  in  too 
much  pain  and  weakness  to  assist  him.  They  put  him  to  all 
he  could  do  to  clear  himself  of  them.  He  at  length  got 
away  from  them,  leaving  them  masters  of  the  field,  and 
having  acquired  no  more  laurels  than  I,  from  my  combat 
with  my  buff  aloe  calf.  His  legs  were  deeply  bit  and  scratched, 
and  what  was  worse,  such  was  the  character  of  the  affair,  he 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 59 

only  got  ridicule  for  his  assault  of  the  cubs.  I  was  several 
weeks  in  recovering,  during  which  time,  I  ate  neither  meat 
nor  bread,  being  able  to  swallow  nothing  but  liquids. 

The  country  abounds  with  these  fierce  and  terrible  animals, 
to  a  degree,  that  in  some  districts  they  are  truly  formidable. 
They  get  into  the  corn  fields.  The  owners  hear  the  noise, 
which  they  make  among  the  com,  and  supposing  it  occasioned 
by  cows  and  horses  that  have  broken  into  the  fields,  they  rise 
from  their  beds,  and  go  to  drive  them  out,  when  instead  of 
finding  retreating  domestic  animals,  they  are  assailed  by  the 
grizzly  bear.  I  have  been  acquainted  with  several  fatal 
cases  of  that  sort.  One  of  them  was  a  case,  that  intimately 
concerned  me.  lago,  my  servant,  went  out  with  a  man  to 
get  a  load  of  [115]  wood.  A  bear  came  upon  this  man  and 
killed  him  and  his  ass  in  the  team.  A  slight  flight  of  snow  had 
fallen.  Some  Spaniards,  who  had  witnessed  the  miserable 
fate  of  their  companion,  begged  some  of  us  to  go  and  aid 
them  in  killing  the  bear.  Four  of  us  joined  them.  We 
trailed  the  bear  to  its  den,  which  was  a  crevice  in  the  bluff. 
We  came  to  the  mouth  and  fired  a  gun.  The  animal,  con- 
fident in  his  fierceness,  came  out,  and  we  instantly  killed  it. 
This  occurred  in  New  Mexico. 

This  stationary  and  unruffled  sort  of  life  had  become 
unendurable,  and  with  fifteen  Americans,  we  arranged  a 
trapping  expedition  on  the  Pacos.'"  My  father  viewed  my 
rambling  propensities  with  stem  displeasure.  He  had  taken 
in  a  Spanish  superintendent,  who  acted  as  clerk.  This 
person  had  lived  in  the  United  States  from  the  age  of  18  to 
30,  and  spoke  English,  French  and  Spanish.  This  man 
arranged  the  calculations,  and  kept  the  accounts  of  my 

»"  This  is  not  the  Pacos  (Pecos),  previously  mentioned  by  Pattie  (see  ante,  note 
49),  but  the  Puerco,  a  western  tributary  of  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Puerco  was  also 
a  common,  though  mistaken  name,  for  the  Pecos,  hence  the  confusion.  The 
Puerco  is  a  narrow,  shallow  stream,  about  seventy-five  miles  in  length,  which, 
rising  in  the  mountains  west  of  Santa  Fe  and  flowing  southward,  unites  with  the 
Rio  del  Norte  a  few  miles  above  Socorro. —  Ed. 


i6o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

father's  concerns,  and  had  always  acted  with  intelligence 
and  fidelity.  The  concern  was  on  the  whole  prosperous; 
and  although  I  felt  deep  sorrow  to  leave  my  father  against 
his  wishes,  I  had  at  least  the  satisfaction  to  know,  that  I 
was  of  no  other  use  to  him,  than  giving  him  the  pleasure 
of  my  society. 

On  the  yth,  our  company  arrived  on  the  del  Norte,  and 
crossed  it  in  the  evening  to  the  eastern  shore.  On  the  eve- 
ning of  the  8th,  we  struck  the  Pacos  about  twenty  miles 
above  its  junction  with  the  del  Norte.  This  day's  travel  was 
through  a  wild  and  precipitous  country,  inhabited  by  no 
human  being.  We  killed  plenty  of  bears  and  deer,  and 
caught  some  beavers.  On  the  9th,  we  began  to  ascend  the 
river  through  a  rich  and  delightful  plain,  on  which  are  to  be 
seen  abundance  of  deserted  sheep  folds,  and  horse  pens, 
where  the  Spanish  vachers  once  kept  their  stock.  The  con- 
stant incursions  of  the  Indians  compelled  this  peaceful 
people  to  desert  these  fair  plains.  Their  deserted  cottages 
inspired  a  melancholy  feeling.  This  river  runs  from  N.  E. 
to  S.  W.  and  is  a  clear,  beautiful  stream,  20  yards  wide,  with 
high  and  dry  bottoms  of  a  black  and  rich  soil.  The  moun- 
tains run  almost  parallel  to  the  river,  and  at  the  distance  of 
[116]  eight  or  ten  miles.  They  are  thickly  covered  with 
noble  pine  forests,  in  which  aspen  trees  are  intermixed. 
From  their  foot  gush  out  many  beautiful  clear  springs.  On 
the  whole,  this  is  one  of  the  loveliest  regions  for  farmers 
that  I  have  ever  seen,  though  no  permanent  settlements 
could  be  made  there,  until  the  murderous  Indians,  who  live 
in  the  mountains,  should  be  subdued. 

We  advanced  slowly  onward,  until  the  15th,  without 
meeting  any  Indians.  At  day  break  of  this  day,  our  senti- 
nels apprized  us,  that  savages  were  at  hand.  We  had  just 
time  to  take  shelter  behind  the  trees,  when  they  began  to  let 
their  arrows  fly  at  us.  We  returned  them  the  compliment 
with  balls,  and  at  the  first  shot  a  number  of  them  fell.    They 


o 


13 

> 

c 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  163 

remained  firm  and  continued  to  pour  in  their  arrows  from 
every  side.  We  began  to  find  it  exceedingly  difiicult  to 
dodge  them,  though  we  gave  them  some  rounds  before  any 
one  of  our  men  was  struck.  At  length  one  man  was  pierced, 
and  they  rushed  forward  to  scalp  him.  I  darted  from 
behind  my  tree  to  prevent  them.  I  was  assailed  by  a  per- 
fect shower  of  arrows,  which  I  dodged  for  a  moment,  and 
was  then  struck  down  by  an  arrow  in  the  hip.  Here  I 
should  have  been  instantly  killed,  had  not  my  companions 
made  a  joint  fire  at  the  Indians,  who  were  rushing  upon  me, 
by  which  a  number  of  them  were  laid  dead.  But  the  agony 
of  my  pain  was  insupportable,  for  the  arrow  was  still  fast 
in  my  hip.  A  momentary  cessation  of  their  arrows  enabled 
me  to  draw  out  the  arrow  from  my  hip,  and  to  commence 
re-loading  my  gun.  I  had  partly  accomplished  this,  when 
I  received  another  arrow  under  my  right  breast,  between 
the  bone  and  the  flesh.  This  gave  me  less  pain  than  the 
other  shot,  and  finding  I  could  not  by  any  effort  extract  the 
arrow,  I  snapped  it  off,  and  finished  loading  my  gun.  The 
Indian  nearest  me  fell  dead,  and  I  hobbled  off,  glad  to  be 
once  more  sheltered  by  a  tree.  My  companions  were  not 
slow  in  making  their  rifles  crack,  and  in  raising  mutual  cheers 
of  encouragement.  The  Indians  were  vastly  our  superiors 
in  numbers,  and  we  found  it  convenient  to  slip  under  the 
river  bank.  We  were  now  completely  sheltered  [117]  from 
their  arrows.  After  we  had  gained  this  security,  they  stood 
but  a  few  shots  more,  before  they  fled,  leaving  their  dead 
and  wounded  at  our  mercy.  Truth  is,  we  were  too  much 
exasperated  to  show  mercy,  and  we  cut  off  the  heads  of  all, 
indiscriminately. 

Our  loss  was  one  killed,  and  two  wounded,  another  beside 
myself  though  neither  of  us  dangerously.  The  Indians  had 
28  killed.  Luckily  our  horses  were  on  an  island  in  the  river, 
or  we  should  have  lost  every  one  of  them.  Our  only  loss 
of  property  was  a  few  blankets,  which  they  took,  as  they  fled 


1 64  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

by  our  camp.  During  the  20  minutes  that  the  contest  lasted, 
I  had  a  fragment  of  an  arrow  fast  in  my  breast,  and  the  spike 
of  the  other  in  my  hip.  I  suffered,  it  may  be  imagined, 
excruciating  pain,  and  still  severer  pain  during  the  operation 
of  extraction.  This  operation,  one  of  my  companions  under- 
took. He  was  some  minutes  in  effecting  it.  The  spike 
could  not  be  entirely  extracted  from  my  hip,  for  being  of 
flint,  it  had  shivered  against  the  bone. 

The  Indians  that  attacked  us,  were  a  tribe  of  the  Mus- 
callaros,"  a  very  warlike  people,  although  they  have  no  other 
arms  except  bows  and  arrows,  which  are,  however,  the  most 
powerful  weapons  of  the  kind.  They  are  made  of  an  elastic 
and  flexible  wood,  backed  with  the  sinews  of  a  buff  aloe  or 
elk.  Their  arrows  are  made  of  a  species  of  reed  grass,  and 
are  very  light,  though  easily  broken.  In  the  end  is  stuck  a 
hard  piece  of  wood,  which  is  pointed  by  a  spike  of  flint  an 
inch  in  length,  and  a  quarter  of  an  inch  in  width,  and  ground 
to  the  sharpest  point.  The  men,  though  not  tall,  are  ad- 
mirably formed,  with  fine  features  and  a  bright  complexion 
inclining  to  yellow.  Their  dress  is  a  buckskin  belt  about 
the  loins,  with  a  shirt  and  moccasins  to  match.  Their  long 
black  hair  hangs  in  imbraided  masses  over  their  shoulders, 
in  some  cases  almost  extending  to  the  heels.  They  make 
a  most  formidable  appearance,  when  completely  painted, 
and  prepared  for  battle. 

On  the  1 6th,  having  made  our  arrangements  for  departure, 
I  applied  my  father's  admirable  salve  to  my  two  severe 
wounds,  [118]  and  to  my  companion's  slight  wound  in  the 
arm,  and  we  both  felt  able  to  join  our  companions  in  their 
march.  We  travelled  all  this  day  and  the  following  night  a 
west  course,  and  the  following  day,  without  stopping  longer 


''  The  Mescalero  were  among  the  most  treacherous  and  murderous  tribes  of 
the  Apache.  Their  favorite  haunts  were  the  mountains  bordering  the  Rio  del 
Norte  on  the  east.  Some  five  hundred  of  them  are  now  on  the  Mescalero  reserva- 
tion in  New  Mexico. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  165 

than  was  necessary  to  take  a  little  food.  After  this  we 
stopped  and  rested  ourselves  and  horses  all  night.  I  need 
not  attempt  to  describe  the  bitter  anguish  I  endured,  during 
this  long  and  uninterrupted  ride.  It  will  be  only  necessary 
to  conceive  my  situation  to  form  a  right  conception  of  it. 
Our  grand  object  had  been  to  avoid  another  contest  with  the 
Muscallaros.  In  the  evening  we  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the 
Nabahoes,  who  were  now  out  on  an  expedition  against  the 
Muscallaros,  who  had  recently  killed  one  of  their  people, 
and  against  whom  they  had  sworn  immediate  revenge.  We 
showed  the  manifest  proof  of  the  chastisement  they  had 
received  from  us.  Never  had  I  seen  such  frantic  leaps  and 
gestures  of  joy.  The  screams  and  yells  of  exultation  were 
such  as  cannot  be  imagined.  It  seemed  as  though  a  whole 
bedlam  had  broke  loose.  When  we  told  them  that  we  had  lost 
but  one  man,  their  screams  became  more  frantic  still.  Their 
medicine  man  was  then  called,  and  he  produced  an  emollient 
poultice,  the  materials  of  which  I  did  not  know  but  the  efifect 
was  that  the  anguish  of  our  wounds  was  at  once  assuaged. 
By  the  application  of  this  same  remedy,  my  wounds  were 
quite  healed  in  a  fortnight. 

The  scalps,  which  some  of  our  number  had  taken  from 
the  Muscallaros,  were  soon  erected  on  a  pole  by  the  Naba- 
hoes. They  immediately  commenced  the  fiercest  dancing 
and  singing  I  had  yet  seen,  which  continued  without  inter- 
ruption three  days  and  nights.  During  all  this  time,  we 
endured  a  sort  of  worship  from  them,  particularly  the 
women.  They  were  constantly  presenting  us  with  their 
favorite  dishes,  served  in  different  ways,  with  dried  berries 
and  sweet  vegetables,  some  of  which,  to  people  in  our  con- 
dition, were  really  agreeable. 

In  size  and  complexion  these  people  resemble  the  Muscal- 
laros, and  their  bows  and  arrows  are  similar ;  though  some  of 
the  latter  have  fire  arms,  and  their  dress  is  much  superior. — 
[119]  Part  of  their  dress  is  of  the  same  kind  with  that  of  the 


1 66  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

former,  though  the  skins  are  dressed  in  a  more  workmanlike 
manner,  and  they  have  plenty  of  blankets  of  their  own 
manufacturing,  and  constituting  a  much  better  article  than 
that  produced  by  the  Spaniards.  They  dye  the  wool  of 
different  and  bright  colors,  and  stripe  them  with  very  neat 
figures.  The  women  are  much  handsomer,  and  have 
lighter  complexions  than  the  men.  They  are  rather  small  in 
stature,  and  modest  and  reserved  in  their  behaviour.  Their 
dress  is  chiefly  composed  of  skins  made  up  with  no  small 
share  of  taste;  and  showily  corded  at  the  bottom,  forming 
a  kind  of  belt  of  beads  and  porcupine  quills. —  They  are 
altogether  the  handsomest  women  I  have  seen  among  the 
red  people,  and  not  inferior  in  appearance  to  many  Spanish 
women.  Their  deportment  to  our  people,  was  a  mixture 
of  kindness  and  respect. 

On  the  2ist,  we  started  back  to  the  river,  accompanied  by 
the  whole  party  of  Nabahoes,  who  assured  us  that  they 
would  guard  us  during  the  remainder  of  our  hunt.  We 
returned  to  the  river  through  a  beautiful  and  level  country, 
most  of  it  well  timbered  and  watered.  On  our  return  we 
killed  several  bears,  the  talons  of  which  the  Indians  took  for 
necklaces.  On  the  26th,  we  arrived  at  our  battle  ground. 
The  view  of  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  all  torn  in  pieces  by  wild 
beasts,  inexpressibly  disgusting  to  us,  was  equally  a  spectacle 
of  pleasure  to  our  red  friends.  We  pointed  out  the  grave 
of  our  companion.  They  all  walked  in  solemn  procession 
round  it,  singing  their  funeral  songs.  As  they  left  it,  every 
one  left  a  present  on  the  grave ;  some  an  arrow,  others  meat, 
moccasins,  tobacco,  war-feathers,  and  the  like,  all  articles  of 
value  to  them.  These  simple  people  believe  that  the  spirit 
of  the  deceased  will  have  immediate  use  for  them  in  the  life 
to  come.  Viewing  their  offerings  in  this  light,  we  could  not 
but  be  affected  with  these  testimonies  of  kind  feeling  to  a 
dead  stranger.  They  then  gathered  up  the  remains  of  their 
slaughtered  enemies,  threw  them  in  a  heap,  and  cut  a  great 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 67 

quantity  of  wood,  which  they  piled  over  the  remains.  They 
then  set  fire  to  the  wood.  We  struck  our  tents,  [i  20]  marched 
about  five  miles  up  the  river,  set  our  traps,  and  encamped 
for  the  night.  But  the  Nabahoes  danced  and  yelled  through 
the  night  to  so  much  effect,  as  to  keep  all  the  beavers  shut  up 
in  their  houses,  for,  having  been  recently  trapped,  they  were 
exceedingly  cautious. 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  we  informed  them  why  we 
had  taken  no  beavers,  and  during  the  following  night  they 
were  perfectly  quiet.  We  marched  onward  slowly,  trapping 
as  we  went,  until  we  reached  the  Spanish  settlements  on  this 
river.  On  New  Year's  eve,  January  ist,  1827,  the  Spaniards 
of  the  place  gave  a  fandango,  or  Spanish  ball.  All  our 
company  were  invited  to  it,  and  went.  We  appeared  before 
the  Alcalde,  clad  not  unlike  our  Indian  friends;  that  is  to 
say,  we  were  dressed  in  deer  skin,  with  leggins,  moccasins 
and  hunting  shirts,  all  of  this  article,  with  the  addition  of 
the  customary  Indian  article  of  dress  around  the  loins,  and 
this  was  of  red  cloth,  not  an  article  of  which  had  been  washed 
since  we  left  the  Copper  Mines.  It  may  be  imagined  that  we 
did  not  cut  a  particular  dandy-like  figure,  among  people, 
many  of  whom  were  rich,  and  would  be  considered  well 
dressed  any  where.  Notwithstanding  this,  it  is  a  strong  proof 
of  their  politeness,  that  we  were  civilly  treated  by  the  ladies, 
and  had  the  pleasure  of  dancing  with  the  handsomest  and 
richest  of  them.  When  the  ball  broke  up,  it  seemed  to  be 
expected  of  us,  that  we  should  each  escort  a  lady  home,  in 
whose  company  we  passed  the  night,  and  we  none  of  us 
brought  charges  of  severity  against  our  fair  companions. 

The  fandango  room  was  about  forty  by  eighteen  or 
twenty  feet,  with  a  brick  floor  raised  four  or  five  feet  above 
the  earth.  That  part  of  the  room  in  which  the  ladies  sat, 
was  carpetted  with  carpetting  on  the  benches,  for  them  to 
sit  on.  Simple  benches  were  provided  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  the  gentlemen.     Four  men  sang  to  the  music  of  a 


1 68  Karly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

violin  and  guitar.  All  that  chose  to  dance  stood  up  on  the 
floor,  and  at  the  striking  up  of  a  certain  note  of  the 
music,  they  all  commenced  clapping  their  hands.  The 
ladies  then  advanced,  one  by  one,  and  stood  facing  their 
partners.  The  dance  then  changed  to  a  waltz,  each  [121] 
man  taking  his  lady  rather  unceremoniously,  and  they 
began  to  whirl  round,  keeping  true,  however,  to  the  music, 
and  increasing  the  swiftness  of  their  whirling.  Many  of 
the  movements  and  figures  seemed  very  easy,  though  we 
found  they  required  practise,  for  we  must  certainly  have 
made  a  most  laughable  appearance  in  their  eyes,  in  attempt- 
ing to  practise  them.  Be  that  as  it  may,  we  cut  capers  with 
the  nimblest,  and  what  we  could  not  say,  we  managed  by 
squeezes  of  the  hand,  and  little  signs  of  that  sort,  and  passed 
the  time  to  a  charm. 

The  village,  in  which  was  this  ball,  is  called  Perdido,  or 
the  lost  town,  probably  from  some  circumstances  in  its 
history.  It  contains  about  500  souls  and  one  church.  The 
bishop  was  present  at  this  ball,  and  not  only  bestowed  his 
worshipful  countenance,  but  danced  before  the  Lord,  like 
David,  with  all  his  might.  The  more  general  custom  of  the 
ladies,  as  far  as  I  observed,  is  to  sit  cross  legged  on  the  floor 
like  a  tailor.  They  are  considerably  addicted  to  the  industry 
of  spinning,  but  the  mode  has  no  resemblance  to  the  spinning 
of  our  country.  For  a  wheel,  they  have  a  straight  stick  about 
a  foot  long,  rounded  like  the  head  of  a  spool.  In  the  middle 
of  the  stick  is  a  hole,  through  which  the  stick  is  fastened. 
Their  mode  of  spinning  with  this  very  simple  instrument 
reminded  me  strongly  of  the  sport  of  my  young  days,  spinning 
a  top,  for  they  give  this  spinning  affair  a  twirl,  and  let  it  run 
on  until  it  has  lost  its  communicated  motion  to  impart  it 
anew.  This  shift  for  a  spinning  wheel  they  call  necataro. 
They  manufacture  neither  cotton  nor  wool  into  cloth,  and 
depend  altogether  on  foreign  trade  for  their  clothing.  The 
greatest  part  of  this  supply  comes  over  land  from  the  United 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  169 

States.  On  the  2d,  we  started  for  San  Tepee,  through  a 
country  generally  barren,  though  abounding  in  water.  We 
saw  plenty  of  bears,  deer  and  antelope.  Some  of  the  first 
we  killed,  because  we  needed  their  flesh,  and  others  we 
killed  for  the  same  reason  that  we  were  often  obliged  to  kill 
Indians,  that  is,  to  mend  their  rude  manners,  in  fiercely 
making  at  us,  and  to  show  them  that  we  were  not  Spaniards, 
to  give  them  the  high  sport  of  seeing  us  run.  We  arrived  in 
the  above  named  town  [122]  on  the  5th,  and  sold  our  furs. 
Here  I  met  again  some  of  the  companions  who  came  with 
me  in  the  first  instance  from  the  United  States.  I  enquired 
about  others,  whom  I  held  in  kind  remembrance.  Some 
had  died  by  lingering  diseases,  and  others  by  the  fatal  ball 
or  arrow,  so  that  out  of  116  men,  who  came  from  the  United 
States  in  1824,  there  were  not  more  than  sixteen  alive.  Most 
of  the  fallen  were  as  true  men,  and  as  brave  as  ever  poised  a 
rifle,  and  yet  in  these  remote  and  foreign  deserts  found  not 
even  the  benefit  of  a  grave,  but  left  their  bodies  to  be  torn  by 
the  wild  beasts,  or  mangled  by  the  Indians.  When  I  heard 
the  sad  roll  of  the  dead  caUed  over,  and  thought  how  often  I 
had  been  in  equal  danger,  I  felt  grateful  to  my  Almighty 
Benefactor,  that  I  was  alive  and  in  health.  A  strong  per- 
ception of  the  danger  of  such  courses  as  mine,  as  shown  by 
the  death  of  these  men,  came  over  my  mind,  and  I  made  a 
kind  of  resolution,  that  I  would  return  to  my  home,  and  never 
venture  into  the  woods  again.  Among  the  number  of  my 
fallen  companions,  I  ought  not  to  forget  the  original  leader 
of  our  company,  Mr.  Pratte,  who  died  in  his  prime,  of  a 
lingering  disease,  in  this  place. 

On  the  loth,  I  commenced  descending  the  Del  Norte  for 
the  Copper  Mines,  in  hopes  once  more  to  have  the  pleasure 
of  embracing  my  father,  and  relate  to  him  what  I  had  suffered 
in  body  and  mind,  for  neglecting  to  follow  his  wise  and 
fatherly  counsel.  I  now  travelled  slowly  and  by  myself,  and 
on  the  12th,  arrived  at  the  house  of  my  old  friend  the  gover- 


\jo  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

nor,  who  met  me  at  his  door,  and  gave  me  such  an  embrace, 
as  to  start  the  blood  from  my  scarcely  healed  wound.  I  did 
not  perceive  at  the  moment,  that  his  embrace  had  produced 
this  effect,  and  entered  the  house,  where  I  met  Jacova,  who 
received  me  with  a  partial  embrace,  and  a  manner  of  con- 
strained politeness.  She  then  sat  down  by  me  on  the  sopha, 
and  began  asking  me  many  questions  about  my  adventure 
since  we  had  parted,  often  observing  that  I  looked  indisposed. 
At  length  she  discovered  the  blood  oozing  through  my 
waistcoat.  She  exclaimed,  putting  her  hand  on  the  wound, 
'and  good  reason  you  have  to  look  [123]  so,  for  you  are 
wounded  to  death.'  The  look  that  accompanied  this  remark, 
I  may  not  describe,  for  I  would  not  be  thought  vain,  and  the 
stem  character  of  my  adventures  forbids  the  intermij^ture 
of  any  thing  of  an  entirely  different  aspect.  I  was  not  long, 
however,  in  convincing  her  that  my  wound  was  not  really 
dangerous,  and  that  I  owed  its  present  bleeding  to  the 
friendship  of  her  father,  a  cause  too  flattering  to  be  matter 
of  regret.  This  drew  from  me  a  narrative  of  the  occasion  of 
my  wound,  which  I  related  in  the  same  simple  terms  and 
brief  manner  in  which  it  is  recorded  in  my  journal.  A  long 
conversation  of  questions  and  replies  ensued,  of  a  nature 
and  on  subjects  not  necessary  to  relate.  On  the  20th, 
imploring  God  that  we  might  meet  again,  we  parted,  and  I 
resumed  my  journey,  travelling  slowly  for  my  father's 
residence  at  the  Copper  Mines.  I  paused  to  rest  and  amuse 
myself  in  several  of  the  small  towns  on  my  way.  On  the 
26th,  I  had  the  high  satisfaction  once  more  to  hold  the  hand 
of  my  father,  and  to  find  him  in  health  and  prosperity,  and 
apparently  with  nowise  abated  affection  for  me,  though  I 
had  rejected  his  counsels.  This  affection  seemed  to  receive 
a  warmer  glow,  when  he  heard  my  determination  not  to  take 
to  the  woods  again.  I  then  in  return  wished  to  make  my- 
self acquainted  with  the  true  state  of  his  affairs.    He  had 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  171 

established  a  vacherie  on  the  river  Membry®^  where  he  kept 
stock.  He  had  also  opened  a  farm  on  the  land  which  the 
old  Appache  chief  had  given  him,  which  enabled  him  to 
raise  grain  for  the  use  of  his  own  establishment  at  the  mines. 
He  had  actually  a  supply  of  grain  in  advance  for  the  next 
year.  He  had  made  similar  improvements  upon  every  thing 
appertaining  to  the  mines.  The  result  of  the  whole  seemed 
to  be,  that  he  was  making  money  rapidly. 

He  still  retained  the  Spaniard,  of  whom  I  have  spoken 
before,  as  clerk  and  superintendent,  believing  him  to  be  a 
man  of  real  stability  and  weight  of  character,  and  placing 
the  most  entire  reliance  both  upon  his  capacity  and  integrity. 
I  was  less  sanguine,  and  had  my  doubts,  though  having  seen 
no  decided  facts,  [124]  upon  which  to  ground  them,  I  did 
not  deem  myself  justified  in  honor  to  impart  my  doubts  to 
my  father. 

On  the  loth  of  February,  my  father  requested  me,  on  his 
account,  to  take  a  trip  to  Alopaz,  to  purchase  for  his  estab- 
lishment some  wine  and  whiskey,  which  articles  sell  at  the 
mines  at  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  pint.  I  started  with  one  serv- 
ant and  six  pack  mules,  each  having  a  couple  of  small 
barrels  fastened  over  their  saddles,  after  the  manner  of 
our  panniers.  On  the  i6th,  I  reached  the  place,  and  pur- 
chased my  cargo,  but  the  weather  was  so  inclement,  that  I 
thought  it  best  not  to  return  until  it  softened.  I  became 
acquainted  with  an  American,  married  in  this  place.  He 
was  by  pursuit  a  gunsmith,  and  had  been  up  the  upper 
Missouri  with  Col.  Henry,  ^^  and  an  old  and  noted  trader  on 
that  river.  The  mutual  story  of  what  we  two  had  seen  and 
suffered,  would  probably  appear  incredible,  and  beyond  the 


'^  The  Mimbres  River  flows  between  Mimbres  Mountain  and  the  copper 
mines,  being  but  a  short  distance  from  the  latter. —  Ed. 

*'  This  is  probably  Andrew  Henry,  a  pioneer  trader  on  the  Missouri,  for  whom 
see  our  volume  xv,  p.  246,  note  107. —  Ed. 


1^2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

common  order  of  things,  to  most  people,  except  those  who 
have  hunted  and  trapped  in  the  western  parts  of  this  con- 
tinent, among  the  mountains  and  savages,  and  has  nothing 
upon  which  to  depend,  but  his  own  firmness  of  heart,  the 
defence  of  his  rifle,  and  the  protection  of  the  all  present  God. 
To  such  persons,  the  incidents  which  we  mutually  related, 
would  all  seem  natural. 

I  remained  here  until  the  ist  of  April.  Spring  in  its 
peculiar  splendor  and  glory  in  this  country,  had  now  wakened 
the  fields  and  forests  into  life,  and  was  extending  its  empire 
of  verdure  and  flowers  higher  and  higher  up  the  mountains 
towards  their  snowy  peaks.  On  this  day  I  commenced  my 
journey  of  return  to  the  mines,  with  my  servant  and  my  cargo 
bestowed  on  my  mules.  Though  the  face  of  the  country 
was  all  life  and  beauty,  the  roads  so  recently  thawed,  were 
exceedingly  muddy  and  heavy.  One  of  my  mules  in  con- 
sequence gave  out  the  second  day.  My  servant  packed  the 
load  of  the  tired  mule  upon  his  riding  one,  and  walked  on 
foot  the  remainder  of  the  day.  During  the  day  we  dis- 
covered fresh  bear  tracks  in  the  wood,  and  my  servant  ad- 
vised me  to  have  my  gun  loaded.  At  this  remark  I  put  my 
hand  in  my  shot  pouch,  and  found  but  a  single  ball,  and 
[125]  no  lead  with  which  to  make  more.  At  this  discovery 
I  saw  at  once  the  uselessness  of  self  reproach  of  my  own 
carelessness  and  neglect,  though  it  will  be  easily  imagined, 
what  anxiety  it  created,  aware  that  I  had  to  travel  through  a 
long  and  dreary  wilderness,  replenished  with  grizzly  bears 
and  hostile  Indians.  Neither  did  I  dare  disclose  a  particle 
of  what  was  passing  in  my  mind  to  my  servant,  through  fear 
that  he  would  be  discouraged,  in  which  case,  I  knew  his  first 
step  would  be  to  turn  back,  and  leave  me  to  make  the  journey 
alone.  It  would  have  been  impossible  for  me  to  do  this,  as 
we  were  both  scarcely  able  to  arrange  the  affairs  of  the  jour- 
ney. We  advanced  cautiously  and  were  unmolested  through 
the  day.     But  I  passed  a  most  uncomfortable  night  through 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  173 

fear  of  the  bears,  which,  thawed  out,  were  emerging  from 
their  winter  dens  with  appetites  rendered  ravenous  by  their 
long  winter  fast.  We  and  our  mules  would  have  furnished 
them  a  delicious  feast,  after  the  hunger  of  months.  No 
sleep  visited  my  eyes  that  night. 

At  ten  o'clock  of  the  3d,  we  met  a  Spaniard  on  horse  back. 
I  accosted  him  in  the  usual  terms,  and  asked  if  he  had  met 
any  Indians  on  his  way?  He  answered  that  he  had,  and 
that  there  was  a  body  of  friendly  Appaches  encamped  near 
the  road,  at  a  distance  of  a  little  more  than  a  league.  I  was 
delighted  with  this  information,  for  I  supposed  I  should  be 
able  to  purchase  a  horse  of  them,  on  which  I  might  mount 
my  servant.  While  I  was  reflecting  on  this  thought,  my 
servant  proposed  to  purchase  his  horse,  and  offered  him  a 
blanket  in  exchange.  He  instantly  dismounted,  took  the 
blanket,  and  handed  over  the  horse.  Happy  to  see  the  poor 
fellow  once  more  comfortably  mounted,  we  bade  the  easy 
Spaniard  adieu,  and  gaily  resumed  our  journey.  In  a 
short  time,  according  to  his  information,  we  saw  the  Indian 
camp  near  the  road,  from  which  their  smokes  were  visible. 
We  were  solicitous  to  pass  them  unobserved  and  pushed  on 
towards  a  stopping  place,  which  we  might  reach  at  twelve 
o'clock.  Here  we  stopped  to  enable  our  horses  to  rest,  and 
eat,  for  the  grass  was  fine.  I  ordered  my  servant  to  spancel 
the  mules,  and  tether  the  horse  to  a  shrub  by  a  long  rope. 
[126]  My  gun  reclined  upon  the  packs.  We  ate  a  little  our- 
selves, and  afterwards  I  spread  my  blanket  on  the  grass,  close 
by  the  horses,  and  lay  down  to  repose  myself,  though  not 
intending  to  go  to  sleep.  But  the  bright  beams  of  the  sun 
fell  upon  me  in  the  midst  of  the  green  solitude,  and  I  was 
soon  in  a  profound  sleep.  A  large  straw  hat  on  the  side  of 
my  face  shaded  my  head  from  the  sun. 

While  enjoying  this  profound  sleep,  four  of  the  Appaches 
came  in  pursuit  of  us.  It  seems  our  Spaniard  had  stolen  his 
horse  from  them,  a  few  hours  before.     They  came  upon  us 


174  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

in  possession  of  the  horse,  and  supposed  me  the  thief.  One 
of  them  rode  close  to  me,  and  made  a  dart  at  me  with  his 
spear.  The  stroke  was  aimed  at  my  neck,  and  passed 
through  my  hat,  nailing  it  to  the  ground  just  back  of  my 
neck,  which  the  cold  steel  barely  touched.  It  awakened  me, 
and  I  sprang  to  my  feet.  Four  Indians  on  horse  back  were 
around  me,  and  the  spear,  which  had  been  darted  at  me, 
still  nailed  my  hat  to  the  ground.  I  immediately  seized  the 
spear  and  elevated  it  towards  the  Indian,  who  in  turn  made 
his  horse  spring  out  of  my  reach.  I  called  my  servant,  who 
had  seen  the  Indians  approaching  me,  and  had  hidden 
himself  in  the  bushes.  I  then  sprang  to  my  gun,  at  the 
distance  of  ten  or  fifteen  paces.  When  I  had  reached  and 
cocked  it,  I  presented  it  at  an  Indian  who  was  unsheathing 
his  fusil.  As  soon  as  he  discovered  my  piece  elevated,  he 
threw  himself  from  his  horse,  fell  on  his  knees,  and  called  for 
mercy.  What  surprized  me,  and  arrested  my  fire,  was  to 
hear  him  call  me  by  my  Christian  name.  I  returned  my 
rifle  to  my  shoulder  and  asked  him  who  he  was  ?  He  asked 
me,  if  I  did  not  know  Targuarcha  ?  He  smote  his  breast  as 
he  asked  the  question.  The  name  was  familiar.  The 
others  dismounted,  and  gathered  round.  An  understanding 
ensued.  When  they  learned  the  manner  in  which  we  came 
by  the  horse,  their  countenances  were  expressive  of  real 
sorrow.  They  had  supposed  me  a  Spaniard,  as  they  said, 
and  the  thief  of  their  horse.  They  begged  me  not  to  be 
angry,  with  a  laughable  solicitude,  offering  me  the  horse  as 
the  price  of  friendship.  Above  all,  they  were  [127]  anxious 
that  I  should  not  relate  the  affair  to  my  father.  They 
seemed  to  have  an  awe  of  him,  resembling  that  due  to  the 
Supreme  Being.  This  awe  he  had  maintained  by  his  steady 
deportment,  and  keeping  up  in  their  minds  the  impression, 
that  he  always  had  a  large  army  at  command,  and  was  able, 
and  disposed  at  the  first  insult,  or  breach  of  the  treaty  on 
their  part,  to  bring  it  upon  them  to  their  utter  destruction. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  175 

To  all  their  apologies  and  kind  words  and  excuses,  I 
answered  that  I  knew  them  as  well  as  any  other  man,  and 
that  they  were  not  to  expect  to  atone  for  a  dastardly  attempt 
to  take  my  life,  and  coming  within  a  hair's  breadth  of  taking 
it,  by  offering  me  a  present,  that  I  believed  that  they  knew 
who  I  was,  and  only  wanted  an  opportunity,  when  they 
could  steal  upon  me  unarmed,  and  kill  me,  as  they  had 
probably  committed  many  other  similar  murders;  that  they 
were  ready  enough  to  cry  pardon,  as  soon  as  they  saw  me 
handling  my  rifle,  hoping  to  catch  me  asleep  again,  but  that 
they  would  henceforward  be  sure  to  find  me  on  my  guard. 

At  this  the  Indian  who  had  darted  the  spear  at  me,  ex- 
claimed that  he  loved  me  as  a  brother,  and  would  at  any 
occasion  risk  his  life  in  my  defence.  I  then  distinctly 
recollected  him,  and  that  I  had  been  two  months  with  the 
band,  to  which  he  belonged,  roving  in  the  woods  about  the 
mines.  Targuarcha  had  shown  a  singular  kind  of  attach- 
ment to  me,  waiting  upon  me  as  if  I  had  been  his  master.  I 
was  perfectly  convinced  that  he  had  thrust  his  spear  at  me  in 
absolute  ignorance,  that  it  was  me.  Still  I  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  instil  a  lesson  of  caution  into  them,  not  to  kill  any 
one  for  an  imagined  enemy,  until  they  were  sure  that  he  was 
guilty  of  the  supposed  wrong.  Consequently  I  dissembled 
distrust,  and  told  him,  that  it  looked  very  little  like  friend- 
ship, to  dart  a  spear  at  the  neck  of  a  sleeping  man,  and  that 
to  tell  the  plain  truth,  I  had  as  little  confidence  in  him,  as  a 
white  bear.  At  this  charge  of  treachery,  he  came  close  to 
me,  and  looking  affectionately  in  my  face,  exclaimed  in 
Spanish,  'if  you  think  me  such  a  traitor,  kill  me.  Here  is 
my  breast.  Shoot.'  At  the  same  time  he  bared  his  breast 
with  his  hand,  with  such  a  [128]  profound  expression  of 
sorrow  in  his  countenance,  as  no  one  was  ever  yet  able  to 
dissemble.  I  was  softened  to  pity,  and  told  him  that  I 
sincerely  forgave  him,  and  that  I  would  henceforward  con- 
sider him  my  friend,  and  not  inform  my  father  what  he  had 


1^6  Karly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

done.  They  all  promised  that  they  would  never  attempt 
to  kill  any  one  again,  until  they  knew  who  it  was,  and  were 
certain  that  he  was  guilty  of  the  crime  charged  upon  him. 
Here  we  all  shook  hands,  and  perfect  confidence  was  restored. 

I  now  called  again  for  my  servant,  and  after  calling  till  I 
was  hoarse,  he  at  length  crawled  from  behind  the  bushes, 
like  a  frightened  turkey  or  deer,  and  looking  wild  with  terror. 
He  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  heartily  laughed  at,  as  a 
person  who  had  deserted  his  master  in  the  moment  of  peril. 
They  are  not  a  people  to  spare  the  feelings  of  any  one  who 
proves  himself  a  coward  by  deserting  his  place.  They 
bestowed  that  term  upon  him  without  mercy.  All  his  reply 
was,  sullenly  to  set  himself  to  packing  his  mules. 

Now  arose  a  friendly  controversy  about  the  horse,  they 
insisting  that  I  should  take  it,  as  the  price  of  our  renewed 
friendship,  and  I,  that  I  would  not  take  it,  except  on  hire  or 
purchase.  They  were  obstinate  in  persisting  that  I  should 
take  the  horse  along  with  me,  and  finally  promised  if  I  would 
consent,  that  they  would  return  to  camp  and  bring  their 
families,  and  escort  me  to  the  mines.  To  this  I  consented, 
though  I  had  first  taken  the  precaution  to  procure  some 
rifle  balls  of  them.  We  then  resumed  our  journey,  and  trav- 
elled on  without  incident  till  the  5  th,  when  they  overtook 
us,  and  we  travelled  on  very  amicably  together,  until  we 
reached  the  Membry,  which  runs  a  south  course,  and  is 
lost  in  a  wide  arid  plain,  after  winding  its  way  through 
prodigious  high,  craggy  mountains.  It  affords  neither  fish 
nor  beavers,  but  has  wide  and  rich  bottoms,  of  which  as  I 
have  mentioned,  they  gave  my  father  as  much  as  he  chose 
to  cultivate. 

From  the  point  where  the  road  crosses  this  river  to  the 
mines,  is  reckoned  15  miles.  Here  we  met  the  chief  of  this 
band  of  the  Appaches,  with  a  great  number  of  his  people. 
They  were  [129]  all  delighted  to  see  us,  and  not  the  less  so, 
when  they  discovered  that  we  had  spirituous  liquors,  of 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  i  jj 

which  they  are  fond  to  distraction.  There  was  no  evading 
the  importunities  of  the  chief  to  stay  all  night  with  him,  he 
promising,  if  I  would  that  he  would  go  in  next  day  with  me 
to  my  father.  I  had  scarcely  arrived  an  hour,  when  I  saw 
the  Indian,  that  had  darted  his  spear  at  me,  come  to  the 
chief  with  shirt  laid  aside,  and  his  back  bare.  He  handed 
the  chief  a  stout  switch,  asking  him  to  whip  him.  The  chief 
immediately  flayed  away  about  50  lashes,  the  blood  showing 
at  every  stroke.  He  then  asked  me,  if  the  thing  had  been 
done  to  my  satisfaction?  I  told  him  that  I  had  no  satis- 
faction to  demand.  The  chief  who  had  whipped  him,  was 
positively  ignorant  of  the  crime,  for  which  he  had  suffered 
this  infliction.  But  he  said,  when  one  of  his  men  begged  a 
flogging,  he  took  it  for  granted,  that  it  was  not  for  the  good 
deeds  of  the  sufferer,  and  that  he  deserved  it.  When  I 
learned  that  it  was  a  voluntary  penance  for  his  offence  to  me 
on  the  road,  I  felt  really  sorry,  and  made  him  a  present  of  a 
quart  of  whiskey,  as  an  internal  unction  for  the  smart  of  his 
stripes,  a  medicine  in  high  esteem  among  the  Indians  in 
such  cases. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  mines,  the  old  chief  enquired  what 
had  been  done  to  me  on  the  road?  As  soon  as  he  was 
informed,  he  sprang  up,  tore  his  hair,  and  seized  a  gun  to 
shoot  the  poor  culprit.  I  interposed  between  them,  and 
convinced  him,  that  Taguarcha  had  not  been  really  to 
blame  in  any  thing  but  his  haste,  and  that  if  I  had  really 
been  the  thief,  he  would  have  done  right  to  kill  me,  and 
get  back  his  horse,  and  that  not  even  my  father  would 
have  thought  the  worse  of  him,  but  that  we  should  both  now 
like  him  better,  as  well  as  his  people,  for  what  had  happened. 

On  the  15th,  my  father  proposed  to  give  me  a  sum  of 
money,  with  which  to  go  into  the  United  States  to  purchase 
goods  for  the  mines.  The  laborers  much  preferred  goods, 
at  the  customary  rate,  to  money,  and  the  profit  at  that  rate 
was  at  least  200  per  cent  on  the  cost.     I  was  reluctant  to 


jyS  Earfy  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

do  this,  for  my  thoughts  still  detained  me  in  that  country. 
It  was  then  concluded  to  [130]  send  the  before  mentioned 
Spanish  clerk  on  the  commission,  with  sufficient  money 
to  pay  for  the  goods,  consigned  to  merchants  in  Santa  Fe,  to 
be  purchased  there,  provided  a  sufficient  quantity  had  re- 
cently arrived  from  the  United  States  to  furnish  an  assort- 
ment, and  if  not,  he  was  recommended  to  merchants  in 
St.  Louis,  to  make  the  purchases  there. 

On  the  1 8th,  he  started  under  these  orders,  under  the 
additional  one,  that  on  his  arriving  at  Santa  Fe,  and  learning 
the  state  of  things  there,  he  should  immediately  write  to  the 
mines  to  that  effect.  In  the  customary  order  of  things,  this 
letter  was  to  be  expected  in  one  month  from  the  day  he  left 
the  mines.  After  he  was  departed,  he  left  none  behind  to 
doubt  his  truth  and  honor,  nor  was  there  the  least  suspicion 
of  him,  until  the  time  had  elapsed  without  a  letter.  A  dim 
surmise  began  then  to  grow  up,  that  he  had  run  off  with  the 
money.  We  were  still  anxiously  waiting  for  intelligence. 
During  this  interval  I  had  occupied  the  place  of  clerk  in  his 
stead.  It  was  now  insisted  that  I  should  go  in  search  of  the 
villain,  who  had  obtained  a  good  start  of  a  month  ahead  of  us, 
and  30,000  dollars  value  in  gold  bullion  to  expedite  his  jour- 
ney. On  the  20th,  I  started  in  the  search,  which  I  confess 
seemed  hopeless,  for  he  was  a  man  of  infinite  ingenuity,  who 
could  enact  Spaniard,  which  he  really  was,  or  Russian, 
Frenchman  or  Englishman,  as  he  spoke  the  languages  of 
these  people  with  fluency.  Still  I  pushed  on  with  full  pur- 
pose to  make  diligent  and  unsparing  search. 

On  the  30th,  I  arrived  at  Santa  Fe.  I  made  the  most 
anxious  and  careful  enquiry  for  him,  and  gave  the  most 
accurate  descriptions  of  him  there.  But  no  one  had  seen 
or  heard  of  such  a  person.  I  sorrowfully  retraced  my  steps 
down  the  Rio  del  Norte,  now  without  a  doubt  of  his  treachery, 
and  bitterly  reflecting  on  myself  for  my  heedless  regard  of 
my  father's  request.     Had  I  done  it,  we  had  both  secured  an 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 79 

affluence.  Now  I  clearly  foresaw  poverty  and  misfortune 
opening  before  us  in  the  future.  For  myself  I  felt  little,  as 
I  was  young  and  the  world  before  me;  and  I  felt  secure 
about  taking  care  of  myself.  [131]  My  grief  was  for  my 
father  and  his  companions,  who  had  toiled  night  and  day 
with  unwearied  assiduity,  to  accumulate  something  for 
their  dear  and  helpless  families,  whom  they  had  left  in 
Missouri;  and  for  the  love  of  whom  they  had  ventured  into 
this  rough  and  unsettled  country,  full  of  thieves  and  mur- 
derers. My  father  in  particular,  had  left  a  large  and  mother- 
less family,  at  a  time  of  life  to  be  wholly  unable  to  take  care 
of  themselves,  and  altogether  dependent  on  him  for  sub- 
sistence. There  is  no  misery  like  self  condemnation ;  and 
I  suffered  it  in  all  its  bitterness.  The  reflections  that  fol- 
lowed upon  learning  the  full  extent  of  the  disaster,  which  I 
could  but  charge  in  some  sense  upon  myself,  came,  as  such 
reflections  generally  come,  too  late. 

I  arrived  at  the  Passo  del  Norte  on  the  loth  of  May,  and 
repeated  the  same  descriptions  and  enquiries  to  no  purpose. — 
Not  a  trace  remained  of  him  here;  and  I  almost  concluded 
to  abandon  the  search  in  despair.  I  could  imagine  but  one 
more  chance.  The  owner  of  the  mines  lived  at  Chihuahua. 
As  a  forlorn  hope  I  concluded  to  proceed  to  that  city,  and 
inform  the  governor  of  our  misfortune.  So  I  pushed  to 
Chihuahua,  where  I  arrived  on  the  23d. 

I  found  the  owner  of  the  mines  in  too  much  anxiety  and 
grief  of  mind  on  his  own  account,  to  be  cool  enough  to  listen 
[to]  the  concerns  of  others.  The  President  of  the  Mexican 
republic  had  issued  orders,  that  all  Spaniards  born  in  old 
Spain,  should  be  expelled  from  the  Mexican  country,  giving 
them  but  a  month's  notice,  in  which  to  settle  their  affairs  and 
dispose  of  their  property.  He  being  one  of  that  class,  had 
enough  to  think  of  on  his  own  account.  However,  when  he 
heard  of  our  misfortune,  he  appeared  to  be  concerned.  He 
then  touched  upon  the  critical  state  of  his  own  affairs. 


i8o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

Among  other  things,  he  said  he  had  all  along  hoped  that 
my  father  was  able  and  disposed  to  purchase  those  mines. 
He  had,  therefore,  a  motive  personal  to  himself,  to  make 
him  regret  my  father's  loss  and  inability  to  make  the  pur- 
chase. He  was  now  obliged  to  sell  them  at  any  sacrifice, 
and  had  but  a  very  short  time  in  which  to  settle  his  [132] 
affairs,  and  leave  the  country.  He  requested  me  to  be 
ready  to  start  the  next  day  in  company  with  him  to  the 
mines. 

Early  on  the  24th,  we  started  with  relays  of  horses  and 
mules.  As  we  travelled  very  rapidly  we  arrived  at  the  mines 
on  the  30th,  where  I  found  my  father  and  his  companions  in 
the  utmost  anxiety  to  learn  something  what  had  happened 
to  me.  When  they  discovered  the  owner  of  the  mines, 
whose  name  was  Don  Francisco  Pablo  de  Lagera,  they 
came  forth  in  a  body  with  countenances  full  of  joy.  That 
joy  was  changed  to  sadness,  as  soon  as  Don  Pablo  informed 
them  the  object  of  his  visit.  They  perceived  in  a  moment, 
that  nothing  now  remained  for  them  but  to  settle  their 
affairs,  and  search  for  other  situations  in  the  country,  or 
return  to  the  United  States  in  a  worse  condition  than  when 
they  left  it.  My  father  determined  at  once  not  to  think  of 
this.  Nothing  seemed  so  feasible,  and  conformable  to  his 
pursuits,  as  a  trapping  expedition.  With  the  pittance  that 
remained  to  him,  after  all  demands  against  the  firm  were 
discharged,  and  the  residue  according  to  the  articles  of 
agreement  divided,  he  purchased  trapping  equipments  for 
four  persons,  himself  included.  The  other  three  he  intended 
to  hire  to  trap  for  him. 

On  the  ist  of  July,  all  these  matters  had  been  arranged, 
and  my  father  and  myself  started  for  Santa  Fe,  with  a  view 
to  join  the  first  company  that  should  start  on  a  trapping 
expedition  from  that  place.  On  the  loth,  we  arrived  at 
Santa  Fe,  where  we  remained  until  the  22d,  when  a  com- 
pany of  thirty  men  were  about  to  commence  an  expedition 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 8 1 

of  that  sort  down  Red  river.  My  father  joined  this  com- 
pany, and  in  the  name  of  the  companions  made  appHcation 
for  license  of  safe  transit  through  the  province  of  Chihuahua, 
and  Sonora,  through  which  runs  the  Red  river,  on  which 
we  meant  to  trap.  The  governor  gave  us  a  passport  in  the 
following  terms: 

[133]  Custom  House  of  the  frontier  town  of  Santa  Fe,  in 
the  territory  of  New  Mexico. 

Custom  House  Certificate. 

Allow  Sylvester  Pattie,  to  pursue  his  journey  with  certain 
beasts,  merchandize  and  money,  in  the  direction  of  Chi- 
huahua and  Sonora ;  to  enter  in  beasts  and  money  an  amount 
equal  to  this  invoice,  in  whatsoever  place  he  shall  appear, 
according  to  the  rules  of  the  Custom  House,  on  his  passage; 
and  finally  let  him  return  this  permit  to  the  government  of 
this  city  in  days.     Do  this  under  the  established 

penalties. 

Given  at  Santa  Fe,  in  New  Mexico. 

RAMON  ATTREN 

September  2  2d,  1827. 

On  the  23d,  my  father  was  chosen  captain  or  commander 
of  the  company,  and  we  started  on  our  expedition.  We 
retraced  our  steps  down  the  del  Norte,  and  by  the  mines  to 
the  river  Helay,  on  which  we  arrived  on  the  6th  of  October, 
and  began  to  descend  it,  setting  our  traps  as  we  went,  near 
our  camp,  whenever  we  saw  signs  of  beavers.  But  our 
stay  on  this  stream  was  short,  for  it  had  been  trapped  so 
often,  that  there  were  but  few  beavers  remaining,  and  those 
few  were  exceedingly  shy.  We  therefore  pushed  on  to  some 
place  where  they  might  be  more  abundant,  and  less  shy. 
We  left  this  river  on  the  12th,  and  on  the  15th  reached 
Beaver  river.  Here  we  found  them  in  considerable  num- 
bers, and  we  concluded  to  proceed  in  a  south  course,  and 
trap  the  river  in  its  downward  course.     But  to  prevent  the 


1 82  Ejurly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

disagreement  and  insubordination  which  are  apt  to  spring 
up  in  these  associations,  my  father  drew  articles  of  agree- 
ment, purporting  that  we  should  trap  in  partnership,  and 
that  the  first  one  who  should  show  an  open  purpose  to 
separate  from  the  company,  or  desert  it,  should  be  shot  dead; 
and  that  if  any  one  should  disobey  orders,  he  should  be  tried 
by  a  jury  of  our  number,  and  if  found  guilty  should  be  fined 
fifty  dollars,  to  be  paid  in  fur.  To  this  instrument  we  all 
agreed,  and  signed  our  names. 

[134]  The  necessity  of  some  such  compact  had  been 
abundantly  discovered  in  the  course  of  our  experience. 
Men  bound  only  by  their  own  will  and  sense  of  right,  to  the 
duties  of  such  a  sort  of  partnership  are  certain  to  grow 
restless,  and  to  form  smaller  clans,  disposed  to  dislike  and 
separate  from  each  other,  in  parties  of  one  by  one  to  three 
by  three.  They  thus  expose  themselves  to  be  cut  up  in 
detail  by  the  savages,  who  comprehend  all  their  movements, 
and  are  ever  watchful  for  an  opportunity  to  show  their  hatred 
of  the  whites  to  be  fixed  and  inextinguishable.  The  follow- 
ing are  some  of  the  more  common  causes  of  separation: 
Men  of  incompatible  tempers  and  habits  are  brought 
together;  and  such  expeditions  call  out  innumerable  occa- 
sions to  try  this  disagreement  of  character.  Men,  hungry, 
naked,  fatigued,  and  in  constant  jeopardy,  are  apt  to  be 
ill-tempered,  especially  when  they  arrive  at  camp,  and 
instead  of  being  allowed  to  throw  themselves  on  the  ground, 
and  sleep,  have  hard  duties  of  cooking,  and  keeping  guard, 
and  making  breast- works  assigned  them.  But  the  grand 
difiiculty  is  the  following.  In  a  considerable  company, 
half  its  numbers  can  catch  as  many  beavers  as  all.  But  the 
half  that  keep  guard,  and  cook,  perform  duties  as  necessary 
and  important  to  the  whole  concern,  as  the  others.  It 
always  happens  too,  in  these  expeditions,  that  there  are 
some  infinitely  more  dextrous  and  skilful  in  trapping  and 
hunting  than  others.     These  capabilities  are  soon  brought 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  183 

to  light.  The  expert  know  each  other,  and  feel  a  certain 
superiority  over  the  inexpert.  They  know  that  three  or 
four  such,  by  themselves,  will  take  as  many  beavers  as  a 
promiscuous  company  of  thirty,  and  in  fact,  all  that  a  stream 
affords.  A  perception  of  their  own  comparative  importance, 
a  keen  sense  of  self  interest,  which  sharpens  in  the  desert, 
the  mere  love  of  roving  in  the  wild  license  of  the  forest,  and 
a  capacity  to  become  hardened  by  these  scenes  to  a  perfect 
callousness  to  all  fear  and  sense  of  danger,  until  it  actually 
comes;  such  passions  are  sufficient  to  thicken  causes  of 
separation  among  such  companions  in  the  events  of  every 
day. 

Sad  experience  has  made  me  acquainted  with  all  these 
causes  [135]  of  disunion  and  dissolution  of  such  companies. 
I  have  learned  them  by  wounds  and  sufferings,  by  toil  and 
danger  of  every  sort,  by  wandering  about  in  the  wild  and 
desolate  mountains,  alone  and  half  starved,  merely  because 
two  or  three  bad  men  had  divided  our  company,  strong  and 
sufl5cient  to  themselves  in  union,  but  miserable,  and  exposed 
to  almost  certain  ruin  in  separation.  Made  painfully 
acquainted  with  all  these  facts  by  experience,  my  father 
adopted  this  expedient  in  the  hope  that  it  would  be  some- 
thing like  a  remedy  for  them. 

But  notwithstanding  this,  and  the  prudence  and  energy 
of  my  father's  character,  disunion  soon  began  to  spring  up 
in  our  small  party.  Almost  on  the  outset  of  our  expedition, 
we  began  to  suffer  greatly  for  want  of  provisions.  We  were 
first  compelled  to  kill  and  eat  our  dogs,  and  then  six  of  our 
horses.  This  to  me  was  the  most  cruel  task  of  all.  To 
think  of  waiting  for  the  night  to  kill  and  eat  the  poor  horse 
that  had  borne  us  over  deserts  and  mountains,  as  hungry  as 
ourselves,  and  strongly  and  faithfully  attached  to  us,  was 
no  easy  task  to  the  heart  of  a  Kentucky  hunter.  One 
evening,  after  a  hard  day's  travel,  my  saddle  horse  was 
selected  by  lot  to  be  killed.    The  poor  animal  stood  saddled 


184  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

and  bridled  before  us,  and  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  kill  it.  I  loved 
this  horse,  and  he  seemed  to  have  an  equal  attachment  for 
me.  He  was  remarkably  kind  to  travel,  and  easy  to  ride,  and 
spirited  too.  When  he  stood  tied  in  camp  among  the  rest, 
if  I  came  any  where  near  him,  he  would  fall  neighing  for  me. 
When  I  held  up  the  bridle  towards  him,  I  could  see  consent 
and  good  will  in  his  eye.  As  I  raised  my  gun  to  my  face, 
all  these  recollections  rushed  to  my  thoughts.  My  pulses 
throbbed,  and  my  eyes  grew  dim.  The  animal  was  gazing 
me,  with  a  look  of  steady  kindness,  in  the  face.  My  head 
whirled,  and  was  dizzy,  and  my  gun  fell.  After  a  moment 
for  recovery,  I  offered  a  beaver  skin  to  any  one  who  would 
shoot  him  down.  One  was  soon  found  at  this  price,  and 
my  horse  fell !  It  so  happened  that  this  was  the  last  horse 
we  killed.  Well  was  it  for  us  that  we  had  these  surplus 
horses.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  we  should  all  have  perished 
with  hunger. 

[136]  It  was  now  the  15th  of  November,  and  while  the 
horse  flesh  lasted,  we  built  a  canoe,  so  that  we  could  trap  on 
both  sides  of  the  river;  for  it  is  here  too  broad  and  deep  to 
be  fordable  on  horseback.  One  of  our  number  had  already 
been  drowned,  man  and  horse,  in  attempting  to  swim  the 
river.  A  canoe  is  a  great  advantage,  where  the  beavers  are 
wild;  as  the  trapper  can  thus  set  his  traps  along  the  shore 
without  leaving  his  scent  upon  the  ground  about  it. 

On  the  17th,  our  canoe  was  finished,  and  another  person 
and  myself  took  some  traps  in  it,  and  floated  down  the  river 
by  water,  while  the  rest  of  the  company  followed  along  the 
banks  by  land.  In  this  way,  what  with  the  additional  sup- 
ply which  the  canoe  enabled  our  traps  to  furnish,  and  a 
chance  deer  or  wolf  that  Providence  sometimes  threw  in  our 
way,  with  caution  and  economy  we  were  tolerably  supplied 
with  provisions;  and  the  company  travelled  on  with  a  good 
degree  of  union  and  prosperity,  until  the  26th. 

Here  the  greater  part  of  the  company  expressed  disin- 


C/3 

o 
o 

5* 


K 


1824- 1 830]  Paitie's  Personal  Narrative  187 

clination  to  following  our  contemplated  route  any  longer. 
That  is,  they  conceived  the  route  to  the  mouth  of  the  Helay, 
and  up  Red  river  of  California  too  long  and  tedious,  and 
too  much  exposed  to  numerous  and  hostile  Indians.  They, 
therefore,  determined  to  quit  the  Helay,  and  strike  over  to 
Red  river  by  a  direct  route  across  the  country.  My  father 
reminded  them  of  their  article.  They  assured  him  they  did 
not  consider  themselves  bound  by  it,  and  that  they  were  a 
majority,  against  which  nothing  could  be  said.  My  father 
and  myself  still  persevered  in  following  the  original  plan. 
Two  of  the  men  had  been  hired  on  my  father's  account.  He 
told  them  he  was  ready  to  pay  them  up  to  that  time,  and 
dismiss  them,  to  go  where  they  chose.  They  observed,  that 
now  that  the  company  had  commenced  separating,  they 
believed  that  in  a  short  time,  there  would  be  no  stronger 
party  together  than  ours;  that  they  had  as  good  a  disposition 
to  risk  their  lives  with  us,  as  with  any  division  of  our  number, 
and  that  they  would  stay  by  us  to  the  [137]  death.  After 
this  speech  four  others  of  the  company  volunteered  to  remain 
with  us,  and  we  took  them  in  as  partners. 

On  the  27th,  we  divided  the  hunt,  and  all  expressing  the 
same  regret  at  the  separation,  and  heartily  wishing  each 
other  all  manner  of  prosperity,  we  shook  hands  and  parted ! 
We  were  now  reduced  to  eight  in  number.  We  made  the 
most  solemn  pledges  to  stand  by  each  other  unto  death,  and 
adopted  the  severest  caution,  of  which  we  had  been  too 
faithfully  taught  the  necessity.  We  tied  our  horses  every 
night,  and  encamped  close  by  them,  to  prevent  their  being 
stolen  by  the  Indians.  Their  foot-prints  were  thick  and 
fresh  in  our  course,  and  we  could  see  their  smokes  at  no 
great  distance  north  of  us.  We  were  well  aware  that  they 
were  hostile,  and  watching  their  opportunity  to  pounce  upon 
us,  and  we  kept  ourselves  ready  for  action,  equally  day  and 
night.  We  now  took  an  ample  abundance  of  beavers  to 
supply  us  with  meat,  in  consequence  of  our  reduced  numbers. 


1 88  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

Our  horses  also  fared  well,  for  we  cut  plenty  of  cotton-wood 
trees,  the  bark  of  which  serves  them  for  food  nearly  as  well 
as  corn.  We  thus  travelled  on  prosperously,  until  we 
reached  the  junction  of  the  Helay  with  Red  river. —  Here 
we  found  the  tribe  of  Umeas,^*  who  had  shown  themselves 
very  friendly  to  the  company  in  which  I  had  formerly  passed 
them,  which  strongly  inspired  confidence  in  them  at  present. 
Some  of  them  could  speak  the  Spanish  language.  We  made 
many  inquiries  of  them,  our  object  being  to  gain  information 
of  the  distance  of  the  Spanish  settlements.  We  asked  them 
where  they  obtained  the  cloth  they  wore  around  their  loins  ? 
They  answered,  from  the  Christians  on  the  coast  of  the 
California.  We  asked  if  there  were  any  Christians  living 
on  Red  river?  They  promptly  answered,  yes.  This  infor- 
mation afterwards  proved  a  source  of  error  and  misfortune 
to  us,  though  our  motive  for  inquiry  at  this  time  was  mere 
curiosity. 

It  was  now  the  ist  of  December;  and  at  mid-day  we  began 
to  see  the  imprudence  of  spending  the  remainder  of  the  day 
and  the  ensuing  night  with  such  numbers  of  Indians,  how- 
ever friendly  in  appearance.  We  had  a  tolerable  fund  of 
experience,  in  [138]  regard  to  the  trust  we  might  safely 
repose  in  the  red  skins;  and  knew  that  caution  is  the  parent 
of  security.  So  we  packed  up,  and  separated  from  them. 
Their  town  was  on  the  opposite  shore  of  Red  river.  At  our 
encampment  upwards  of  two  hundred  of  them  swam  over 
the  river  and  visited  us,  all  apparently  friendly.  We  allowed 
but  a  few  of  them  to  approach  our  camp  at  a  time,  and  they 
were  obliged  to  lay  aside  their  arms.  In  the  midst  of  these 
multitudes  of  fierce,  naked,  swarthy  savages,  eight  of  us 
seemed  no  more  than  a  little  patch  of  snow  on  the  side  of 
one  of  the  black  mountains.  We  were  perfectly  aware  how 
critical  was  our  position,  and  determined  to  intermit  no  pru- 
dence or  caution. 

'*  See  ante,  note  65. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  189 

To  interpose  as  great  a  distance  as  possible  between  them 
and  us,  we  marched  that  evening  sixteen  miles,  and  en- 
camped on  the  banks  of  the  river.  The  place  of  encamp- 
ment was  a  prairie,  and  we  drove  stakes  fast  in  the  earth,  to 
which  we  tied  our  horses  in  the  midst  of  green  grass,  as  high 
as  a  man's  head,  and  within  ten  feet  of  our  own  fire.  Un- 
happily we  had  arrived  too  late  to  make  a  pen  for  our  horses, 
or  a  breast  work  for  ourselves.  The  sky  was  gloomy. 
Night  and  storm  were  settling  upon  us,  and  it  was  too  late 
to  complete  these  important  arrangements.  In  a  short 
time  the  storm  poured  upon  us,  and  the  night  became  so 
dark  that  we  could  not  see  our  hand  before  us.  Appre- 
hensive of  an  attempt  to  steal  our  horses,  we  posted  two 
sentinels,  and  the  remaining  six  lay  down  under  our  wet 
blankets,  and  the  pelting  of  the  sky,  to  such  sleep  as  we  might 
get,  still  preserving  a  little  fire.  We  were  scarcely  asleep  before 
we  were  aroused  by  the  snorting  of  our  horses  and  mules. 
We  all  sprang  to  our  arms,  and  extinguished  our  little  fire.  We 
could  not  see  a  foot  before  us,  and  we  groped  about  our  camp 
feeling  our  way  among  the  horses  and  mules.  We  could 
discover  nothing;  so  concluding  they  might  have  been 
frightened  by  the  approach  of  a  bear  or  some  other  wild  ani- 
mal, some  of  us  commenced  rekindling  our  fires,  and  the 
rest  went  to  sleep.  But  the  Indians  had  crawled  among 
our  horses,  and  had  cut  or  untied  the  rope  by  which  each 
one  was  [139]  bound.  The  horses  were  then  all  loose. 
They  then  instantly  raised  in  concert,  their  fiendish  yell. 
As  though  heaven  and  earth  were  in  concert  against  us,  the 
rain  began  to  pour  again,  accompanied  with  howling  gusts 
of  wind,  and  the  fiercest  gleams  of  lightning,  and  crashes  of 
thunder.  Terrified  alike  by  the  thunder  and  the  Indians, 
our  horses  all  took  to  flight,  and  the  Indians  repeating  yell 
upon  yell,  were  close  at  their  heels.  We  sallied  out  after 
them,  and  fired  at  the  noises,  though  we  could  see  nothing. 
We  pursued  with  the  utmost  of  our  speed  to  no  purpose,  for 


I  po  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

they  soon  reached  the  open  prairie,  where  we  concluded 
they  were  joined  by  other  Indians  on  horseback,  who  pushed 
our  horses  still  faster;  and  soon  the  clattering  of  their  heels 
and  the  yells  of  their  accursed  pursuers  began  to  fade,  and 
become  indistinct  in  our  ears. 

Our  feelings  and  reflections  as  we  returned  to  camp  were 
of  the  gloomiest  kind.  We  were  one  thousand  miles  from 
the  point  whence  we  started,  and  without  a  single  beast  to 
bear  either  our  property  or  ourselves.  The  rain  had  past. 
We  built  us  a  large  fire.  As  we  stood  round  it  we  discussed 
our  deplorable  condition,  and  our  future  alternatives. 
Something  was  to  be  done.  We  all  agreed  to  the  proposition 
of  my  father,  which  was,  early  in  the  morning  to  pursue  the 
trails  of  our  beasts,  and  if  we  should  overtake  the  thieves, 
to  retake  the  horses,  or  die  in  the  attempt;  and  that,  failing 
in  that,  we  should  return,  swim  the  river,  attack  their  town, 
and  kill  as  many  of  the  inhabitants  as  we  could ;  for  that  it 
was  better  to  die  by  these  Indians,  after  we  had  killed  a 
good  number  of  them,  than  to  starve,  or  be  killed  by  Indians 
who  had  not  injured  us,  and  when  we  could  not  defend 
ourselves. 

Accordingly,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  2d,  we  started  on 
the  trail  in  pursuit  of  the  thieves.  We  soon  arrived  at  a 
point  where  the  Indians,  departing  from  the  plain,  had 
driven  them  up  a  chasm  of  the  mountains.  Here  they  had 
stopped,  and  caught  them,  divided  them,  and  each  taken  a 
different  route  with  his  plundered  horses.  We  saw  in  a 
moment  that  it  was  impossible  to  follow  them  farther  to  any 
purpose.  We  abandoned  [140]  the  chase,  and  returned  to 
our  camp  to  execute  the  second  part  of  our  plan.  When 
we  arrived  there,  we  stopped  for  a  leisure  meal  of  beaver 
meat.  When  we  had  bestowed  ourselves  to  this  dainty 
resort,  a  Dutchman  with  us  broke  the  gloomy  silence  of  our 
eating,  by  observing  that^we  had  better  stuff  ourselves  to  the 
utmost;   for  that  it  would  probably,  be  the  last  chance  we 


1824-1830I  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  1 9 1 

should  have  at  beaver  meat.  We  all  acquiesced  in  this 
observation,  which  though  made  in  jest,  promised  to  be  a 
sober  truth,  by  eating  as  heartily  as  possible.  When  we 
had  finished  our  meal,  which  looked  so  likely  to  be  the  last 
we  should  enjoy  together,  we  made  rafts  to  which  we  tied 
our  guns,  and  pushing  them  onward  before  us,  we  thus 
swam  the  river.  Having  reached  the  opposite  shore,  we 
shouldered  our  rifles,  and  steered  for  the  town,  at  which  we 
arrived  about  two  in  the  afternoon.  We  marched  up  to 
the  numerous  assemblage  of  huts  in  a  manner  as  reckless 
and  undaunted  as  though  we  had  nothing  to  apprehend. 
In  fact,  when  we  arrived  at  it,  we  found  it  to  contain  not  a 
single  living  being,  except  one  miserable,  blind,  deaf,  and 
decrepid  old  man,  not  unlike  one  that  I  described  in  a  hostile 
former  visit  to  an  Indian  village.  Our  exasperation  of 
despair  inclined  us  to  kill  even  him.  My  father  forbade. 
He  apparently  heard  nothing  and  cared  for  nothing,  as  he 
saw  nothing.  His  head  was  white  with  age,  and  his  eyes 
appeared  to  have  been  gouged  out.  He  may  have  thought 
himself  all  the  while  in  the  midst  of  his  own  people.  We 
discovered  a  plenty  of  their  kind  of  food,  which  consisted 
chiefly  of  acorn  mush.  We  then  set  fire  to  the  village, 
burning  every  hut  but  that  which  contained  the  old  man. 
Being  built  of  flags  and  grass,  they  were  not  long  in  reducing 
to  ashes.  We  then  returned  to  our  camp,  re-swimming 
the  river,  and  reaching  the  camp  before  dark. 

We  could  with  no  certainty  divine  the  cause  of  their 
having  evacuated  their  town,  though  we  attributed  it  to 
fear  of  us.  The  occurrences  of  the  preceding  day  strength- 
ened us  in  this  impression.  While  they  remained  with  us, 
one  of  our  men  happened  to  fire  off  his  gun.  As  though 
they  never  had  heard  [141]  such  a  noise  before,  they  all  fell 
prostrate  on  the  earth,  as  though  they  had  all  been  shot. 
When  they  arose,  they  would  all  have  taken  to  flight,  had 
we  not  detained  them  and  quieted  their  fears. 


1 9  2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

Our  conversation  with  these  Indians  of  the  day  before, 
now  recurred  to  our  recollections,  and  we  congratulated 
ourselves  on  having  been  so  inquisitive  as  to  obtain  the  now 
important  information,  that  there  were  Spanish  settlements 
on  the  river  below  us.  Driven  from  the  resource  of  our 
horses,  we  happily  turned  our  thoughts  to  another.  We 
had  all  the  requisite  tools  to  build  canoes,  and  directly  around 
us  was  suitable  timber  of  which  to  make  them.  It  was  a 
pleasant  scheme  to  soothe  our  dejection,  and  prevent  our 
lying  down  to  the  sleep  of  despair.  But  this  alternative 
determined  upon,  there  remained  another  apprehension 
sufficient  to  prevent  our  enjoying  quiet  repose.  Our  fears 
were,  that  the  unsheltered  Indians,  horse- stealers  and  all, 
would  creep  upon  us  in  the  night,  and  massacre  us  all.  But 
the  night  passed  without  any  disturbance  from  them. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  the  first  business  in  which  we 
engaged,  was  to  build  ourselves  a  little  fort,  sufficient  for 
defence  against  the  Indians.  This  finished,  we  cut  down 
two  trees  suitable  for  canoes,  and  accomplished  these  im- 
portant objects  in  one  day.  During  this  day  we  kept  one 
man  posted  in  the  top  of  a  tall  tree,  to  descry  if  any  Indians 
were  approaching  us  in  the  distance.  On  the  morning  of 
the  fourth  we  commenced  digging  out  our  canoes,  and  fin- 
ished and  launched  two.  These  were  found  insufficient 
to  carry  our  furs.  We  continued  to  prepare,  and  launch 
them,  until  we  had  eight  in  the  water.  By  uniting  them  in 
pairs  by  a  platform,  we  were  able  to  embark  with  all  our 
furs  and  traps,  without  any  extra  burden,  except  a  man  and 
the  necessary  traps  for  each  canoe.  We  hid  our  saddles, 
hoping  to  purchase  horses  at  the  settlements,  and  return 
this  way. 

We  started  on  the  9th,  floating  with  the  current,  which 
bore  us  downward  at  the  rate  of  four  miles  an  hour.  In  the 
evening  we  passed  the  burnt  town,  the  ruins  of  which  still 
threw  up  [142]  smouldering  smoke.    We  floated  about  30 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  193 

miles,  and  in  the  evening  encamped  in  the  midst  of  signs  of 
beavers.  We  set  40  traps,  and  in  the  morning  of  the  loth 
caught  36  beavers,  an  excellent  night's  hunt.  We  concluded 
from  this  encouraging  commencement,  to  travel  slowly,  and 
in  hunters'  phrase,  trap  the  river  clear;  that  is,  take  all  that 
could  be  allured  to  come  to  the  bait.  The  river,  below  its 
junction  with  the  Helay,  is  from  2  to  300  yards  wide,  with 
high  banks,  that  have  dilapidated  by  falling  in.  Its  course 
is  west,  and  its  timber  chiefly  cotton-wood,  which  in  the 
bottoms  is  lofty  and  thick  set.  The  bottoms  are  from  six 
to  ten  miles  wide.  The  soil  is  black,  and  mixed  with  sand, 
though  the  bottoms  are  subject  to  inundation  in  the  flush 
waters  of  June.  This  inundation  is  occasioned  by  the 
melting  of  the  snow  on  the  mountains  about  its  head  waters. 
We  now  floated  pleasantly  downward  at  our  leisure, 
having  abundance  of  the  meat  of  fat  beavers.  We  began 
in  this  short  prosperity,  to  forget  the  loss  of  our  horses,  and 
to  consider  ourselves  quite  secure  from  the  Indians.  But  on 
the  12th,  at  mid-day,  by  mere  accident,  we  happened,  some 
way  below  us,  to  discover  two  Indians  perched  in  a  tree 
near  the  river  bank,  with  their  bows  and  arrows  in  readiness, 
waiting  evidently  until  we  should  float  close  by  them,  to 
take  off  some  of  us  with  their  arrows.  We  betrayed  no 
signs  of  having  seen  them,  but  sat  with  our  guns  ready  for 
a  fair  shot.  When  we  had  floated  within  a  little  short  of  a 
hundred  yards,  my  father  and  another  of  the  company  gave 
them  a  salute,  and  brought  them  both  tumbling  down  the 
branches,  reminding  us  exactly  of  the  fall  of  a  bear  or  a 
turkey.  They  made  the  earth  sound  when  they  struck  it. 
Fearful  that  they  might  be  part  of  an  ambush,  we  pulled 
our  canoes  to  the  opposite  shore,  and  some  of  us  climbed 
trees,  from  which  we  could  command  a  view  of  both  shores. 
We  became  satisfied  that  these  two  were  alone,  and  we 
crossed  over  to  their  bodies.  We  discovered  that  they  were 
of  the  number  that  had  stolen  our  horses,  by  the  fact,  that 


1 04  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

they  were  bound  round  the  waist  with  some  of  the  hemp 
ropes  with  which  our  horses  had  been  tied.  We  hung  the 
bodies  of  the  thieves  [143]  from  a  tree,  with  the  product  of 
their  own  thefts.  Our  thoughts  were  much  relieved  by  the 
discovery  of  this  fact,  for  though  none  of  us  felt  any  partic- 
ular forbearance  towards  Indians  under  any  circumstances, 
it  certainly  would  have  pained  us  to  have  killed  Indians  that 
had  never  disturbed  us.  But  there  could  be  no  compunction 
for  having  slain  these  two  thieves,  precisely  at  the  moment 
that  they  were  exulting  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  good  shot 
at  us.  Beside  they  alarmed  our  false  security,  and  learned 
us  a  lesson  to  keep  nearer  the  middle  of  the  river. 

We  continued  to  float  slowly  downwards,  trapping  beavers 
on  our  way  almost  as  fast  as  we  could  wish.  We  sometimes 
brought  in  60  in  a  morning.  The  river  at  this  point  is 
remarkably  circuitous,  and  has  a  great  number  of  islands, 
on  which  we  took  beavers.  Such  was  the  rapid  mcrease  of 
our  furs,  that  our  present  crafts  in  a  few  days  were  insufficient 
to  carry  them,  and  we  were  compelled  to  stop  and  make 
another  canoe.  We  have  advanced  between  60  and  70 
miles  from  the  point  where  we  built  the  other  canoes.  We 
find  the  timber  larger,  and  not  so  thick.  There  are  but  few 
wild  animals  that  belong  to  the  country  farther  up,  but  some 
deer,  panthers,  foxes  and  wild-cats.  Of  birds  there  are 
great  numbers,  and  many  varieties,  most  of  which  I  have 
never  before  seen.  We  killed  some  wild  geese  and  pelicans, 
and  likewise  an  animal  not  unlike  the  African  leopard,"^ 
which  came  into  our  camp,  while  we  were  at  work  upon  the 
canoe.     It  was  the  first  we  had  ever  seen. 

We  finished  our  canoe  on  the  17th,  and  started  on  the 
20th.  This  day  we  saw  ten  Indians  on  a  sand  bar,  who 
fled  into  the  woods  at  the  sight  of  us.  We  knew  them  to  be 
different  people  from  those  who  had  stolen  our  horses,  both 

"  The  jaguar  {Felis  onca)  most  resembles  the  leopard  of  the  old  world.  It 
inhabits  the  wooded  parts  of  America;  from  Texas  to  Paraguay. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  195 

by  their  size  and  their  different  manner  of  wearing  their 
hair.  The  heads  of  these  were  shaved  close,  except  a  tuft, 
which  they  wore  on  the  top  of  their  head,  and  which  they 
raised  erect,  as  straight  as  an  arrow.  The  Umeas  are  of 
gigantic  stature  from  six  to  seven  feet  high.  These  only 
average  five  feet  and  a  half.  They  go  perfectly  naked,  and 
have  dark  complexions,  which  I  imagine  [144]  is  caused  by 
the  burning  heat  of  the  sun.  The  weather  is  as  hot  here  at 
this  time,  as  I  ever  experienced.  We  were  all  very  desirous 
to  have  a  talk  with  these  Indians,  and  enquire  of  them,  how 
near  we  were  to  the  Spanish  settlements;  and  whether  they 
were  immediately  on  the  bank,  for  we  began  to  be  fearful 
that  we  had  passed  them. 

Three  days  passed  without  our  having  any  opportunity  of 
conversation  with  them.  But  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
24th,  we  found  some  families  yet  asleep  in  their  wigwams, 
near  the  water's  edge.  Our  approach  to  them  ^as  so  im- 
perceptible and  sudden,  that  they  had  no  chance  to  flee. 
They  were  apparently  frightened  to  insanity.  They  surren- 
dered without  making  any  further  effort  to  escape.  While 
they  stared  at  us  in  terrified  astonishment;  we  made  them 
comprehend  that  we  had  no  design  to  kUl,  or  injure  them. 
We  offered  them  meat,  and  made  signs  that  we  wished  to 
smoke  with  them.  They  readily  comprehended  us,  and  the 
ghastliness  of  terror  began  to  pass  from  their  countenances. 
The  women  and  children  were  yet  screaming  as  if  going 
into  convulsions.  We  made  signs  to  the  men  to  have  them 
stop  this  annoying  noise.  This  we  did  by  putting  our  hands 
to  our  mouths.  They  immediately  uttered  something  to 
the  women  and  children  which  made  them  still.  The  pipe 
was  then  lit,  and  smoking  commenced.  They  puffed  the 
smoke  towards  the  sky,  pointed  thither,  and  uttered  some 
words,  of  course  unintelligible  to  us.  They  then  struck 
themselves  on  the  breast,  and  afterwards  on  the  forehead. 
We  understood  this  to  be  a  sort  of  religious  appeal  to  the 


1 96  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

Supreme  Being,  and  it  showed  more  like  reverence  to  him, 
than  any  thing  we  had  yet  seen  among  the  Indians;  though 
I  have  seen  none  but  what  admit  that  there  is  a  master  of 
life,  whom  they  call  by  a  name  to  that  import,  or  that  of 
Great  Spirit. 

When  the  smoking  was  finished,  we  began  to  enquire  of 
them  by  signs,  how  far  we  were  from  the  Spanish  settlement  ? 
This  we  effected  by  drawing  an  image  of  a  cow  and  sheep 
in  the  sand  and  then  imitating  the  noise  of  each  kind  of 
domestic  animals,  that  we  supposed  the  Spaniards  would 
have.  They  appeared  [145]  to  understand  us,  for  they 
pointed  west,  and  then  at  our  clothes,  and  then  at  our 
naked  skin.  From  this  we  inferred  that  they  wished  to  say 
that  farther  to  the  west  lived  white  people,  as  we  were. 
And  this  was  all  we  could  draw  from  them  on  that  subject. 
We  then  asked  them,  if  they  had  ever  seen  white  people 
before  ?  This  we  effected  by  stretching  open  our  eyes  with 
our  fingers,  and  pointing  to  them,  and  then  looking  vehe- 
mently in  that  direction,  while  we  pointed  west  with  our 
fingers.  They  shook  ther  heads  in  the  negative.  Then 
stretching  their  own  ears,  as  we  had  our  eyes,  striking  them- 
selves on  the  breast,  and  pointing  down  the  river,  they  pro- 
nounced the  word  wechapa.  This  we  afterwards  under- 
stood implied,  that  their  chief  lived  lower  down  the  river, 
and  that  they  had  heard  from  him,  that  he  had  seen  these 
people. 

We  gave  the  women  some  old  shirts,  and  intimated  to 
them  as  well  as  we  could,  that  it  was  the  fashion  of  the 
women  to  cover  themselves  in  our  country,  for  these  were 
in  a  state  of  the  most  entire  nudity.  But  they  did  not  seem 
rightly  to  comprehend  our  wish.  Many  of  the  women  were 
not  over  sixteen,  and  the  most  perfect  figures  I  have  ever 
seen,  perfectly  straight  and  symmetrical,  and  the  hair  of 
some  hanging  nearly  to  their  heels.  The  men  are  exceed- 
ingly active,   and   have    bright  countenances,   and  quick 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  1 97 

apprehension.  We  gave  them  more  meat,  and  then  started. 
They  followed  our  course  along  the  bank,  until  night.  As 
soon  as  we  landed,  they  were  very  officious  in  gathering 
wood,  and  performing  other  offices  for  us.  They  showed 
eager  curiosity  in  examining  our  arms,  and  appeared  to 
understand  their  use.  When  my  father  struck  fire  with  his 
pistol,  they  gave  a  start,  evidencing  a  mixture  of  astonish- 
ment and  terror,  and  then  re-examined  the  pistol,  apparently 
solicitous  to  discover  how  the  fire  was  made.  My  father 
bade  me  take  my  rifle,  and  shoot  a  wild  goose,  that  was 
sitting  about  in  the  middle  of  the  river.  He  then  showed 
them  the  goose,  and  pointed  at  me,  as  I  was  creeping  to  a 
point  where  I  might  take  a  fair  shot.  They  all  gazed  with 
intense  curiosity,  first  at  me,  and  then  at  the  goose,  until  I 
fired.  At  the  moment  of  the  report,  [146]  some  fell  flat  on 
the  ground,  and  the  rest  ran  for  the  bushes,  as  though  Satan 
was  behind  them.  As  soon  as  the  fallen  had  recovered 
from  their  amazement,  they  also  fled.  Some  of  our  com- 
pany stopped  them,  by  seizing  some,  and  holding  them, 
and  showing  them  that  the  goose  was  dead,  and  the  manner 
in  which  it  had  been  killed.  They  gradually  regained  con- 
fidence and  composure,  and  caUed  to  their  companions  in 
the  bushes.  They  also  came  forth,  one  by  one,  and  when 
the  nature  of  the  report  of  the  gun  had  been  explained  to 
them,  they  immediately  swam  into  the  river  and  brought  out 
the  goose.  When  they  carried  it  round  and  showed  it  to 
their  companions,  carefully  pointing  out  the  ball  hole  in 
the  goose,  it  is  impossible  to  show  more  expressive  gestures, 
cries  and  movements  of  countenances  indicative  of  wonder 
and  astonishment,  than  they  exhibited.  The  night  which 
we  passed  with  them,  passed  away  pleasantly,  and  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  parties.  In  the  morning  their  attention 
and  curiosity  were  again  highly  excited,  when  we  brought 
in  our  beavers,  which  amounted  in  number  to  thirty-six. 
After  we  had  finished  skinning  them,  we  left  the  ample  sup- 


ic^8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

ply  of  food  furnished  by  the  bodies  of  the  beavers,  in  token 
of  our  friendship,  to  these  Indians,  and  floated  on.  On  the 
27th,  we  arrived  at  the  residence  of  the  chief.  We  perceived 
that  they  had  made  ready  for  our  reception.  They  had  pre- 
pared a  feast  for  us  by  killing  a  number  of  fatted  dogs.  As 
soon  as  we  landed,  the  chief  came  to  us,  accompanied  by 
two  subordinate  chiefs.  When  arrived  close  to  us,  he  ex- 
claimed, wechapa,  striking  himself  on  the  breast,  pointing  to 
our  company,  and  repeating  the  same  phrase.  We  under- 
stood from  this,  that  he  wished  to  know  who  was  our  cap- 
tain? We  all  pointed  to  my  father,  to  whom  the  chief 
immediately  advanced,  and  affectionately  embracing  him, 
invited  us  to  enter  his  wigwam.  We  shouldered  our  rifles, 
and  all  followed  this  venerable  looking  man  to  his  abode. 
There  he  had  prepared  several  earthen  dishes,  in  which  the 
flesh  of  young  and  fat  dogs  was  served  up,  but  without  salt 
or  bread.  We  all  sat  down.  The  pipe  was  lit,  and  we,  and 
the  thirty  Indians  present  began  to  smoke.  While  we  were 
smoking,  they  used  many  gesticulations  and  signs,  the  [147] 
purport  of  which  we  could  not  make  out,  though,  as  they 
pointed  often  at  us,  we  supposed  we  were  the  subjects  of 
their  gestures.  The  pipe  was  then  taken  away,  and  the 
chief  arose,  and  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  circle  which  we 
formed  by  the  manner  in  which  we  all  sat  around  the  fire. 
He  then  made  a  long  harangue,  and  as  we  understood  not 
a  word,  to  us  rather  a  tedious  one.  We  took  care  to  make  as 
many  gestures  indicative  of  understanding  it,  as  though  we 
had  comprehended  every  word. 

The  oration  finished,  a  large  dish  of  the  choice  dog's  flesh 
was  set  before  us,  and  signs  were  made  to  us  to  eat.  Hav- 
ing learned  not  to  be  delicate  or  disobliging  to  our  savage 
host,  we  fell  to  work  upon  the  ribs  of  the  domestic  barkers. 
When  we  had  eaten  to  satisfaction,  the  chief  arose,  and 
puffing  out  his  naked  belly,  and  striking  it  with  his  hand, 
very  significantly  inquired  by  this  sign,  if  we  had  eaten 


1 824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  199 

enough?  When  we  had  answered  in  the  affirmative,  by 
our  mode  of  making  signs,  he  then  began  to  enquire  of  us, 
as  we  understood  it,  who  we  were,  and  from  whence  we 
came,  and  what  was  our  business  in  that  country?  All  this 
we  interpreted,  and  replied  to  by  signs  as  significant  as  we 
could  imagine.  He  continued  to  enquire  of  us  by  signs,  if 
we  had  met  with  no  misfortunes  on  our  journey,  calling  over 
the  names  of  several  Indian  tribes  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
among  which  we  distinctly  recognized  the  name  of  the 
Umeas  ?  When  he  mentioned  this  name,  it  was  with  such  a 
lowering  brow  and  fierce  countenance  as  indicated  clearly 
that  he  was  at  war  with  them.  We  responded  to  these  marks 
of  dislike  by  an  equal  show  of  detestation  by  making  the 
gesture  of  seeming  desirous  to  shoot  at  them,  and  with  the 
bitterest  look  of  anger  that  we  could  assume;  making  him 
understand  that  they  had  stolen  our  horses.  He  made 
signs  of  intelligence  that  he  comprehended  us,  and  made  us 
sensible  of  his  deep  hatred,  by  giving  us  to  understand  that 
they  had  killed  many  of  his  people,  and  taken  many  more 
prisoners;  and  that  he  had  retaliated  by  killing  and  taking 
as  many  Umeas.  He  pointed  at  the  same  time  to  two  small 
children,  and  exclaimed  Umea!  We  [148]  pointed  at  them 
with  our  guns,  and  gave  him  to  understand,  that  we  had 
killed  two  of  them.  Some  of  our  people  had  brought  their 
scalps  along.  We  gave  them  to  him,  and  he,  looking  first 
towards  us,  and  then  fiercely  at  them,  seemed  to  ask  if  these 
were  the  scalps  of  his  enemies?  To  which  we  replied, 
yes. —  He  then  seized  the  hair  of  the  scalps  with  his  teeth, 
and  shook  them,  precisely  as  I  have  seen  a  dog  any  small 
game  that  it  had  killed.  He  then  gave  such  a  yell  of  delight, 
as  collected  all  his  people  round  him  in  a  moment,  and  such 
rejoicing,  yelling,  and  dancing  ensued  from  both  men  and 
women,  as  I  shall  forbear  to  attempt  to  describe.  Their 
deportment  on  this  occasion  was  in  fact  much  nearer  bestial 
than  human.     They  would  leave  the  dance  round  the  scalps 


200  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

in  turn,  to  come  and  caress  us,  and  then  return  and  resume 
their  dance. 

The  remainder  of  this  day  and  the  ensuing  night  passed  in 
being  in  some  sense  compelled  to  witness  this  spectacle.  In 
the  morning  of  the  28th,  when  we  brought  in  the  contents  of 
our  traps,  we  found  we  had  taken  twenty-eight  beavers. 
When  my  father  enquired  this  morning  anew  for  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Spanish  settlements,  and  how  far  they  were  dis- 
tant, we  could  make  out  from  the  signs  of  the  chief  no  infor- 
mation more  exact  than  this.  He  still  pointed  to  the  west, 
and  then  back  at  us. —  He  then  made  a  very  tolerable  imita- 
tion of  the  rolling  and  breaking  of  the  surf  on  the  sea  shore. 
Below  he  drew  a  cow  and  a  sheep.  From  this  we  were  satis- 
fied that  there  were  Spanish  settlements  west  of  us;  and  our 
conclusion  was,  that  they  could  not  be  very  distant. 

At  mid-day  we  bade  these  friendly  Indians  farewell,  and 
resumed  our  slow  progress  of  floating  slowly  down  the  stream, 
still  setting  our  traps,  whenever  we  found  any  indications  of 
beavers.  We  met  with  no  striking  incident,  and  experienced 
no  molestation  until  January  ist,  1828.  On  this  day  we 
once  more  received  a  shower  of  arrows  from  about  fifty 
Indians  of  a  tribe  called  Pipi,  of  whom  we  were  cautioned 
to  beware  by  the  friendly  Indians  we  had  last  left.  I  forgot 
at  the  time  to  mention  the  name  of  that  people,  when  speak- 
ing of  them,  and  [149]  repeat  it  now.  It  is  Cocopa.^®  When 
the  Pipi  fired  upon  us,  we  were  floating  near  the  middle  of 
the  river.  We  immediately  commenced  pulling  for  the  oppo- 
site shore,  and  were  soon  out  of  the  reach  of  their  arrows, 
without  any  individual  having  been  wounded.  As  soon  as  our 
crafts  touched  the  shore,  we  sprang  upon  the  bank,  took  fair 
aim,  and  showed  them  the  difference  between  their  weapons 


"*  For  the  Cocopa  Indians,  see  ante,  note  65.  The  Pipi  were  probably  Pimi,  a 
distinct  linguistic  family,  occupying  southern  Arizona  and  northern  Mexico. 
They  lived  a  settled  hfe  in  villages,  and  were  generally  well-disposed  toward  the 
whites. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  201 

and  ours,  by  leveUing  six  of  them.  The  remainder  fell  flat, 
and  began  to  dodge  and  skulk  on  all  fours,  as  though  the 
heavens  had  been  loaded  with  thunder  and  mill  stones,  which 
were  about  to  rain  on  them  from  the  clouds. 

We  re-loaded  our  guns,  and  rowed  over  to  the  opposite, 
and  now  deserted  shore.  The  fallen  lay  on  the  sand  beach, 
some  of  them  not  yet  dead.  We  found  twenty  three  bows 
and  the  complement  of  arrows,  most  of  them  belonging  to 
the  fugitives.  The  bows  are  six  feet  in  length,  and  made  of 
a  very  tough  and  elastic  kind  of  wood,  which  the  Spaniards 
call  Tarnio.  They  polish  them  down  by  rubbing  them  on 
a  rough  rock.  The  arrows  are  formed  of  a  reed  grass,  and 
of  the  same  length  with  their  bows,  with  a  foot  of  hard  wood 
stuck  in  the  end  of  the  cavity  of  the  reed,  and  a  flint  spike 
fitted  on  the  end  of  it. —  They  have  very  large  and  erect  forms, 
and  black  skins.  Their  long  black  hair  floats  in  tresses 
down  their  backs,  and  to  the  termination  of  each  tress  is 
fastened  a  snail  shell.  In  other  respects  their  dress  consists 
of  their  birth-day  suit;  in  other  words,  they  are  perfectly 
naked.  The  river  seems  here  to  run  upon  a  high  ridge;  for 
we  can  see  from  our  crafts  a  great  distance  back  into  the 
country,  which  is  thickly  covered  with  musquito  and  other 
low  and  scrubby  trees.  The  land  is  exceedingly  marshy, 
and  is  the  resort  of  numerous  flocks  of  swans,  and  blue 
cranes.  The  rackoons  are  in  such  numbers,  that  they  cause 
us  to  lose  a  great  many  beavers,  by  getting  into  our  traps  and 
being  taken  instead  of  the  true  game.  They  annoy  us  too 
by  their  squaUing  when  they  are  taken. 

From  the  junction  of  the  two  rivers  to  this  place,  I  judge 
to  be  about  a  hundred  miles.  We  find  the  climate  exceed- 
ingly warm,  [150]  and  the  beaver  fur,  in  accommodation  to 
the  climate,  is  becoming  short.  We  conclude,  in  conse- 
quence, that  our  trapping  is  becoming  of  less  importance, 
and  that  it  is  our  interest  to  push  on  faster  to  reach  the  settle- 
ments.    A  great  many  times  every  day  we  bring  our  crafts 


202  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

to  shore,  and  go  out  to  see  if  we  cannot  discover  the  tracks 
of  horses  and  cattle.  On  the  i8th,  we  first  perceived  that 
we  had  arrived  on  the  back  water  of  the  tide;  or  rather  we 
first  attributed  the  deadness  of  the  current  to  the  entrance  of 
some  inundated  river,  swollen  by  the  melting  of  the  snow 
on  the  mountains.  We  puzzled  our  brains  with  some  other 
theories,  to  account  for  the  deadness  of  the  current.  This 
became  so  entirely  still,  that  we  began  to  rig  our  oars,  con- 
cluding that  instead  of  our  hitherto  easy  progress  of  floating 
gently  onward,  we  had  henceforward  to  make  our  head- way 
down  stream  by  dint  of  the  machinery  of  our  arms. 

We  soon  were  thoroughly  enlightened  in  regard  to  the 
slackness  of  the  water.  It  began  to  run  down  again,  and 
with  the  rapidity  of  six  miles  an  hour;  that  is,  double  the 
ordinary  current  of  the  stream.  We  were  all  much  sur- 
prised, for  though  I  had  seen  the  water  of  the  Pacific  at 
Ymus,  none  of  us  had  ever  felt  the  influence  of  the  tides,  or 
been  in  a  craft  on  the  ocean  waters  before.  People  of  the 
same  tribe,  upon  which  we  had  recently  fired,  stood  upon  the 
shore,  and  called  loudly  to  us  as  we  passed,  to  come  to  land, 
making  signs  to  us,  that  the  motion  of  the  water  would  cap- 
size our  crafts.  They  showed  a  great  desire  that  we  might 
come  to  shore,  we  had  no  doubt,  that  they  might  rob  and 
murder  us.  We  preserved  such  a  distance  from  them,  as 
to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  their  arrows,  and  had  no  intention  to 
fire  upon  them.  Had  we  wished  for  a  shot,  they  were  quite 
within  rifle  distance.  We  floated  on,  having  had  a  beauti- 
ful evening's  run,  and  did  not  come  to  land,  until  late;  we 
then  pitched  our  camp  on  a  low  point  of  land,  unconscious, 
from  our  inexperience  of  the  fact,  that  the  water  would  return, 
and  run  up  stream  again.  We  made  our  canoes  fast  to  some 
small  trees,  and  all  lay  down  to  sleep,  except  my  father,  who 
took  the  first  watch.  He  soon  aroused  us,  and  called  on  us 
all  [151]  to  prepare  for  a  gust  of  wind,  and  a  heavy  rain, 
which  he  thought  betokened  by  a  rushing  noise  he  heard. 


1 824- 1 830]  P attic's  Personal  Narrative  203 

We  realized  in  a  few  moments,  that  it  was  the  returning  tide. 
Stni,  so  strongly  impressed  were  we,  that  a  shower  was 
approaching,  that  we  made  all  the  customary  arrangements 
of  preparation,  by  stretching  our  blankets  to  keep  out  the 
water  from  above.  But  our  enemy  assailed  us  from  another 
quarter.  Our  camp  was  inundated  from  the  river.  We 
landsmen  from  the  interior,  and  unaccustomed  to  such 
movements  of  the  water,  stood  contemplating  with  astonish- 
ment the  rush  of  the  tide  coming  in  from  the  sea,  in  conflict 
with  the  current  of  the  river.  At  the  point  of  conflict  rose 
a  high  ridge  of  water,  over  which  came  the  sea  current, 
combing  down  like  water  over  a  mildam.  We  all  sprang  to 
our  canoes,  which  the  rush  of  the  water  had  almost  capsized, 
though  we  held  the  fasts  with  our  hands.  In  twenty  minutes 
the  place  where  we  lay  asleep,  and  even  our  fire  place  was  three 
feet  under  water,  and  our  blankets  were  all  afloat.  We  had 
some  vague  and  general  ideas  of  the  nature  of  the  tide,  but 
its  particular  operations  were  as  much  unknown  to  us,  as 
though  we  never  had  heard  of  it  at  all.  In  the  consternation 
of  our  ignorance,  we  paddled  our  crafts,  as  well  as  we  could, 
among  the  timber,  not  dreaming  that  in  the  course  of  a  few 
hours,  the  water  would  fall  again.  As  it  was,  we  gathered 
up  our  floating  blankets,  got  into  our  canoes,  and  held  fast 
to  the  brushes,  until  the  water  fell  again,  leaving  us  and  our 
canoes  high  and  dry.  We  were  now  assailed  by  a  new  alarm, 
lest  the  Indians,  taking  advantage  of  this  new  position  in 
which  we  were  placed,  would  attack  and  murder  us. 

In  such  apprehensions  we  passed  the  night,  until  the  morn- 
ing shone  upon  us  with  a  bright  and  beautiful  sun,  which 
enabled  us  to  dry  all  our  wet  things,  and  re-animated  us  with 
the  confidence  which  springs  from  the  view  of  a  bright  firma- 
ment and  a  free  and  full  survey  of  our  case.  When  the  tide 
returned  we  got  into  our  crafts,  and  descended  with  it,  still 
expecting  to  find  Spanish  settlements.  We  continued  in  this 
way  to  descend,  when  the  tide  ran  out,  until  the  28th,  when 


204  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

the  surf  came  up  the  [152]  river  so  strong  that  we  saw  in  a 
moment,  that  our  crafts  could  not  live,  if  we  floated  them 
into  this  tumultuous  commotion  of  the  water. 

Here  we  were  placed  in  a  new  position,  not  the  least  dis- 
heartening or  trying,  among  the  painful  predicaments,  in 
which  fortune  had  placed  us.  The  fierce  billows  shut  us  in 
from  below,  the  river  current  from  above,  and  murderous 
savages  upon  either  hand  on  the  shore.  We  had  a  rich  cargo 
of  furs,  a  little  independence  for  each  one  of  us,  could  we 
have  disposed  of  them,  as  we  had  hoped,  among  the  Spanish 
people,  whom  we  expected  to  have  found  here.  There  were 
no  such  settlements. —  Every  side  on  which  we  looked  offered 
an  array  of  danger,  famine  and  death.  In  this  predicament, 
what  were  furs  to  us  ?  Our  first  thought  was  to  commit  our 
furs  to  the  waters,  and  attempt  to  escape  with  our  lives. 
Our  second  resolve  was  to  ascend  the  river  as  far  as  we  could, 
bury  our  furs,  and  start  on  foot  for  some  settlement.  We  saw 
that  the  chances  were  greatly  against  us,  that  we  should  per- 
ish in  the  attempt ;  for  the  country  yielded  little  to  subsist  on> 
and  was  full  of  Indians  who  are  to  the  last  degree  savage  and 
murderous,  and  whom  nothing  can  subdue  to  kindness  and 
friendship.  We  had  no  idea  of  ever  putting  ourselves  in  their 
power,  as  long  as  one  of  us  could  fire  a  pistol,  or  draw  a  knife. 

We  now  began  to  ascend  with  the  tide,  when  it  served  us, 
and  lay  by  when  it  ran  down,  until  we  arrived  at  the  point 
where  it  ceased  to  flow.  We  then  applied  our  oars,  and  with 
the  help  of  setting-poles,  and  at  times  the  aid  of  a  cordelle, 
we  stemmed  the  current  at  the  rate  of  one,  and  sometimes  two 
miles  an  hour,  until  the  tenth  of  February,  when  we  met  a 
great  rise  of  the  river,  and  found  the  current  so  strong,  that 
we  had  no  power  to  stem  it  in  any  way.  So  we  concluded 
to  abandon  our  canoes,  come  to  shore,  bury  our  furs,  and 
make  our  way  across  the  peninsula  to  the  coast  of  California, 
which  we  thought  from  the  information  of  the  Indians,  could 
not  be  very  distant. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  205 

On  the  1 6th,  we  completed  the  burying  of  our  furs,  and 
started  on  foot  with  our  packs  on  our  backs.  The  contents 
of  these  [153]  packs  were  two  blankets  for  each  man,  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  dried  beaver  meat,  and  a  rifle  with  the 
ammunition.  Our  first  day's  journey  was  through  a  coun- 
try to  the  last  degree  trying  to  our  strength  and  patience.  It 
was  through  the  river  bottom,  which  was  thick  set  with  low, 
scrubby  brush,  interwoven  with  tall  grass,  vines  and  creepers. 
The  making  our  way  through  these  was  excessively  slav- 
ish and  fatiguing.  We  had  a  single  alleviation.  There  was 
plenty  of  fresh  water  to  drink.  We  were  so  fatigued  at  night, 
that  sleep  was  irresistible.  The  weather  was  warm,  and  we 
kindled  no  fire,  through  fear  of  the  savages.  We  started  on 
the  morning  of  the  i8th,  all  complaining  much  of  stiffness 
and  soreness  of  our  limbs.  We  had  been  unused  to  walking 
for  a  great  length  of  time;  and  this  commencement  was 
a  rude  experiment  of  resuming  the  habit.  At  two  in  the 
afternoon,  we  reached  the  edge  of  a  large  salt  plain,  which 
runs  parallel  with  the  river.  Here  we  struck  a  north  west 
course,  and  travelled  the  remainder  of  this  hot  and  fatiguing 
day  without  finding  any  water.  We  began  to  suffer  severely 
from  thirst.  The  earth,  also,  was  so  loose  and  sandy,  that 
at  every  step  we  sank  up  to  our  ankles,  the  sun  beaming 
down  a  fierce  radiance  the  while;  which  made  it  seem  as  if 
the  heavens  and  the  earth  were  on  fire.  Our  tongues  became 
so  parched,  that  not  a  particle  of  moisture  flowed  into  our 
mouths.  In  this  miserable  and  forlorn  condition,  aban- 
doned by  strength,  courage  and  hope,  we  found  some  little 
alleviation  of  our  misery,  when  the  blaze  of  the  sun  was  gone, 
and  the  cool  night  enabled  us  to  throw  down  our  weary  and 
exhausted  bodies  under  its  dewy  shade. 

We  made  an  early  start  in  the  morning,  and  pushed  on 
as  men,  as  thirsty  as  we  were,  naturally  would,  in  the  hope 
of  finding  water,  until  two  in  the  afternoon.  What  a  sight 
of  joy !     I  have  no  words  to  express  our  delight  at  the  sight 


2o6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

of  a  little  lake  before  us.  We  sprang  greedily  to  it.  The 
water  was  salt,  too  salt  to  be  drank!  Not  the  slightest 
indication  of  any  other  water  course,  or  any  omen  of  fresh 
water  was  any  where  in  view.  Far  in  the  distance  a  snow- 
covered  mountain  glittered  in  the  [154]  sun,  and  on  the 
opposite  shore  of  this  salt  lake,  and  at  a  distance  of  three  or 
jFour  miles  from  it,  rose  some  hills  of  considerable  height. 
We  thought  that  from  the  summit  of  these  hills  we  might 
possibly  discover  some  water.  We  gathered  dry  flags,  of 
which  there  was  a  great  abundance  about  us,  and  made  a 
kind  of  raft,  on  which  each  one  of  us  put  his  pack,  and 
swam  the  lake,  pushing  the  little  rafts  that  carried  our 
packs,  before  us.  The  lake  is  about  two  hundred  yards 
wide,  and  contains  a  great  variety  of  fish.  In  length  the 
lake  stretches  north  and  south,  bounded  on  each  shore 
with  high,  level  and  well  timbered  land,  though  apparently 
affording  no  fresh  water. 

When  we  reached  the  west  shore  of  the  lake,  we  saw 
fresh  Indian  foot-prints  in  the  sand.  This  assured  us,  that 
there  was  water  at  no  great  distance.  One  of  our  company 
and  myself  started  and  ascended  the  highest  peak  of  the 
hills  in  our  view.  We  were  not  long  in  descrying  a  smoke 
in  the  south,  at  the  distance  of  about  ten  miles.  This  sight 
gave  us  great  courage  and  hope;  for  we  felt  assured  that 
there  must  be  water  between  us  and  the  Indian  camp. 
In  a  moment  we  started  back  with  a  vigorous  step,  to 
inform  our  companions,  who  were  resting  themselves  under 
the  shade  of  a  tree.  The  information  re-animated  them, 
as  it  had  us.  We  all  shouldered  our  packs  with  a  degree  of 
alacrity,  and  pushed  on  toward  the  smoke. —  We  arrived 
about  three  in  the  afternoon  on  a  small  mound,  within  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  Indians.  We  could  distinctly  num- 
ber them,  and  found  them  between  forty  and  fifty  in  number, 
and  their  women  and  children  were  with  them. 

Here  again  was  anxious  ground  of  debate,  what  course 


1824-1830]  Pattte's  Personal  Narrative  207 

we  should  pursue  ?  should  we  attempt  the  long  and  uncertain 
course  of  conciliation,  before  the  accomplishment  of  which 
we  might  perish  with  thirst  ?  or  should  we  rush  among  them, 
and  buy  the  delicious  element  which  we  had  full  in  view, 
at  the  hazard  of  our  lives?  Men  as  thirsty  as  we  were, 
would  be  likely  to  fix  upon  the  latter  alternative,  and  we 
did  so.  We  examined  our  arms  to  see  that  we  were  pre- 
pared to  attack,  or  repel,  according  to  circumstances,  de- 
termined to  fire  upon  them,  if  they  [155]  showed  either  a 
disposition  for  fight,  or  to  keep  us  from  the  water. 

We  were  within  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  them  before 
they  perceived  us.  As  soon  as  they  saw  us  they  all  fled  to 
the  bushes,  men,  women  and  children,  as  though  satan  was 
behind  them.  We  had  no  disposition  to  arrest  them,  but 
rushed  forward  to  the  water,  and  began  to  slake  our  burning 
thirst.  My  father  immediately  cautioned  us  against  drink- 
ing too  much,  pointing  out  at  the  same  time  the  hurtful 
consequences.  But  men  have  always  proved  themselves 
slow  to  resist  their  appetites  at  the  command  of  their  reason. 
Most  of  us  overloaded  our  empty  stomachs  with  water,  and 
soon  became  as  sick  as  death.  After  vomiting,  however, 
we  were  relieved.  My  father  told  us  that  we  had  better 
stand  to  our  arms;  for  that  the  Indians  had  probably  only 
fled  to  hide  their  women  and  children,  and  prepare  them- 
selves to  return  and  fight  us. 

Scarcely  had  he  finished  these  remarks,  when  we  dis- 
covered them  bearing  down  upon  us,  painted  as  black  as  a 
thunder  cloud,  and  yelling  like  so  many  fiends.  Some  of 
them  were  armed  with  clubs,  some  with  bows  and  arrows. 
We  all  arranged  ourselves  to  receive  them,  behind  the  top 
of  a  large  fallen  tree.  When  they  were  within  rifle  shot,  we 
made  signs  to  them  to  halt,  or  that  otherwise  we  should  fire 
upon  them.  They  comprehended  us,  halted  and  ceased 
yelling,  as  though  they  wished  to  hear  what  we  had  to  say. 
We  made  signs  that  we  were  friendly.    At  this  they  gazed  in 


2o8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

apparent  confusion  of  thought,  and  seemed  to  be  questioning 
each  other,  touching  the  meaning  of  our  signs.  These  signs 
we  continued  to  repeat.  At  length  one  of  them  called  aloud 
in  Spanish,  and  asked  us  who  we  were?  How  delightful 
were  these  sounds!  We  answered  Americans.  They  re- 
peated the  name,  asking  us  if  we  were  friendly  and  Chris- 
tians? To  these  questions  we  made  a  ready  afi&rmative. 
They  then  proposed  a  treaty  with  us.  Nothing  could  be 
more  agreeable  to  us.  At  the  same  time  we  perceived  that 
only  eight  of  their  people  came  to  us,  and  the  remainder  of 
their  company  kept  back.  These  eight  that  seemed  to  be 
their  chief  [156]  men,  advanced  to  us,  while  the  rest,  with 
extreme  anxiety  painted  upon  their  countenances,  stood 
ready  for  action.  We  all  sat  down  on  the  ground,  and 
commenced  talking.  They  enquired  with  great  precision, 
who  we  were,  whence  we  came,  how  we  arrived  here,  what 
was  our  object,  and  whether  we  had  met  with  any  misfor- 
tunes? We  answered  these  questions  to  their  satisfaction; 
and  soon  the  pipe  was  lit,  and  we  commenced  smoking. 
They  then  dug  a  hole  in  the  ground,  in  which  they  buried 
their  war  axe,  and  professed  to  deposite  all  ill  feelings  with 
it.  The  Indian  of  their  number,  who  spoke  the  Spanish 
language,  was  a  fugitive  from  the  Mission  of  St.  Catherine. — 
Threatened  with  the  punishment  of  some  misdemeanor,  he 
had  fled  from  the  establishment. 

After  we  had  finished  smoking,  they  asked  us  if  the  re- 
mainder of  their  number  might  not  come  and  converse  with 
us.  This  we  objected  to,  unless  they  would  bring  their 
women  and  children  with  them.  To  this  order  they  ex- 
pressed great  reluctance.  This  reluctance  by  no  means 
tended  to  allay  our  previous  jealousy  of  their  pretended 
friendship.  We  asked  them  their  reasons  for  being  unwill- 
ing to  bring  then-  women  and  children?  They  answered 
promptly  that  they  did  not  feel  it  safe  to  put  their  women 
and  children  in  our  power,  until  they  were  more  acquainted 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  209 

with  us.  There  seemed  reason  in  this.  We  observed,  that 
their  men  might  come,  provided  they  would  leave  their 
arms  behind.  To  this  they  readily  assented,  and  called 
out  to  their  men  to  come  on,  leaving  their  arms  behind.  A 
part  of  them  seemingly  much  delighted,  threw  down  their 
arms  and  came  on.  The  remainder  equally  dissatisfied, 
wheeled  about,  and  walked  moodily  away. 

The  new  comers  sat  down  in  a  circle  round  us.  The 
pipe  was  again  lit  and  circled  round.  Again  the  terms  of 
the  treaty  were  repeated,  and  they  all  expressed  their  satis- 
faction with  them.  They  observed,  that  their  head  chief 
was  absent,  at  the  distance  of  two  day's  journey  to  the 
south,  that  in  three  or  four  days  he  would  come  and  see  us, 
desiring  us  to  remain  with  them  until  he  should  come. 
Nothing  could  be  more  opportune  for  [157]  us,  for  we  were 
all  excessively  fatigued,  and  needed  a  few  days  rest.  After 
this  they  went  and  brought  their  women  and  children,  who, 
like  the  other  Indians  we  had  seen,  were  all  stark  naked. 
At  first  they  were  excessively  shy  of  us.  This  shyness  wore 
off,  and  in  the  course  of  the  day  changed  to  an  eager  curios- 
ity to  examine  us,  and  an  admiration  of  our  red  flannel  shirts, 
and  the  white  skin  under  them-,  for  little  show  of  whiteness 
was  to  be  seen  in  our  faces.  They  soon  ventured  close  to 
us,  and  with  their  own  hands  opened  our  bosoms,  uttering 
exclamations  of  curiosity  and  admiration,  especially  on 
feeling  the  softness  of  our  skins,  in  comparison  of  theirs. 
They  certainly  seemed  to  prefer  our  complexion  to  theirs, 
notwithstanding  it  had  not  the  stamp  of  their  fashion. 

At  length  they  made  up  to  one  of  our  companions,  who 
was  of  a  singularly  light  complexion,  fair  soft  skin,  and  blue 
eyes.  They  wanted  him  to  strip  himself  naked  that  they 
might  explore  him  thoroughly,  for  they  seemed  to  be  doubtful 
of  his  being  alike  white  in  every  part  of  his  body.  This, 
but  as  mildly  as  possible,  he  refused  to  do.  They  went  off 
and  brought  a  quantity  of  dried  fish  of  excellent  quality,  and 


2 1  o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

presented  him.  We  persuaded  him  to  obHge  these  curious 
and  good  natured  women,  by  giving  them  a  full  view  of  his 
body.  He  was  persuaded  to  strip  to  his  skin.  This  de- 
lighted them,  and  they  conversed  and  laughed  among  them- 
selves, and  they  came  one  by  one  and  stood  beside  him;  so 
as  to  compare  their  bodies  with  his.  After  this,  as  long  as 
we  staid,  they  were  constantly  occupied  in  bringing  us 
cooked  fish  and  the  vegetables  and  roots  on  which  they  are 
accustomed  to  feed.  On  the  25th,  the  head  chief  came. 
He  was  a  venerable  looking  man,  whom  I  judged  to  be 
about  fifty  years  old.  His  countenance  was  thoughtful  and 
serious,  and  his  hair  a  little  gray.  At  his  return  his  people 
greeted  him  with  an  acclamation  of  yells,  that  made  the 
wild  desert  echo.  The  pipe  was  lit,  and  we  all  sat  down 
by  him  and  smoked  again.  He  was  a  man  of  but  few  words, 
but  of  sound  judgment.  After  the  smoking  was  finished, 
he  asked  us  the  same  questions  which  had  been  asked  us 
before.  We  [158]  made  him  similar  answers,  adding,  that 
we  wanted  to  travel  to  the  Spanish  settlements  and  purchase 
horses,  upon  which  we  might  ride  home  to  our  own  country, 
and  that  we  would  pay  him  well  if  he  would  send  some  of 
his  men  to  guide  us  to  those  settlements.  He  asked  us  in 
reply,  what  we  had  to  give  him?  We  showed  him  our 
blankets,  and  he  expressed  himself  delighted  with  them, 
observing  at  the  same  time,  that  he  would  have  preferred  to 
have  had  red  cloth.  On  this  we  pulled  off  our  red  shirts  and 
stripped  them  into  small  pieces  like  ribbons,  and  distributed 
them  among  the  people.  They  tied  the  strips  round  their 
legs,  arms  and  heads,  and  seemed  as  much  overjoyed  with 
these  small  tatters  of  worn  red  flannel,  as  we  should  have 
been,  to  have  brought  our  furs  to  a  good  market  among 
our  own  people.  In  giving  away  our  red  shirts,  we  gave 
away,  what  in  this  warm  climate  was  to  us  wholly  unneces- 
sary. To  carry  our  blankets  on  our  backs  was  a  useless 
burden.     We  gave  two  of  them  to  the  chief.     The  two  guides 


1824-1830]  Fatties  Personal  Narrative  2 1 1 

that  he  was  to  send  with  us  we  were  to  pay  after  our  arrival 
at  the  Spanish  settlements.  These  points  of  contract  be- 
tween us  were  settled  to  the  mutual  satisfaction  of  all. 

We  started  on  the  26th,  with  our  two  guides,  neither  of 
whom  could  speak  Spanish,  and  of  course  we  had  nothing 
to  do  but  follow  them  in  silence.  We  struck  off  a  south 
west  course,  which  led  in  the  direction  of  the  snow  covered 
mountain,  which  still  loomed  up  in  its  brightness  before  us. 
Our  guides  made  signs  that  we  should  arrive  at  the  foot 
about  midnight,  though  the  distance  appeared  to  us  to  be 
too  great  to  be  travelled  over  in  so  short  a  time.  We  were 
yet  to  learn,  that  we  should  find  no  water,  until  we  drank 
that  of  the  melted  snow.  We  perceived,  however,  that  their 
travelling  gait,  worn  as  we  were,  was  more  rapid  than  ours. 
We  pushed  on  as  fast  as  we  could  a  league  further,  when 
we  were  impeded  by  a  high  hill  in  our  way,  which  was  about 
another  league  to  the  summit,  and  very  precipitous  and  steep. 
When  we  reached  the  top  of  it  we  were  much  exhausted,  and 
began  to  be  thirsty.  We  could  then  see  the  arid  salt  plain 
stretching  all  the  way  from  the  foot  of  this  hill  to  the  snow 
covered  mountains. 

[159]  We  thought  it  inexpedient  to  enquire  of  our  guides, 
if  there  was  no  water  to  be  found  between  us  and  the  moun- 
tain. It  appeared  but  too  probable,  that  such  was  the  fact. 
To  know  it  to  a  certainty,  would  only  tend  to  unnerve  and 
dishearten  us.  If  there  was  any,  we  were  aware  that  we 
should  reach  it  by  travelling  no  more  distance  than  as  if  we 
knew  the  fact.  We  found  it  best  to  encourage  the  little  hope 
that  remained,  and  hurried  on  through  the  drifted  sand,  in 
which  we  sank  up  to  our  ankles  at  every  step.  The  cloud- 
less sun  poured  such  a  blaze  upon  it,  that  by  the  scorching 
of  our  feet,  it  might  have  seemed  almost  hot  enough  to  roast 
eggs  in.  What  with  the  fierce  sun  and  the  scorching  sand, 
and  our  extreme  fatigue,  the  air  seemed  soon  to  have  extracted 
every  particle  of  moisture  from  our  bodies.     In  this  condi- 


2 1  2  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

tion  we  marched  on  until  nearly  the  middle  of  the  day, 
without  descrying  any  indication  of  water  in  any  quarter. 
A  small  shrubby  tree  stood  in  our  way,  affording  a  tolerable 
shade.  We  laid  ourselves  down  to  get  a  few  minutes  rest. 
The  Indians  sternly  beckoned  us  to  be  up  and  onward, 
now  for  the  first  time  clearly  explaining  to  us,  that  there  was 
no  water  until  we  reached  the  mountains  in  view.  This 
unseasonable  and  yet  necessary  information,  extinguished 
the  last  remainder  of  our  hope,  and  we  openly  expressed  our 
fears  that  we  should  none  of  us  ever  reach  it. 

We  attempted  to  chew  tobacco.  It  would  raise  no 
moisture.  We  took  our  bullets  in  our  mouths,  and  moved 
them  round  to  create  a  moisture,  to  relieve  our  parched 
throats.  We  had  travelled  but  a  little  farther  before  our 
tongues  had  became  so  dry  and  swollen,  that  we  could 
scarcely  speak  so  as  to  be  understood.  In  this  extremity 
of  nature,  we  should,  perhaps,  have  sunk  voluntarily,  had 
not  the  relief  been  still  in  view  on  the  sides  of  the  snow 
covered  mountains.  We  resorted  to  one  expedient  to 
moisten  our  lips,  tongue  and  throat,  disgusting  to  relate, 
and  still  more  disgusting  to  adopt.  In  such  predicaments 
it  has  been  found,  that  nature  disburdens  people  of  all  con- 
ditions of  ceremony  and  disgust.  Every  thing  bends  to  the 
devouring  thirst,  and  the  love  of  life.  The  application  of 
this  [i6o]  hot  and  salt  liquid  seemed  rather  to  enrage  than 
appease  the  torturing  appetite.  Though  it  offered  such  a 
semblance  of  what  would  satisfy  thirst,  that  we  economized 
every  particle.  Our  amiable  Dutchman  was  of  a  sweetness 
of  temper,  that  was  never  ruffled,  and  a  calmness  and 
patience  that  appeared  proof  against  all  events.  At  another 
time,  what  laughter  would  have  circulated  through  our  camp, 
to  hear  him  make  merry  of  this  expedient !  As  it  was,  even 
in  this  horrible  condition,  a  faint  smile  circulated  through 
our  company,  as  he  discussed  his  substitute  for  drink. 
'Veil,  mine  poys,  dis  vater  of  mein  ish  more  hotter  as  hell, 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  2 1 3 

und  as  dick  as  boudden,  und  more  zalter  as  de  zeas.  I 
can't  drink  him.  For  Cod's  sake,  gif  me  some  of  yours, 
dat  is  more  tinner.' 

Having  availed  ourselves  to  the  utmost  of  this  terrible 
expedient,  we  marched  on  in  company  a  few  miles  further. 
Two  of  our  companions  here  gave  out,  and  lay  down  under 
the  shade  of  a  bush.  Their  tongues  were  so  swollen,  and 
their  eyes  so  sunk  in  their  heads,  that  they  were  a  spectacle 
to  behold.  We  were  scarcely  able,  from  the  condition  of 
our  own  mouths,  to  bid  them  an  articulate  farewell.  We 
never  expected  to  see  them  again,  and  none  of  us  had  much 
hope  of  ever  reaching  the  mountain,  which  still  raised  its 
white  summit  at  a  great  distance  from  us.  It  was  with 
difficulty  that  we  were  enabled  to  advance  one  foot  before 
the  other.  Our  limbs,  our  powers,  even  our  very  resolutions 
seemed  palsied.  A  circumstance  that  added  to  our  distress, 
was  the  excessive  and  dazzling  brightness  of  the  sun's  rays, 
so  reflected  in  our  eyes  from  the  white  sand  that  we  were 
scarcely  able  to  see  our  way  before  us,  or  in  what  direction 
to  follow  our  guides.  They,  accustomed  to  go  naked,  and 
to  traverse  these  burning  deserts,  and  be  unaffected  by  such 
trials,  appeared  to  stand  the  heat  and  drought,  like  camels  on 
the  Arabian  sands.  They,  however,  tried  by  their  looks  and 
gestures  to  encourage  us,  and  induce  us  to  quicken  our  pace. 
But  it  was  to  no  purpose.  However,  we  still  kept  moving 
onward,  and  had  gained  a  few  miles  more,  when  night 
brought  us  shelter  at  least  from  the  insupportable  radiance 
of  the  sun,  and  something  of  coolness  and  moisture. 

[161]  But  it  was  so  dark,  that  neither  we  or  our  guides 
could  discover  the  course.  We  stopped,  and  made  a  large 
fire,  that  our  companions,  if  yet  living,  and  able  to  move, 
might  see  where  we  were,  and  how  to  direct  ther  own  course 
to  reach  us.  We  also  fired  some  guns,  which,  to  our  great 
relief  and  pleasure,  they  answered  by  firing  off  theirs.  We 
still  repeated  firing  guns  at  intervals,  until  they  came  up 


2 1 4  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

with  us.  They  supposed  that  we  had  found  water,  which 
invigorated  their  spirits  to  such  a  degree,  that  it  aroused 
them  to  the  effort  they  had  made.  When  they  had  arrived, 
and  found  that  we  had  reached  no  water,  they  appeared  to  be 
angry,  and  to  complain  that  we  had  disturbed  their  repose 
with  false  hopes,  and  had  hindered  their  dying  in  peace. 
One  of  them  in  the  recklessness  of  despair,  drew  from  his 
package  a  small  phial,  half  full  of  laudanum,  and  drank  it 
off,  I  suppose  in  the  hope  of  sleeping  himself  quietly  to 
death.  We  all  expected  it  would  have  that  effect.  On 
the  contrary,  in  a  few  moments  he  was  exhilarated,  like  a 
man  in  a  state  of  intoxication.  He  was  full  of  talk,  and 
laughter,  and  gaiety  of  heart.  He  observed,  that  he  had 
taken  it  in  hopes  that  it  would  put  him  to  sleep,  never  to 
wake  again,  but  that  in  fact,  it  had  made  him  as  well,  and 
as  fresh,  as  in  the  morning  when  he  started;  but  that  if  he 
had  imagined  that  it  would  prove  such  a  sovereign  remedy 
for  thirst,  he  would  cheerfully  have  shared  it  with  us.  We 
scraped  down  beneath  the  burning  surface  of  the  sand,  until 
we  reached  the  earth  that  was  a  little  cool.  We  then  stripped 
off  all  our  clothing  and  lay  down.  Our  two  Indians,  also 
lay  down  beside  us,  covering  themselves  with  their  blankets. 
My  father  bade  me  lay  on  the  edge  of  one  of  their  blankets, 
so  that  they  could  not  get  up  without  awakening  me.  He 
was  fearful  that  they  would  arise,  and  fly  from  us  in  the 
night.  I  implicitly  conformed  to  my  father's  wish,  for  had 
this  event  happened,  we  should  all  undoubtedly  have  per- 
ished. But  the  Indians  appear  to  have  meditated  no  such 
expedient,  at  any  rate,  they  lay  quiet  until  morning. 

As  soon  as  there  was  light  enough  to  enable  us  to  travel 
we  started,  much  refreshed  by  the  coolness  of  the  night,  and 
the  [162]  sleep  we  had  taken.  We  began  our  morning  march 
with  renewed  alacrity.  At  about  ten  in  the  forenoon  we 
arrived  at  the  foot  of  a  sand  hill  about  a  half  a  mile  in  height, 
and  very  steep.     The  side  was  composed  of  loose  sand, 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  2 1  5 

which  gave  way  under  our  feet,  so  that  our  advancing  foot 
steps  would  slide  back  to  their  former  places.  This  soon 
exhausted  our  little  remaining  strength;  though  we  still 
made  many  an  unavailing  effort  to  ascend.  The  sun  was 
now  so  high,  as  to  beam  upon  us  with  the  same  insufferable 
radiance  of  yesterday.  The  air  which  we  inhaled,  seemed 
to  scald  our  lungs.  We  at  length  concluded  to  travel  towards 
the  north,  to  reach,  if  we  might,  some  point  where  the  hill 
was  not  so  steep  to  ascend.  At  two  in  the  afternoon  we 
found  a  place  that  was  neither  so  steep  nor  so  high,  and  we 
determined  here  to  attempt  to  cross  the  hill.  With  great 
exertions  and  infinite  difficulty,  a  part  of  us  gained  the 
summit  of  the  hill;  but  my  father  and  another  of  our  com- 
pany, somewhat  advanced  in  years,  gave  out  below,  though 
they  made  the  most  persevering  efforts  to  reach  the  summit 
of  the  hill  with  the  rest.  Age  had  stiffened  their  joints,  and 
laid  his  palsying  hand  upon  their  once  active  limbs,  and 
vigorous  frames.  They  could  endure  this  dreadful  journey 
no  longer.  They  had  become  so  exhausted  by  fruitless 
efforts  to  climb  the  hill,  that  they  could  no  longer  drag  one 
foot  after  the  other.  They  had  each  so  completely  aban- 
doned the  hope  of  ever  reaching  the  water,  or  even  gaining 
the  summit  of  the  hill,  that  they  threw  themselves  on  the 
ground,  apparently  convinced  of  their  fate,  and  resigned  to 
die.  I  instantly  determined  to  remain  with  my  father,  be  it 
for  life  or  death.  To  this  determination  he  would  by  no 
means  consent,  as  he  remarked  it  would  bring  my  destruc- 
tion, without  its  availing  him.  On  the  contrary,  he  insisted, 
that  I  should  go  on  with  the  rest,  and  if  I  found  any  water 
near  at  hand,  that  I  should  return  with  my  powder  horn 
full.  In  this  way  he  assured  me,  I  might  be  instrumental 
in  saving  my  own  life,  and  saving  him  at  the  same  time. 
To  this  I  consented,  and  with  much  fatigue  gained  the  sum- 
mit of  the  hill,  where  my  companions  were  seated  waiting 
for  us.     They  seemed  undetermined,  [163]  whether  to  ad- 


2 1 6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

vance  onward,  or  wait  for  my  father,  until  I  related  his  deter- 
mination. My  purpose  was  to  proceed  onward  only  so  far, 
as  that,  if  the  Almighty  should  enable  us  to  reach  water,  I 
might  be  able  to  return  with  a  powder  horn  full  to  him  and 
Mr.  Slover,  (for  that  was  the  name  of  the  elderly  companion 
that  remained  with  him.) 

This  resolution  was  agreed  to  by  all,  as  a  proper  one. 
Being  satisfied  by  our  consciences  as  well  as  by  the  reasoning 
of  my  father  and  his  companion,  that  we  could  render  them 
no  service  by  remaining  with  them,  except  to  increase  their 
sufferings  by  a  view  of  ours;  and  aware,  that  every  mo- 
ment was  precious,  we  pushed  on  once  more  for  the  mountain. 
Having  descended  this  hill,  we  ascended  another  of  the  same 
wearying  ascent,  and  sandy  character  with  the  former.  We 
toiled  on  to  the  top  of  it.  The  Eternal  Power,  who  hears 
the  ravens  when  they  cry,  and  provideth  springs  in  the 
wilderness,  had  had  mercy  upon  us !  Imagine  my  joy  at 
seeing  a  clear,  beautiful  running  stream  of  water,  just  below 
us  at  the  foot  of  the  hill !  Such  a  blissful  sight  I  had  never 
seen  before,  and  never  expect  to  see  again.  We  all  ran 
down  to  it,  and  fell  to  drinking.  In  a  few  moments  nothing 
was  to  be  heard  among  us,  but  vomiting  and  groaning. 
Notwithstanding  our  mutual  charges  to  be  cautious,  we  had 
overcharged  our  parched  stomachs  with  this  cold  snow 
water. 

Notwithstanding  I  was  sick  myself,  I  emptied  my  powder 
horn  of  its  contents,  filled  it  with  water,  and  accompanied 
by  one  companion,  who  had  also  filled  his  powder  horn,  I 
returned  towards  my  father  and  Mr.  Slover,  his  exhausted 
companion,  with  a  quick  step.  We  found  them  in  the  same 
position  in  which  we  had  left  them,  that  is,  stretched  on  the 
sand  at  full  length,  under  the  unclouded  blaze  of  the  sun, 
and  both  fast  asleep ;  a  sleep  from  which,  but  for  our  relief, 
I  believe  they  would  neither  of  them  ever  have  awakened. 
Their  lips  were  black,  and  their  parched  mouths  wide  open. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  219 

Their  unmoving  posture  and  their  sunken  eyes  so  resembled 
death,  that  I  ran  in  a  fright  to  my  father,  thinking  him,  for 
a  moment,  really  dead.  But  he  easily  awakened,  and  drank 
the  refreshing  water.  My  companion  [164]  at  the  same 
time  bestowed  his  horn  of  water  upon  Mr.  Slover.  In  the 
course  of  an  hour  they  were  both  able  to  climb  the  hill,  and 
some  time  before  dark  we  rejoined  the  remainder  of  our 
company.  They  had  kindled  a  large  fire,  and  all  seemed  in 
high  spirits.  As  for  our  two  Indians,  they  were  singing, 
and  dancing,  as  it  seemed  to  us,  in  a  sort  of  worship  of  thank- 
fulness to  the  Great  Spirit,  who  had  led  them  through  so 
much  peril  and  toil  to  these  refreshing  waters.  We  roasted 
some  of  our  beaver  meat,  and  took  food  for  the  first  time  in 
forty-eight  hours,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  time  we  left  our 
Indian  friends,  until  we  reached  this  water.  Our  Dutchman 
insisted  that  the  plain  over  which  we  passed,  should  be 
named  the  devil's  plain,  for  he  insisted,  that  it  was  more 
hotter  as  hell,  and  that  none  but  teyvils  could  live  upon  it. 
In  fact,  it  seemed  a  more  fitting  abode  for  fiends,  than  any 
living  thing  that  belongs  to  our  world.  During  our  passage 
across  it,  we  saw  not  a  single  bird,  nor  the  track  of  any 
quadruped,  or  in  fact  any  thing  that  had  life,  not  even  a 
sprig,  weed  or  grass  blade,  except  a  single  shrubby  tree, 
under  which  we  found  a  little  shade.  This  shrub,  though 
of  some  height,  resembled  a  prickly  pear,  and  was  covered 
thick  with  thorns.  The  prickly  pears  were  in  such  abun- 
dance, that  we  were  often,  dazzled  as  our  eyes  were  with  the 
sun's  brightness,  puzzled  to  find  a  path  so  as  neither  to 
torment  our  feet  or  our  bodies  with  the  thorns  of  these 
hated  natives  of  the  burning  sands.  This  very  extensive 
plain,  the  Sahara  of  California,  runs  north  and  south,  and 
is  bounded  on  each  side  by  high  barren  mountains,  some  of 
which  are  covered  with  perpetual  snow. 

On  the  28th,  we  travelled  up  this  creek  about  three  miles, 
and  kUled  a  deer,  which  much  delighted  our  two  Indian 


2  20  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

guides.  At  this  point  we  encamped  for  the  night.  Here 
are  abundance  of  palm  trees  and  live  oaks,  and  considerable 
of  mascal.  We  remained  until  the  3d  of  March,  when  we 
marched  up  this  creek,  which  heads  to  the  south,  forming  a 
low  gap  in  the  mountain.  On  the  7th,  we  arrived  at  the 
point,  and  found  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  from  the 
Mission  of  St.  Catharine.  They  were  roasting  mascal  and 
the  tender  inside  heads  of  the  [165]  palm  trees  for  food, 
which,  when  prepared  and  cooked  after  their  fashion, 
becomes  a  very  agreeable  food.  From  these  Indians  we 
learned  that  we  were  within  four  days'  travel  of  the  mission 
mentioned  above. 

Here  we  concluded  to  discharge  our  guides,  and  travel 
into  the  settlement  with  the  Christian  Indians.  We  gave 
them  each  a  blanket,  and  they  started  back  to  their  own 
people  on  the  morning  of  the  8th.  At  the  same  time  we 
commenced  our  journey  with  our  new  guides,  and  began  to 
climb  the  mountain.  This  is  so  exceedingly  lofty,  as  to 
require  two  days'  travel  and  a  half  to  gain  its  summit. 
During  this  ascent,  I  severely  bruised  my  heel.  We  none 
of  us  wore  any  thing  to  shield  our  feet  from  the  bare  and 
sharp  rocks,  which  composed  almost  the  whole  surface  of 
this  ascent,  but  thin  deer  skin  moccasms.  Obliged  to  walk 
on  tip  toe,  and  in  extreme  anguish,  the  severe  fatigue  of 
scrambling  up  sharp  stones  was  any  thing,  rather  than 
agreeable.  But  I  summoned  patience  and  courage  to  push 
on  until  the  12th.  My  leg  then  became  so  swollen  and  in- 
flamed that  it  was  out  of  my  power  to  travel  farther.  The 
pain  was  so  severe  as  to  create  fever.  I  lay  myself  down  on 
the  side  of  a  sharp  rock,  resigning  myself  to  my  fate,  and 
determined  to  make  no  effort  to  travel  further,  until  I  felt 
relieved.  My  companions  all  joined  with  my  father,  in 
encouraging  me  to  rise,  and  make  an  effort  to  reach  the 
mission,  which  they  represented  to  be  but  three  miles  dis- 
tant.    It  was  out  of  the  question  for  me  to  think  of  it,  and 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  221 

they  concluded  to  go  to  the  settlement,  and  obtain  a  horse, 
and  send  out  for  me.  I  kindled  me  a  fire,  for  I  suffered 
severe  chills.  The  Indians  gave  me  the  strictest  caution 
against  allowing  myself  to  go  to  sleep  in  their  absence. 
The  reason  they  assigned  for  their  caution  was  a  substantial 
one.  The  grizzly  bear,  they  said,  was  common  on  these 
mountains,  and  would  attack  and  devour  me,  unless  I  kept 
on  my  guard.  I  paid  little  attention  to  their  remarks  at  the 
time.  But  when  they  were  gone,  and  I  was  left  alone,  I 
examined  the  priming,  and  picked  the  flints  of  my  gun  and 
pistol.  I  then  lay  down  and  slept,  until  sometime  in  the 
early  part  of  the  night,  when  [166]  two  Indians  came  out 
from  the  settlement,  and  informed  me  that  the  corporal  of 
the  guards  at  St.  Catharines"  wished  me  to  come  in.  Being 
feverish,  stiff,  sore  and  withal  testy,  I  gave  them  and  their 
corporal  no  very  civil  words.  They  said  that  the  corporal 
only  wanted  me  to  come  in,  because  he  was  afraid  the 
grizzly  bears  would  kill  me.  I  asked  them  why  they  did 
not  bring  a  horse  for  me?  They  informed  me,  that  the 
Mission  had  none  at  disposal  at  that  time,  but  that  they 
would  carry  me  on  their  backs.  So  I  was  obliged  to  avail 
myself  of  this  strange  conveyance,  and  mounted  the  back  of 
one  of  them  while  the  other  carried  my  arms.  In  this  way 
they  carried  me  in,  where  I  found  my  companions  in  a 
guard  house.  I  was  ordered  to  enter  with  them  by  a  swarthy 
looking  fellow,  who  resembled  a  negro,  rather  than  a  white. 
I  cannot  describe  the  indignation  I  felt  at  this  revolting 
breach  of  humanity  to  people  in  suffering,  who  had  thrown 
themselves  on  the  kindness  and  protection  of  these  Span- 
iards. We  related  the  reasons  why  we  had  come  in  after 
this  manner.  We  showed  them  our  passport,  which  certi- 
fied to  them,  that  we  were  neither  robbers,  murderers,  nor 


"  Santa  Catalina  was  the  last  mission  founded  in  Lower  California.  It  was 
established  by  the  Dominicans  (1797)  in  the  mountains,  back  from  the  coast,  about 
latitude  31°  20',  on  the  headwaters  of  River  St.  Quentin. —  Ed. 


222  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

spies.  To  all  this  their  only  reply  was,  how  should  they 
know  whether  we  had  come  clandestinely,  and  with  improper 
views,  or  not?  Against  this  question,  proposed  by  such 
people,  all  reasonings  were  thrown  away. —  The  cowardly 
and  worthless  are  naturally  cruel.  We  were  thrown  com- 
pletely in  their  power;  and  instead  of  that  circumstance 
exciting  any  generous  desires  to  console  and  relieve  us,  their 
only  study  seemed  to  be  to  vex,  degrade,  and  torment  us. 

Here  we  remained  a  week,  living  on  corn  mush,  which  we 
received  once  a  day;  when  a  guard  of  soldiers  came  to  con- 
duct us  from  this  place.  This  mission  is  situated  in  a  valley, 
surrounded  by  high  mountains,  with  beautiful  streams  of 
water  flowing  from  them.  The  natives  raise  sufficient  com 
and  wheat  to  serve  for  the  subsistence  of  the  mission.  The 
mission  establishment  is  built  in  a  quadrangular  form;  all 
the  houses  forming  the  quadrangle  contiguous  to  each  other; 
and  one  of  the  angles  is  a  large  church,  adjoining  which  are 
the  habitations  of  [167]  the  priests;  though  at  this  time 
there  happened  to  be  none  belonging  to  this  at  home.  The 
number  of  Indians  belonging  to  the  mission  at  this  time, 
was  about  five  hundred.  They  were  destitute  of  stock,  on 
account  of  its  having  been  plundered  from  them  by  the  free, 
wild  Indians  of  the  desert.  The  air  is  very  cool  and  tem- 
perate, and  hard  frosts  are  not  uncommon.  This  cool 
temperature  of  the  atmosphere  I  suppose  to  be  owing  to 
the  immediate  proximity  of  the  snowy  mountains. 

On  the  1 8th,  we  started  under  the  conduct  of  a  file  of 
soldiers,  who  led  us  two  days'  travel,  over  very  high  moun- 
tains, a  south  west  course,  to  another  mission,  called  St. 
Sebastian,  situated  near  the  sea  coast,  in  a  delightful  valley, 
surrounded,  like  the  other,  by  lofty  mountains,  the  sides  of 
which  present  magnificent  views  of  the  ocean.  This  mission 
contains  six  hundred  souls.  This  mission  establishment, 
though  much  richer  and  neater  than  the  other,  is,  however, 
built  on  a  precisely  similar  plan.     Here  they  have  rich 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  223 

vineyards,  and  raise  a  great  variety  of  the  fruits  of  almost 
all  climates.  They  also  raise  their  own  supplies  of  grain, 
and  have  a  tolerable  abundance  of  stock,  both  of  the  larger 
and  smaller  kinds. 

A  Serjeant  has  the  whole  military  command.  We  found 
him  of  a  dark  and  swarthy  complexion,  though  a  man  of 
tolerable  information.  He  seemed  disposed  to  conduct 
towards  us  with  some  courtesy  and  kindness.  He  saluted 
us  with  politeness,  conducted  us  to  the  guard  house,  and 
begged  us  to  content  ourselves,  as  well  as  we  could,  until  he 
could  make  some  more  satisfactory  arrangements  for  our 
comfort  and  convenience.  To  put  him  to  the  proof  of  his 
professed  kindness,  we  told  him  that  we  were  very  hungry. 
They  soon  had  a  poor  steer  killed,  that  reeled  as  it  walked, 
and  seemed  sinking  by  natural  decay.  A  part  of  the  blue 
flesh  was  put  boiling  in  one  pot,  and  a  parcel  of  corn  in  the 
other.  The  whole  process  reminded  me  strongly  of  the 
arrangements  which  we  make  in  Kentucky,  to  prepare  a 
mess  for  a  diseased  cow.  When  this  famous  feast  was 
cooked,  we  were  marched  forth  into  the  yard,  in  great  cere- 
mony, to  eat  it.  All  the  men,  women  and  children  clus- 
tered round  us,  and  [168]  stood  staring  at  us  while  we  were 
eating,  as  though  they  had  been  at  a  menagerie  to  see  some 
wild  and  unknown  animals. —  When  we  were  fairly  seated 
to  our  pots,  and  began  to  discuss  the  contents,  disgusted  alike 
with  the  food,  with  them,  and  their  behaviour,  we  could  not 
forbear  asking  them  whether  they  really  took  us  to  be  human 
beings,  or  considered  us  as  brutes?  They  looked  at  each 
other  a  moment,  as  if  to  reflect  and  frame  an  answer,  and 
then  replied  coolly  enough,  that  not  being  Christians,  they 
considered  us  little  superior  to  brutes.  To  this  we  replied, 
with  a  suitable  mixture  of  indignation  and  scorn,  that  we 
considered  ourselves  better  Christians  than  they  were,  and 
that  if  they  did  not  give  us  something  to  eat  more  befitting 
men,  we  would  take  our  guns,  live  where  we  pleased,  and  eat 


2  24  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

venison  and  other  good  things,  where  we  chose.  This  was 
not  mere  bravado,  for,  to  our  astonishment,  we  were  still  in 
possession  of  our  arms.  We  had  made  no  resistance  to 
their  treating  us  as  prisoners,  as  we  considered  them  nothing 
more  than  petty  and  ignorant  officers,  whom  we  supposed 
to  have  conducted  improperly,  from  being  unacquainted 
with  their  duty.  We  were  all  confident,  that  as  soon  as 
intelligence  of  our  arrival  should  reach  the  commanding 
ofi&cer  of  this  station,  and  how  we  had  been  detained,  and 
treated  as  prisoners,  we  should  not  only  be  released  from 
prison,  but  recompensed  for  our  detention. 

This  determination  of  ours  appeared  to  alarm  them.  The 
information  of  our  menaces,  no  doubt  with  their  own  com- 
ments, soon  reached  the  serjeant.  He  immediately  came 
to  see  us,  while  we  were  yet  at  our  pots,  and  enquired  of  us, 
what  was  our  ground  of  complaint  and  dissatisfaction  ?  We 
pointed  to  the  pots,  and  asked  him  if  he  thought  such  food 
becoming  the  laws  of  hospitality  to  such  people  ?  He  stepped 
up  to  the  pots,  and  turning  over  the  contents,  and  examining 
them  with  his  fingers,  enquired  in  an  angry  tone,  who  had 
served  up  such  food  to  us  ?  He  added,  that  it  was  not  fit  to 
give  a  dog,  and  that  he  would  punish  those  who  had  pro- 
cured it.  He  comforted  us,  by  assuring  us  that  we  should 
have  something  fit  to  eat  cooked  for  us.  We  immediately 
returned  quietly  to  the  guard  house.  But  a  [169]  short  time 
ensued  before  he  sent  us  a  good  dish  of  fat  mutton,  and  some 
tortillas.  This  was  precisely  the  thing  our  appetites  craved, 
and  we  were  not  long  in  making  a  hearty  meal.  After  we 
had  fed  to  our  satisfaction,  he  came  to  visit  us,  and  interro- 
gated us  in  what  manner,  and  with  what  views  we  had  visited 
the  country?  We  went  into  clear,  full  and  satisfactory 
details  of  information  in  regard  to  every  thing  that  could 
have  any  interest  to  him,  as  an  officer;  and  told  him  that 
our  object  was  to  purchase  horses,  on  which  we  might  return 
to  our  own  country;   and  that  we  wished  him  to  intercede 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  225 

in  our  behalf  with  the  commander  in  chief,  that  we  might 
have  permission  to  purchase  horses  and  mules  among  them, 
for  this  purpose.  He  promised  to  do  this,  and  returned  to 
his  apartment. 

The  amount  of  his  promise  was,  that  he  would  reflect  upon 
the  subject,  and  in  the  course  of  four  days  write  to  his  com- 
mander, from  whom  he  might  expect  an  answer  in  a  fort- 
night.—  When  we  sounded  him  as  to  the  probability  of  such 
a  request  being  granted,  he  answered  with  apparent  con- 
viction, that  he  had  no  doubt  that  it  would  be  in  our  favor. 
As  our  hopes  were  intensely  fixed  upon  this  issue,  we  awaited 
this  answer  with  great  anxiety.  The  commander  at  this 
time  was  at  the  port  of  San  Diego.  During  this  period  of 
our  suspense,  we  had  full  liberty  to  hunt  deer  in  the  woods, 
and  gather  honey  from  the  blossoms  of  the  Mascal,  which 
grows  plentifully  on  the  sea  shore.  Every  thing  in  this 
strange  and  charming  country  being  new,  we  were  continually 
contemplating  curiosities  of  every  sort,  which  quieted  our 
solicitude,  and  kept  alive  the  interest  of  our  attention. 

We  used  to  station  ourselves  on  the  high  pinnacles  of  the 
cliffs,  on  which  this  vast  sea  pours  its  tides,  and  the  retreating 
or  advancing  tide  showed  us  the  strange  sea  monsters  of 
that  ocean,  such  as  seals,  sea  otters,  sea  elephants,  whales, 
sharks,  sword  fish,  and  various  other  unshapely  sea  dwellers. 
Then  we  walked  on  the  beach,  and  examined  the  infinite 
variety  of  sea  shells,  all  new  and  strange  to  us. 

Thus  we  amused  ourselves,  and  strove  to  kill  the  time 
until  the  20th,  when  the  answer  of  the  commander  arrived, 
which  [170]  explained  itself  at  once,  by  a  guard  of  soldiers, 
with  orders  to  conduct  us  to  the  port  of  San  Diego,  where  he 
then  resided.  We  were  ordered  to  be  in  immediate  readi- 
ness to  start  for  that  port.  This  gave  us  unmingled  satis- 
faction, for  we  had  an  undoubting  confidence,  that  when  we 
should  really  have  attained  the  presence  of  an  officer  whom 
we  supposed  a  gentleman,  and  acting  independently  of  the 


226  Karly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

authority  of  others,  he  would  make  no  dif&culty  in  granting 
a  request  so  reasonable  as  ours.  We  started  on  the  2d, 
guarded  by  sixteen  soldiers  and  a  corporal.  They  were  all 
on  horseback,  and  allowed  us  occasionally  to  ride,  when  they 
saw  us  much  fatigued.  Our  first  day's  journey  was  a  north 
course,  over  very  rough  mountains,  and  yet,  notwithstanding 
this,  we  made  twenty-five  miles  distance  on  our  way. 

At  night  we  arrived  at  another  mission,  situated  like  the 
former,  on  a  charming  plain.  The  mission  is  called  St. 
Thomas.^*  These  wise  and  holy  men  mean  to  make  sure  of 
the  rich  and  pleasant  things  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  the  king- 
dom of  heaven.  They  have  large  plantations,  with  splendid 
orchards  and  vineyards.  The  priest  who  presides  over  this 
establishment,  told  me  that  he  had  a  thousand  Indians  under 
his  care.  During  every  week  in  the  year,  they  kill  thirty 
beeves  for  the  subsistence  of  the  mission.  The  hides  and 
tallow  they  sell  to  vessels  that  visit  their  coast,  in  exchange 
for  such  goods  as  they  need. 

On  the  following  morning,  we  started  early  down  this 
valley,  which  led  us  to  the  sea  shore,  along  which  we  travelled 
the  remainder  of  the  day.  This  beautiful  plain  skirts  the 
sea  shore,  and  extends  back  from  it  about  four  miles.  This 
was  literally  covered  with  horses  and  cattle  belongmg  to  the 
mission.  The  eye  was  lost  beyond  this  handsome  plain  in 
contemplating  an  immeasurable  range  of  mountains,  which 
we  were  told  thronged  with  wild  horses  and  cattle,  which 
often  descend  from  their  mountains  to  the  plains,  and  entice 
away  the  domesticated  cattle  with  them.  The  wild  oats 
and  clover  grow  spontaneously,  and  in  great  luxuriance,  and 
were  now  knee  high.  In  the  evening  we  arrived  at  the  port 
of  Todos  Santos,  and  there  passed  the  night.  Early  on  the 
23d,  we  marched  on.    This  day  we  [171]  travelled  over  some 

•*  The  mission  of  Santo  Tomas  de  Aquino  was  founded  by  the  Dominicans  in 
1790.  It  is  situated  about  fifty  miles  northwest  of  Santa  Catalina,  on  a  river  to 
which  it  gives  a  name,  Rio  Santo  Tomas. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  227 

tracts  that  were  very  rough,  and  arrived  at  a  mission  situated 
immediately  on  the  sea  board,  called  St.  Michael.""  Like 
the  rest,  it  was  surrounded  with  splendid  orchards,  vineyards 
and  fields;  and  was,  for  soil,  climate  and  position,  all  that 
could  be  wished.  The  old  superintending  priest  of  the 
establishment  showed  himself  very  friendly,  and  equally 
inquisitive.  He  invited  us  to  sup  with  him,  an  invitation  we 
should  not  be  very  likely  to  refuse.  We  sat  down  to  a  large 
table,  elegantly  furnished  with  various  dishes  of  the  country, 
all  as  usual  highly  seasoned.  Above  all,  the  supply  of 
wines  was  various  and  abundant.  The  priest  said  grace  at 
the  close,  when  fire  and  cigars  were  brought  in  by  the  attend- 
ants, and  we  began  to  smoke.  We  sat  and  smoked,  and 
drank  wine,  until  12  o'clock.  The  priest  informed  us  that 
the  population  of  his  mission  was  twelve  hundred  souls,  and 
the  weekly  consumption,  fifty  beeves,  and  a  corresponding 
amount  of  grain.  The  mission  possessed  three  thousand 
head  of  domesticated  and  tamed  horses  and  mules.  From 
the  droves  which  I  saw  in  the  plains,  I  should  not  think  this 
an  extravagant  estimation.  In  the  morning  he  presented 
my  father  a  saddle  mule,  which  he  accepted,  and  we  started. 

This  day's  travel  still  carried  us  directly  along  the  verge  of 
the  sea  shore,  and  over  a  plain  equally  rich  and  beautiful 
with  that  of  the  preceding  day.  We  amused  ourselves  with 
noting  the  spouting  of  the  huge  whales,  which  seemed 
playing  near  the  strand  for  our  especial  amusement.  We 
saw  other  marine  animals  and  curiosities  to  keep  our  interest 
in  the  journey  alive.  In  the  evening  we  arrived  at  a  Ranch, 
called  Buenos  Aguos,  or  Good  Water,  where  we  encamped 
for  the  night. 

We  started  early  on  the  25th,  purchasing  a  sheep  of  a 
shepherd,  for  which  we  paid  him  a  knife.  At  this  Ranch 
they  kept  thirty  thousand  head  of  sheep,  belonging  to  the 
mission  which  we  had  left.    We  crossed  a  point  of  the  moun- 

*'  San  Miguel,  established  in  1782,  is  about  thirty  miles  south  of  San  Diego. —  Ed. 


228  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

tain  that  made  into  the  water's  edge.  On  the  opposite  side 
of  this  mountain  was  another  Ranch,  where  we  staid  the 
night.  This  Ranch  is  for  the  purposes  of  herding  horses 
and  cattle,  of  which  [172]  they  have  vast  numbers.  On  the 
26th,  our  plain  lay  outstretched  before  us  as  beautiful  as 
ever.  In  the  evening  we  came  in  sight  of  San  Diego,  the 
place  where  we  were  bound.*"''  In  this  port  was  one  mer- 
chant vessel,  which  we  were  told  was  from  the  United  States, 
the  ship  Franklin,  of  Boston.  We  had  then  arrived  within 
about  a  league  of  the  port.  The  corporal  who  had  charge  of 
us  here,  came  and  requested  us  to  give  up  our  arms,  inform- 
ing us,  it  was  the  customary  request  to  all  strangers;  and  that 
it  was  expected  that  our  arms  would  be  deposited  in  the  guard 
house  before  we  could  speak  with  the  commander,  or 
general.  We  replied,  that  we  were  both  able  and  disposed 
to  carry  our  arms  to  the  guard  house  ourselves,  and  deposite 
them  there  if  such  was  our  pleasure,  at  our  own  choice.  He 
replied  that  we  could  not  be  allowed  to  do  this,  for  that  we 
were  considered  as  prisoners,  and  under  his  charge;  and 
that  he  should  become  responsible  in  his  own  person,  if  he 
should  allow  us  to  appear  before  the  general,  bearing  our 
own  arms.  This  he  spoke  with  a  countenance  of  serious- 
ness, which  induced  us  to  think  that  he  desired  no  more 
in  this  request  than  the  performance  of  his  duty.  We  there- 
fore gave  him  up  our  rifles,  not  thinking  that  this  was  the 
last  time  we  should  have  the  pleasure  of  shouldering  these 
trusty  friends.  Having  unburdened  ourselves  of  our  de- 
fence, we  marched  on  again,  and  arrived,  much  fatigued,  at 
the  town  at  3  o'clock  in  the  evening.  Our  arms  were 
stacked  on  the  side  of  the  guard  house,  and  we  threw  our 
fatigued  bodies  as  near  them  as  we  could,  on  the  ground. 
An  officer  was  dispatched  to  the  general  to  inform  him  of 

""  A  presidio  was  established  at  San  Diego  in  1769,  and  troops  stationed  there. 
Although  not  the  capital  at  the  time  of  Pattie's  imprisonment,  Governor  Echeandia 
preferred  its  climate  to  that  of  Monterey,  and  made  it  his  permanent  residence. 
The  present  city  of  San  Diego  dates  only  from  1867,  and  is  five  or  six  miles  distant 
from  the  old  site. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  229 

our  arrival,  and  to  know  whether  we  could  have  an  imme- 
diate audience  or  not  ?  In  a  short  time  the  officer  returned 
with  an  answer  for  us,  that  we  must  remain  where  we  were 
until  morning,  when  the  general  would  give  us  a  hearing. 
We  were  still  sanguine  in  seeing  only  omens  of  good.  We 
forgot  our  past  troubles,  opened  our  bosom  to  hope,  and 
resigned  ourselves  to  profound  sleep.  It  is  true,  innumer- 
able droves  of  fleas  performed  their  evolutions,  and  bit  all 
their  pleasure  upon  our  bodies.— [173]  But  so  entire  was 
our  repose,  that  we  scarcely  turned  for  the  night.  No 
dreams  of  what  was  in  reserve  for  us  the  following  day 
floated  across  our  minds;  though  in  the  morning  my  body 
was  as  spotted  as  though  I  had  the  measles,  and  my  shirt 
specked  with  innumerable  stains  of  blood,  let  by  the  ingenious 
lancets  of  these  same  Spanish  fleas. 

On  the  27th,  at  eight  A.  M.,  we  were  ushered  into  the 
general's  office,  with  our  hats  m  our  hands,  and  he  began  his 
string  of  interrogations.  The  first  question  was,  who  we 
were?  We  answered,  Americans.  He  proceeded  to  ask 
us,  how  we  came  on  the  coast,  what  was  our  object,  and  had 
we  a  passport  ?  In  answer  to  these  questions  we  again  went 
over  the  story  of  our  misfortunes.  We  then  gave  him  the 
passport  which  we  had  received  from  the  governor  of  Santa 
Fe.  He  examined  this  instrument,  and  with  a  sinister  and 
malicious  smile,  observed,  that  he  believed  nothing  of  all 
this,  but  considered  us  worse  than  thieves  and  murderers; 
m  fact,  that  he  held  us  to  be  spies  for  the  old  Spaniards,  and 
that  our  business  was  to  lurk  about  the  country,  that  we 
might  inspect  the  weak  and  defenceless  points  of  the  fron- 
tiers, and  point  them  out  to  the  Spaniards,  in  order  that  they 
might  introduce  their  troops  into  the  country;  but  that  he 
would  utterly  detect  us,  and  prevent  our  designs. —  This 
last  remark  he  uttered  with  a  look  of  vengeance;  and  then 
reperused  the  passport,  which  he  tore  in  pieces,  saying,  it  was 
no  passport,  but  a  vile  forgery  of  our  own  contrivance. 
Though  amazed  and  confounded  at  such  an  unexpected 


230  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

charge,  we  firmly  asserted  our  innocence  in  regard  to  any  of 
the  charges  brought  against  us.  We  informed  him  that  we 
were  born  and  bred  thorough  and  full  blooded  republicans; 
and  that  there  was  not  a  man  of  us  who  would  not  prefer  to 
die,  rather  than  to  be  the  spies  and  instruments  of  the  Span- 
ish king,  or  any  other  king;  and  that  but  a  few  years  since, 
we  had  all  been  engaged  in  fighting  the  forces  of  a  king, 
allied  with  savages,  and  sent  against  the  country  of  our  home ; 
and  that  on  this  very  expedition  we  had  been  engaged  in  a 
great  many  battles  with  the  Indians,  hostile  to  his  people, 
redeeming  their  captives,  [174]  and  punishing  their  robberies 
and  murders.  In  distress,  and  in  want  of  every  thing  from 
the  robbery  of  these  hostile  Indians,  we  had  taken  refuge 
in  his  country,  and  claimed  its  protection.  We  told  him  we 
considered  it  an  unworthy  return  for  such  general  deport- 
ment, and  such  particular  services  to  their  country,  that 
we  should  be  viewed  as  spies,  and  treated  as  prisoners. 
He  stopped  us  in  the  midst  of  our  plea,  apparently  through 
fear  that  representations,  which  must  have  carried  conviction 
to  his  prejudiced  mind,  might  tend  to  soften  his  obdurate 
heart,  and  unnerve  his  purpose  towards  us.  He  told  us  he 
did  not  wish  to  hear  any  more  of  our  long  speeches,  which 
he  considered  no  better  than  lies;  for  that  if  we  had  been  true 
and  bona  fide  citizens  of  the  United  States,  we  should  not 
have  left  our  country  without  a  passport,  and  the  certificate 
of  our  chief  magistrate.  We  replied  that  the  laws  of  our 
country  did  not  require  that  honest,  common  citizens,  should 
carry  passports;  that  it  did  not  interfere  with  the  individual 
business  and  pursuits  of  private  individuals;  that  such 
persons  went  abroad  and  returned  unnoted  by  the  govern- 
ment; and  in  all  well  regulated  states,  sufficiently  protected 
by  the  proof  that  they  were  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  but 
that  there  were  in  our  country  two  classes  of  people,  for 
whom  passports  were  necessary,  slaves  and  soldiers;  that 
for  the  slave  it  was  necessary  to  have  one,  to  certify  that  he 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  231 

was  travelling  with  the  knowledge  and  permission  of  his 
master;  and  for  the  soldier,  to  show  that  he  was  on  furlough, 
or  otherwise  abroad  with  the  permission  of  his  officer.  As 
we  spoke  this  with  emphasis,  and  firmness,  he  told  us  that 
he  had  had  enough  of  our  falsehoods,  and  begged  us  to  be 
quiet.  He  ordered  us  to  be  remanded  to  our  prison,  and 
was  immediately  obeyed. 

As  we  were  driven  out  of  his  office,  my  father,  who  was 
exceedingly  exasperated,  observed,   'my  boys,  as  soon  as 
we  arrive  in  the  guard  house,  let  us  seize  our  arms  and 
redress  ourselves,  or  die  in  the  attempt;  for  it  seems  to  me 
that  these  scoundrels  mean  to  murder  us.'    We  all  unani- 
mously agreed  to  this  advice,  and  walked  back  with  a  willing 
mind,  and  an  alert  step.    [175]  But  our  last  hope  of  redress- 
ing ourselves,  and  obtaining  our  liberty  was  soon  extin- 
guished.    On  entering  the  guard  house,  our  arms  had  been 
removed  we  knew  not  where.    They  had  even  the  impudence 
to  search  our  persons  and  to  take  from  us  even  our  pocket 
knives.     The  orderly  sergeant  then  told  us,  that  he  was 
under  the  necessity  of  placing  us  in  separate  apartments. 
This  last  declaration  seemed  the  death  stroke  to  us  all. 
Affliction  and  mutual  suffering  and  danger  had  endeared 
us  to  each  other,  and  this  separation  seemed  like  rending 
our  hearts.     Overcome  by  the  suddenness  of  the  blow,  I 
threw  my  arms  round  the  neck  of  my  father,  burst  into  tears, 
and  exclaimed,  'that  I  foresaw,  that  the  parting  would  be 
forever.'     Though  my  father  seemed  subdued,  and  absorbed 
in  meditation,  he  reproved  this  expression  of  my  feelings,  as 
weak  and  unmanly.     The  sergeant   having   observed    my 
grief,  asked  me,  pointing  to  him,  if  that  was  my  father? 
When  he  learned  that  it  was,  he  showed  himself  in  some 
degree  affected,  and  remarked,  that  it  seemed  cruel  to  sepa- 
rate father  and  child,  and  that  he  would  go  and  explain  the 
relationship  to  the  general,  and  see  if  he  could  not  obtain 
permission  for  us  to  remain  together.     On  this  he  set  off 


232  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

for  the  general's  office,  leaving  me  in  the  agony  of  suspense, 
and  the  rest  gazing  at  each  other  in  mute  consternation  and 
astonishment.  The  sergeant  returned,  informing  me,  that 
instead  of  being  softened,  the  general  had  only  been  exas- 
perated, and  had  in  nothing  relaxed  his  orders,  which  were, 
that  we  must  immediately  be  put  in  separate  confinement. 
He  accordingly  ordered  some  soldiers  to  assist  in  locking 
us  up.  We  embraced  each  other,  and  followed  our  con- 
ductors to  our  separate  prisons.  I  can  affirm,  that  I  had 
only  wished  to  live,  to  sustain  the  increasing  age  and  infirm- 
ities of  my  father.  When  I  shook  hands  with  him,  and  we 
were  torn  in  sunder,  I  will  say  nothing  of  my  feelings,  for 
words  would  have  no  power  to  describe  them.  As  I  entered 
my  desolate  apartment,  the  sergeant  seemed  really  affected, 
and  assured  me,  that  neither  my  companions  nor  myself 
should  suffer  any  want  of  food  or  drink,  as  far  as  he  could 
prevent  it,  for  that  he  did  not  consider  us  guilty,  nor  worthy 
of  such  treatment. 

[176]  My  prison  was  a  cell  eight  or  ten  feet  square,  with 
walls  and  floor  of  stone.  A  door  with  iron  bars  an  inch 
square  crossed  over  each  other,  like  the  bars  of  window 
sashes,  and  it  grated  on  its  iron  hinges,  as  it  opened  to 
receive  me.  Over  the  external  front  of  this  prison  was 
inscribed  in  capital  letters  Destinacion  de  la  Cattivo.  Our 
blankets  were  given  us  to  lie  upon.  My  father  had  a  small 
package  of  medicines  which  he  gave  in  charge  to  the  ser- 
geant, binding  him  on  his  word  of  honor  not  to  part  with  it 
to  any  one.  My  door  was  locked,  and  I  was  left  to  reflect 
upon  our  position  and  my  past  misfortunes;  and  to  survey 
the  dreary  walls  of  my  prison.  Here,  I  thought,  was  my 
everlasting  abode.  Liberty  is  dear  to  every  one,  but  doubly 
dear  to  one,  who  had  been  from  infancy  accustomed  to  free 
range,  and  to  be  guided  by  his  own  will.  Put  a  man,  who 
has  ranged  the  prairies,  and  exulted  in  the  wilderness,  as  I 
have  for  years,  in  a  prison,  to  let  him  have  a  full  taste  of  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  233 

blessings  of  freedom,  and  the  horror  of  shackles  and  con- 
finement !  I  passed  the  remainder  of  the  day  in  fierce  walk- 
ing backwards  and  forwards  over  my  stone  floor,  with  no 
object  to  contemplate,  but  my  swarthy  sentinel,  through  the 
grate.  He  seemed  to  be  true  to  his  office,  and  fitly  selected 
for  his  business,  for  I  thought  I  saw  him  look  at  me  through 
the  grate  with  the  natural  exultation  and  joy  of  a  bad  and 
malicious  heart  in  the  view  of  misery. 

When  the  darkness  of  night  came  to  this  dreary  place, 
it  was  the  darkness  of  the  grave.  Every  ray  of  light  was 
extinct.  I  spread  my  blankets  on  the  stone  floor,  in  hopes 
at  least  to  find,  for  a  few  hours,  in  the  oblivion  of  sleep,  some 
repose  from  the  agitation  of  my  thoughts.  But  in  this  hope 
I  was  disappointed.  With  every  other  friend  and  solace, 
sleep  too,  fled  from  me.  My  active  mind  ranged  every  where, 
and  returned  only  to  unavailing  efforts  to  imagine  the  condi- 
tion and  feelings  of  my  father  and  what  would  be  our 
ultimate  fate.  I  shut  my  eyes  by  an  effort,  but  nature 
would  have  her  way,  and  the  eyelids  would  not  close. 

At  length  a  glimmer  of  daylight,  through  my  grate, 
relieved  this  long  and  painful  effort  to  sleep.  I  arose,  went 
to  my  grate,  [177]  and  took  all  possible  survey  of  what  I 
could  see.  Directly  in  front  of  it  was  the  door  of  the  gen- 
eral's office,  and  he  was  standing  in  it.  I  gazed  on  him 
awhile.  Ah !  that  I  had  had  but  my  trusty  rifle  well  charged 
to  my  face!  Could  I  but  have  had  the  pleasure  of  that 
single  shot,  I  think  I  would  have  been  willing  to  have  pur- 
chased it  by  my  life.  But  wishes  are  not  rifle  balls,  and  will 
not  kill. 

The  church  bell  told  eight  in  the  morning.  The  drum 
rolled.  A  soldier  came,  and  handed  me  in  something  to 
eat.  It  proved  to  be  dried  beans  and  corn  cooked  with 
rancid  tallow!  The  contents  were  about  a  pint.  I  took 
it  up,  and  brought  it  within  the  reach  of  my  nostrils,  and 
sat  it  down  in  unconquerable  loathing.     When  the  soldier 


2  34  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

returned  in  the  evening  to  bring  me  more,  I  handed  him 
my  morning  ration  untasted  and  just  as  it  was.  He  asked 
me  in  a  gruff  tone  why  I  had  not  eaten  it  ?  I  told  him  the 
smell  of  it  was  enough,  and  that  I  could  not  eat  it.  He 
threw  the  contents  of  the  dish  in  my  face,  muttering  some- 
thing which  amounted  to  saying,  that  it  was  good  enough 
for  such  a  brute  as  I  was.  To  this  I  answered,  that  if  being 
a  brute  gave  claims  upon  that  dish,  I  thought  he  had  best 
eat  it  himself.  On  this  he  flung  away  in  a  passion,  and 
returned  no  more  that  night,  for  which  I  was  not  sorry.  Had 
the  food  even  been  fit  to  eat,  my  thoughts  were  too  dark  and 
my  mind  too  much  agitated  to  allow  me  appetite.  In  fact, 
I  felt  myself  becoming  sick. 

At  night  I  was  visited  by  the  serjeant,  who  asked  me 
about  my  health  and  spirits  in  a  tone  and  manner,  that 
indicated  real  kindness  of  feeling.  I  trusted  in  the  reality 
of  his  sympathy,  and  told  him,  I  was  not  well.  He  then 
questioned  me,  if  I  had  eaten  any  thing?  I  told  him  no, 
and  explained  to  him  the  double  reason,  why  I  had  eaten 
nothing.  He  answered  that  he  would  remove  one  of  the 
causes,  by  sending  me  something  good.  I  then  asked  him 
if  he  had  seen  my  father?  He  said  he  had,  though  he  had 
been  unable  to  hold  any  conversation  with  him,  for  want  of 
his  understanding  Spanish.  I  thanked  him  for  this  mani- 
festation of  friendship,  and  he  left  me.  In  a  [178]  short 
time  he  returned  with  two  well  cooked  and  seasoned  dishes. 
I  begged  him  to  take  it  first  to  my  father,  and  when  he  had 
eaten  what  he  wished,  he  might  bring  the  remainder  to  me, 
and  I  would  share  it  among  my  companions.  He  assured 
me  that  my  father  was  served  with  the  same  kind  of  food, 
and  that  my  companions  should  not  be  forgotten  in  the 
distribution.  While  I  was  eating,  he  remained  with  me, 
and  asked  me,  if  I  had  a  mother,  and  brothers,  and  sisters 
in  my  own  country  ?  My  heart  was  full,  as  I  answered  him. 
He  proceeded  to  question  me,  how  long  it  had  been  since  I 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  235 

had  seen  them  or  heard  from  them,  and  in  what  I  had  been 
occupied,  during  my  long  absence  from  my  country?  My 
misfortunes  appeared  to  affect  him.  When  I  had  finished 
eating,  he  enquired  how  I  had  passed  the  preceding  night? 
In  all  his  questions,  he  displayed  true  humanity  and  tender- 
ness of  heart.  When  he  left  me,  he  affectionately  wished 
me  good  night.  This  night  passed  as  sleepless  and  uncom- 
fortable as  the  preceding  one.  Next  day  the  kind  serjeant 
brought  my  dinner  again,  though  from  anxiety  and  growing 
indisposition  I  was  unable  to  eat.  At  night  he  came  again 
with  my  supper,  and  to  my  surprise  accompanied  by  his 
sister,  a  young  lady  of  great  personal  beauty.  Her  first 
enquiry  was  that  of  a  kind  and  affectionate  nature,  and  con- 
cerned my  father.  She  enquired  about  my  age,  and  all  the 
circumstances  that  induced  me  to  leave  my  country  ?  I  took 
leave  to  intimate  in  my  answer,  my  extreme  anxiety  to  see 
my  relatives,  and  return  to  my  country,  and  in  particular, 
that  it  was  like  depriving  me  of  life,  in  this  strange  land,  and 
in  prison,  to  separate  me  from  my  old  and  infirm  father. 
She  assured  me  that  she  would  pray  for  our  salvation,  and 
attempt  to  intercede  with  the  general  in  our  behalf,  and 
that  while  we  remained  in  prison,  she  would  allow  us  to 
suffer  nothing,  which  her  power,  means  or  influence  could 
supply.  She  then  wished  me  a  good  night,  and  departed. 
I  know  not  what  is  the  influence  of  the  ministration  of  a 
kind  spirit,  like  hers,  but  this  night  my  sleep  was  sound  and 
dreamless. 

She  frequently  repeated  these  kind  visits,  and  redeemed 
to  the  letter  all  her  pledges  of  kindness.  For  I  suffered  for 
nothing  [179]  in  regard  to  food  or  drink.  A  bed  was  pro- 
vided for  me,  and  even  a  change  of  clothing.  This  un- 
deviating  kindness  greatly  endeared  her  to  me.  About  this 
time.  Captain  John  Bradshaw,  of  the  ship  Franklin,  and 
Rufus  Perkins,  his  supercargo,  asked  leave  of  the  general, 
to  come  and  visit  us.     The  general  denied  them.     But  Cap- 


236  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

tain  Bradshaw,  like  a  true  hearted  American,  disregarded 
the  little  brief  authority  of  this  miserable  republican  despot, 
and  fearless  of  danger  and  the  consequences,  came  to  see 
me  without  leave.  When  I  spoke  to  him  about  our  buried 
furs,  he  asked  me  about  the  chances  and  the  means  we  had 
to  bring  them  in  ?  And  whether  we  were  disposed  to  make 
the  effort,  and  if  we  succeeded,  to  sell  them  to  him?  The 
prisoners,  as  he  separately  applied  to  them,  one  and  all 
assured  him,  that  nothing  would  give  them  more  pleasure. 
He  assured  us,  that  he  would  leave  nothing  in  his  power 
undone,  in  making  efforts  to  deliver  us  from  our  confinement. 
We  thanked  him  for  this  proffered  friendship,  and  he 
departed. 

His  first  efforts  in  our  favor  were  directed  to  gaining  the 
friendship  of  the  general,  in  order  to  soften  his  feelings  in 
regard  to  us.  But  in  this  he  entirely  failed.  He  then 
adopted  an  innocent  stratagem,  which  was  more  successful. 
He  informed  the  general  that  he  had  business  with  a  Spanish 
merchant  in  port,  which  he  could  not  transact  for  want  of 
some  one  who  could  speak  the  language  fluently,  who  would 
interpret  for  him,  that  he  understood  that  one  of  the  Amer- 
ican prisoners  could  speak  the  language  perfectly  well,  and 
that  if  he  would  allow  that  prisoner  to  come  and  interpret 
for  him  a  few  hours,  he  would  bind  himself  in  a  bond  to 
any  amount,  that  the  prisoner  at  the  expiration  of  his  services, 
would  return  voluntarily  to  his  prison.  To  this  the  general 
gave  his  consent.  Captain  Bradshaw  came  to  my  prison, 
and  I  was  permitted  by  the  general's  order  to  leave  my 
prison. 

When  I  went  abroad.  Captain  Bradshaw  conducted  me  to 
the  office  of  an  old  captain,  who  had  charge  of  the  arms.  We 
begged  him  to  intercede  with  the  general  to  obtain  his  per- 
mission, that  we  might  go  out  and  bring  in  our  furs.  We 
informed  [180]  him,  that  Captain  Bradshaw  and  the  super- 
cargo, Rufus  Perkins,  would  be  our  security  in  any  amount, 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  237 

that  the  general  was  disposed  to  name,  that  we  would  return, 
and  surrender  ourselves  to  him,  at  the  close  of  the  expedition. 
He  was  at  once  satisfied  of  our  honor  and  integrity,  and  that 
we  were  by  no  means  those  spies,  whom  the  general  took  us 
for,  and  he  promised  to  use  all  his  influence  with  the  general, 
to  persuade  him  to  dispatch  us  for  our  furs.  We  assured  him, 
that  in  addition  to  our  other  proofs,  that  we  were  bonafide 
Americans,  and  true  republicans,  we  had  documents  under 
the  proper  signature  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
which  we  hoped,  would  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  him,  and  every 
one,  who  we  were.  He  asked  to  see  those  papers,  of  which 
I  spoke.  I  told  him  they  were  my  father's  commission  of 
first  lieutenant  in  the  ranging  service,  during  the  late  war 
with  England,  and  an  honorable  discharge  at  the  close  of 
the  war.  He  promised  to  communicate  this  information 
to  the  general,  and  departed,  proposing  to  return  in  half  an 
hour.  During  this  interval,  we  walked  to  my  father's  cell, 
and  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  speaking  with  him  through  the 
grates.  He  asked  me  if  I  had  been  visited  by  a  beautiful 
young  lady?  When  I  assented,  he  replied,  that  this  charm- 
ing young  woman,  as  a  ministering  angel,  had  also  visited 
his  cell  with  every  sort  of  kindness  and  relief,  which  she  had 
extended  to  each  one  of  our  companions.  I  had  the  satis- 
faction afterwards,  of  speaking  with  each  one  of  our  com- 
panions. I  need  not  add,  how  much  delighted  we  were  to 
speak  with  one  another  once  more.  From  these  visits  I 
returned  to  the  office  of  the  captain  of  arms. 

We  found  him  waiting  with  the  most  painful  intelligence. 
Nothing  could  move  the  general,  to  allow  us  to  go  out  and 
bring  in  our  furs.  He  expressed  a  wish,  notwithstanding, 
to  see  the  commission  of  which  I  had  spoken,  and  that  I 
should  return  to  my  cell.  I  gave  the  papers  to  Captain 
Bradshaw,  requesting  him  to  return  them  to  my  father, 
after  the  general  should  have  examined  them.  This  he 
promised,  and  I  took  my  leave  of  him,  returning  to  my 


238  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

dreary  prison,  less  buoyant  and  more  completely  desponding 
of  my  liberty  than  ever. 

[181]  In  a  few  moments  Captain  Bradshaw  and  Perkins 
came  again  to  my  cell,  and  said  that  the  general  had  no  faith 
in  our  papers,  and  could  not  be  softened  by  any  entreaty,  to 
give  us  our  liberty.  As  he  said  this,  the  sentinel  came  up, 
and  stopped  him  short  in  his  conversation,  and  ordered  them 
off  affirming,  that  it  was  the  general's  express  command, 
that  he  should  not  be  allowed  to  see  or  speak  with  me  again. 
They  however  pledged  their  honor  as  they  left  me,  that 
whenever  an  occasion  offered,  they  would  yield  us  all  the 
assistance  in  their  power,  and  wishing  me  better  fortune, 
they  departed. 

A  fortnight  elapsed  in  this  miserable  prison,  during  which 
I  had  no  other  consolation,  than  the  visits  of  the  young  lady, 
and  even  these,  such  was  the  strictness  of  the  general's 
orders,  were  like  all  angel  visits,  ]ew  and  jar  between.  At 
length  a  note  was  presented  me  by  the  serjeant,  from  my 
father.  What  a  note !  I  appeal  to  the  heart  of  every  good 
son  to  understand  what  passed  within  me.  This  note  was 
written  on  a  piece  of  paste  board  torn  from  his  hat.  The 
characters  were  almost  illegible,  for  they  were  written  with 
a  stick,  and  the  ink  was  blood,  drawn  from  his  aged  veins! 
He  informed  me  that  he  was  very  ill,  and  without  any  hope 
of  recovery,  that  he  had  but  one  wish  on  this  side  the  grave, 
and  that  was,!to  see  me  once  more  before  he  died.  He  begged 
me  to  spare  no  entreaties,  that  the  general  would  grant  me 
permission  to  come  and  see  him  a  last  time;  but,  that  if 
this  permission  could  not  be  obtained,  to  be  assured,  that 
he  loved  me,  and  remembered  me  affectionately,  in  death. 

This  letter  pierced  me  to  the  heart.  O,  could  I  have 
flown  through  my  prison  walls!  Had  I  possessed  the 
strength  of  the  giants,  how  soon  would  I  have  levelled  them, 
even  had  I  drawn  down  destruction  on  my  own  head  in 
doing  it.     But  I  could  own  nothing  in  my  favour,  but  a  fierce 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  239 

and  self  devouring  will.  In  hopes  that  the  heart  of  the 
general  was  not  all  adamant,  I  entreated  the  serjeant 
to  go  and  inform  him  of  my  father's  illness,  and  his  desire 
to  see  me  once  more,  and  to  try  to  gain  permission  that 
I  might  have  leave  to  attend  upon  him,  or  if  that  might 
not  be,  to  visit  him  once  more,  according  to  his  wish.  He 
went  [182]  in  compliance  with  my  entreaties,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  returned  with  a  dejected  countenance,  from  which 
I  at  once  inferred  what  was  the  fate  of  my  application.  His 
voice  faltered  as  he  related  that  the  general  absolutely  refused 
this  request.  Oh  God !  of  what  stuff  are  some  hearts  made ! 
and  this  was  a  republican  officer!  What  nameless  tortures 
and  miseries  do  not  Americans  suffer  in  foreign  climes  from 
those  miserable  despots  who  first  injure  and  oppress,  and 
then  hate  the  victims  of  their  oppression,  as  judging  their 
hearts  by  their  own,  and  thinking  that  their  victims  must  be 
full  of  purposes  of  revenge. 

The  honest  and  kind  hearted  serjeant  hesitated  not  to 
express  manly  and  natural  indignation,  in  view  of  this  in- 
human brutality  of  the  general,  in  refusing  a  favor,  called 
for  by  the  simplest  dictates  of  humanity,  a  favor  too,  in  the 
granting  which  there  could  be  neither  difficulty  nor  danger. 
All  he  could  do  in  the  case  he  promised  to  do,  which  was  to 
see  that  my  father  should  want  no  sort  of  nourishment,  or 
aid  which  he  could  render  him.  I  tried  to  thank  him,  but 
my  case  was  not  of  a  kind  to  be  alleviated  by  this  sort  of 
consolation.  When  I  thought  of  our  expectations  of  relief, 
when  we  threw  ourselves  in  the  power  of  these  vile  people, 
when  I  took  into  view  our  innocence  of  even  the  suspicion  of 
a  charge  that  could  be  brought  against  us,  when  I  thought 
of  their  duplicity  of  disarming  us,  and  then-  infamous  oppres- 
sion as  soon  as  we  were  in  their  power,  and  more  than  all, 
when  I  thought  of  this  last  brutal  cruelty  and  insult,  my 
whole  heart  and  nature  rose  in  one  mingled  feeling  of  rage, 
wounded  affection,  and  the  indignation  of  despair.     The 


240  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

image  of  my  venerable  father,  suffering  and  dying  unsolaced 
and  unrelieved,  and  with  not  a  person,  who  spoke  his  lan- 
guage, to  close  his  eyes,  and  I  so  near  him,  was  before  me 
wherever  I  turned  my  eyes. 

What  a  horrible  night  ensued  at  the  close  of  this  day!  As 
the  light  was  fading,  the  excellent  young  lady  presented  her- 
self at  my  grate.  She  repeated  all  that  her  brother  had 
related  to  me,  in  regard  to  the  cruel  refusal  of  the  general. 
While  she  discussed  this  subject,  the  tears  fell  from  her  eyes, 
and  I  had  the  consolation  to  know,  that  one  person  at  least 
felt  real  sympathy  [183]  for  my  distress.  She  added,  in 
faltering  tones,  that  she  was  well  aware  that  in  a  case  like 
this  words  were  of  but  little  avail,  but  that  I  might  be  assured 
of  the  kindest  attention  to  all  the  wants  of  my  father,  that 
she  could  relieve;  and  that  if  it  was  the  will  of  God,  to  take 
him  out  of  this  world  of  sorrow  and  change,  that  he  should 
be  buried  decently  and  as  if  he  were  her  own  father.  Judge 
what  I  must  have  felt  towards  this  noble  minded  and  kind 
hearted  young  lady!  As  she  withdrew,  my  prayers  at  this 
time  were  hearty,  if  never  before,  that  God  would  reward  her 
a  thousand  fold  in  all  good  things,  for  her  sympathy  with  our 
sufiferings. 

Thus  passed  away  these  days  of  agony  and  suspense.  The 
young  lady  visited  me  as  often  as  it  was  understood  the 
general's  orders  would  permit,  that  is,  once  in  two  or  three 
days,  bringing  me  food  and  drink,  of  which  in  the  present 
state  of  my  thoughts,  I  had  little  need.  In  fact,  I  had 
become  so  emaciated  and  feeble  that  I  could  hardly  travel 
across  my  prison  floor.  But  no  grief  arrests  the  flight  of 
time,  and  the  twenty-fourth  of  April  came,  in  which  the 
Serjeant  visited  me  and  in  a  manner  of  mingled  kindness  and 
firmness  told  me  that  my  father  was  no  more.  At  these 
tidings,  simple  truth  calls  on  me  to  declare,  my  heart  felt 
relieved.  I  am  a  hunter,  and  not  a  person  to  analyze  the 
feelings  of  poor  human  nature.     My  father  now  was  gone, 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  241 

gone  where  the  voice  of  the  oppressor  is  no  more  heard. 
Since  the  death  of  my  mother,  I  have  reason  to  think,  that 
life  had  been  to  him  one  long  burden.  He  had  been  set  free 
from  it  all,  and  set  free  too,  from  the  cruelty  of  this  vile  people, 
and  the  still  viler  general.  I  felt  weak,  and  exhausted  my- 
self, and  I  expected  to  rejoin  him  in  a  few  days,  never  to  be 
separated  from  him.  Life  was  a  burden  of  which  I  longed 
to  be  relieved. 

After  I  had  given  vent  to  natural  feelings  on  this  occasion, 
the  Serjeant  asked  me  touching  the  manner  in  which  we  bury 
our  dead  in  our  country?  I  informed  him.  He  then  ob- 
served that  the  reason  why  he  asked  that  question  was,  that 
his  sister  wished,  that  my  father's  body  might  be  interred 
in  a  manner  conformable  to  my  wishes.  I  could  only  thank 
him  for  all  this  [184]  kindness  and  humanity  to  me,  as  he 
left  me.  I  passed  the  remainder  of  this  day  in  the  indulgence 
of  such  reflections  as  I  have  no  wish  to  describe,  even  had  I 
the  power. 

At  night  the  Serjeant's  sister  again  visited  my  prison.  She 
seemed  neither  able  nor  disposed  to  enter  upon  the  subject 
before  us,  and  reluctant  to  call  up  the  circumstance  of  my 
father's  death  to  my  thoughts.  At  length  she  presented  me 
with  a  complete  suit  of  black,  and  begged  that  I  would  wear 
it  on  the  following  day  at  my  father's  funeral.  I  observed, 
in  astonishment,  that  she  could  not  doubt  what  a  melancholy 
satisfaction  it  would  be  to  me  to  follow  the  remains  of  my 
father  to  the  grave,  but  that  between  me  and  that  satisfaction 
were  the  walls  of  my  prison,  through  which  I  could  not 
break.  She  remarked,  that  by  dint  of  importunity,  she  had 
prevailed  on  the  general  to  allow  me  to  attend  the  funeral. 
The  fair  young  lady  then  undertook  the  duties  of  minister 
and  philosopher,  counselling  me  not  to  grieve  for  that,  for 
which  there  is  no  remedy,  proving  to  me  that  it  was  the  will 
of  God,  that  he  should  thus  obtain  deliverance  from  prison, 
and  all  the  evils  of  this  transitory  life,  and  abundance  of 


242  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

common  place  language  of  this  sort,  very  similar  to  what  is 
held  in  my  own  country  on  like  occasions.  Having  finished 
her  kindly  intended  chapter  of  consolations,  she  wished  me 
a  good  night  and  left  me  to  my  own  thoughts.  The  night 
I  spent  in  walking  the  floor  of  my  prison. 

At  eight  in  the  morning,  a  file  of  six  soldiers  appeared  at 
the  door  of  my  prison.  It  was  opened,  and  I  once  more 
breathed  the  fresh  air!  The  earth  and  the  sky  seemed  a 
new  region. —  The  glare  of  light  dazzled  my  eyes,  and  dizzied 
my  head.  I  reeled  as  I  walked.  A  lieutenant  conducted 
the  ceremonies:  and  when  I  arrived  at  the  grave  he  ordered 
the  crowd  to  give  way,  that  I  might  see  the  coffin  let  down, 
and  the  grave  filled.  I  advanced  to  the  edge  of  the  grave, 
and  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  coffin  that  contained  the  remains 
of  the  brave  hunter  and  ranger.  The  coffin  was  covered 
with  black.  No  prayers  were  said.  I  had  scarce  time  to 
draw  a  second  breath,  before  the  grave  was  half  filled  with 
earth.  I  was  led  back  to  my  prison,  [185]  the  young  lady 
walking  by  my  side  in  tears.  I  would  gladly  have  found 
relief  for  my  own  oppressed  heart  in  tears,  if  they  would  have 
flowed.  But  the  sources  were  dried,  and  tears  would  not 
come  to  my  relief.  When  I  arrived  at  the  prison,  such  a 
horrid  revulsion  came  over  me  at  the  thoughts  of  entering 
that  dreary  place  again,  that  I  am  sure  I  should  have  pre- 
ferred to  have  been  shot,  rather  than  enter  it  again.  But  I 
recovered  myself  by  reflecting  that  my  health  was  rapidly 
declining,  and  that  I  should  be  able  in  a  short  time  to  escape 
from  the  oppressor  and  the  prison  walls,  and  rejoin  my 
father,  and  be  at  rest. 

This  thought  composed  me,  and  I  heard  the  key  turn  upon 
me  with  a  calm  and  tranquilized  mind.  I  lay  down  upon  my 
bed,  and  passed  many  hours  in  the  oblivion  of  sleep.  The 
customary  habit  of  sleep  during  the  night  returned  to  me; 
and  my  strength  and  appetite  began  to  return  with  it.  I 
felt  an  irresistible  propensity  to  resume  my  former  habit  of 


o 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  245 

smoking.  I  named  my  inclination  to  my  friend  the  serjeant. 
He  was  kind  enough  to  furnish  me  cigars.  This  was  a  new 
resource  to  aid  me  in  killing  the  time.  Apart  from  the 
soothing  sensation  of  smoking,  I  amused  myself  for  hours 
in  watching  the  curling  of  my  smoke  from  the  cigar.  Those 
who  have  always  been  free,  cannot  imagine  the  corroding 
torments  of  thoughts  preying  upon  the  bosom  of  the  prisoner, 
who  has  neither  friend  to  converse  with,  books  to  read,  or 
occupation  to  fill  his  hours. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  Captain  Bradshaw's  vessel  was 
seized,  on  the  charge  of  smuggling.  There  were  other 
American  vessels  in  this  port  at  the  same  time,  the  names 
of  the  captains  of  which,  as  far  as  I  can  recollect,  were  Seth 
Rogers,  Aaron  W.  Williams,  and  H.  Cunnmgham.  These 
gentlemen,  jointly  with  their  supercargoes,  sent  me  five 
ounces  of  gold,  advising  me  to  keep  this  money  secret  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards,  and  preserve  it  as  a  resource 
for  my  companions  and  myself,  in  case  of  emergencies. 

About  this  time  the  general  received  several  packages  of 
letters  in  English,  the  contents  of  which,  not  understanding 
the  [186]  language,  he  could  not  make  out.  There  was  no 
regular  translator  at  hand ;  and  he  sent  orders  to  the  serjeant 
to  have  me  conducted  to  the  office  for  that  purpose.  When 
I  entered  the  office  he  asked  me  if  I  could  read  writing? 
When  I  told  him  yes,  he  procured  a  seat,  and  bade  me  sit 
down.  He  then  presented  me  a  letter  in  English,  requesting 
me  to  translate  it  into  Spanish.  Though  I  put  forth  no 
claims  on  the  score  of  scholarship,  I  perfectly  comprehended 
the  meaning  of  the  words  in  both  languages.  I  accomplished 
the  translation  in  the  best  manner  in  my  power;  and  he  was 
pleased  entirely  to  approve  it.  He  proceeded  to  ask  me  a 
great  many  questions  relative  to  my  travels  through  the 
Mexican  country;  how  long  I  had  been  absent  from  my  own 
country,  and  what  had  been  my  occupation,  during  that 
absence?    To  all  which  questions  I  returned  satisfactory 


246  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

answers.  When  he  bade  the  guard  return  me  to  prison,  he 
informed  me  that  he  should  probably  call  for  me  again. 

I  returned  to  my  prison  somewhat  cheered  in  spirits.  I 
foresaw  that  he  would  often  have  occasion  for  my  services  as 
a  translator,  and  if  I  showed  an  obliging  disposition,  and 
rendered  myself  useful,  I  hoped  to  obtain  enlargement  for 
myself  and  my  companions.  As  I  expected,  I  was  sum- 
moned to  his  office  for  several  days  in  succession.  On  my 
entering  the  office  he  began  to  assume  the  habit  of  saluting 
me  kindly,  giving  me  a  seat,  enquiring  after  my  health,  and 
showing  me  the  other  customary  civilities.  When  I  found 
him  in  his  best  humor,  I  generally  took  occasion  remotely 
to  hint  at  the  case  of  our  being  detained  as  prisoners.  I 
tried,  gently  and  soothingly,  to  convince  him  of  the  oppres- 
sion and  injustice  of  treating  the  innocent  citizens  of  a 
sister  republic,  as  if  they  were  spies.  He  generally  showed 
a  disposition  to  evade  the  subject ;  or  alleged  as  a  reason  for 
what  he  had  done,  that  he  regretted  exceedingly  that  circum- 
stances on  our  part  seemed  so  suspicious,  that,  obliged  as  he 
was,  to  execute  the  laws  of  his  country,  he  felt  himself  com- 
pelled to  act  as  he  had  done;  that  it  was  far  from  his  dis- 
position to  desire  to  punish  any  one  unjustly,  and  without 
cause;  and  that  he  would  be  glad  if  we  could  produce  any 
substantial  [187]  evidence  to  acquit  us  from  the  suspicion  of 
being  spies. 

Though,  as  a  true  and  honest  man,  I  knew  that  every  word 
he  pronounced  was  a  vile  and  deceitful  lie,  yet  such  is  the 
power  of  the  oppressor,  I  swallowed  my  rising  words,  and 
dissembled  a  sort  of  satisfaction.  Waiving  the  further  dis- 
cussion of  our  imprisonment,  I  again  recurred  to  the  subject 
of  permission  to  bring  in  our  furs,  persuading  him,  if  he  had 
any  doubts  about  our  good  faith  in  returning  to  this  place, 
to  send  soldiers  to  guard  us;  assuring  him,  that  on  obtaining 
our  furs  we  would  pay  the  soldiers,  and  indemnify  him  for 
any  other  expense  he  might  incur  on  the  occasion;  and  that. 


1824-1830]  Puttie's  Persanal  Narrative  247 

moreover,  we  would  feel  ourselves  as  grateful  to  him  as  if  he 
had  bestowed  upon  us  the  value  of  the  furs  in  money.  He 
heard  me  to  the  close,  and  listened  with  attention;  and 
though  he  said  he  could  not  at  present  give  his  consent,  he 
promised  that  he  would  deliberate  upon  the  subject,  and  in 
the  course  of  a  week,  let  me  know  the  result  of  his  resolution. 
He  then  bade  his  soldiers  remand  me  to  prison.  I  begged 
him  to  allow  me  to  communicate  this  conversation  to  my 
companions.     This  he  refused,  and  I  re-entered  my  prison. 

From  these  repeated  interviews,  I  began  to  acquaint  my- 
self with  his  interior  character.  I  perceived,  that,  like  most 
arbitrary  and  cruel  men,  he  was  fickle  and  infirm  of  purpose. 
I  determined  to  take  advantage  of  that  weakness  in  his 
character  by  seeming  submissive  to  his  wishes,  and  striving 
to  conform  as  far  as  I  could  to  his  capricious  wishes;  and 
more  than  all,  to  seize  the  right  occasions  to  tease  him  with 
importunities  for  our  liberty,  and  permission  to  bring  in  our 
furs.  Four  days  elapsed  before  I  had  another  opportunity 
of  seeing  him.  During  this  time  I  had  finished  the  trans- 
lation of  a  number  of  letters,  some  of  which  were  from  Capt. 
Bradshaw,  and  related  to  the  detention  of  his  ship  and  cargo, 
and  himself.  When  I  had  finished  these  translations,  and 
was  re-admitted  to  his  presence,  I  asked  him  if  he  had  come 
to  any  determination  in  regard  to  letting  us  go  to  bring  in  our 
furs?  He  answered  in  his  surliest  tone,  no!  How  different 
were  my  reflections  on  returning  to  my  prison  from  those 
with  which  I  had  left  it !  How  earnestly  I  wished  that  [188] 
he  and  I  had  been  together  in  the  wild  woods,  and  I  armed 
with  my  rifle ! 

I  formed  a  firm  purpose  to  translate  no  more  letters  for 
him.  I  found  that  I  had  gained  nothing  by  this  sort  of 
service;  nor  even  by  dissembling  a  general  disposition  to 
serve  him.  I  was  anxious  for  another  request  to  translate, 
that  I  might  have  the  pleasure  of  refusing  him,  and  of  telling 
him  to  his  face  that  though  I  was  his  prisoner,  I  was  not  his 


248  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

slave.  But  it  was  three  days  before  he  sent  for  me  again. 
At  their  expiration  I  was  summoned  to  his  office,  and  he 
offered  me  a  seat,  according  to  former  custom.  When  I  was 
seated,  with  a  smiling  countenance  he  handed  me  a  packet 
of  letters,  and  bade  me  translate  them.  I  took  one,  opened 
it,  and  carelessly  perused  a  few  lines,  and  returning  the 
packet  back,  rose  from  my  seat,  and  told  him  I  wished  to 
return  to  my  prison;  and  bowing,  I  moved  towards  the  door. 
He  darted  a  glance  at  me  resembling  that  of  an  enraged  wild 
beast;  and  in  a  voice,  not  unlike  the  growl  of  a  wounded, 
grizzly  bear,  asked  me  why  I  did  not  put  myself  to  the  trans- 
lation of  the  letters?  Assuming  a  manner  and  tone  as  surly 
as  his  own,  I  told  him  my  reasons  were,  that  I  did  not  choose 
to  labor  voluntarily  for  an  oppressor  and  enemy;  and  that  I 
had  come  to  the  determination  to  do  it  no  longer.  At  this 
he  struck  me  over  the  head  such  a  blow  with  the  flat  of  his 
sword,  as  well  nigh  dropped  me  on  the  floor;  and  ordered 
the  soldiers  to  return  me  to  prison,  where  he  said  I  should 
lay  and  rot.  The  moment  I  recovered  from  the  stunning 
eSect  of  the  blow  I  sprang  toward  him ;  but  was  immediately 
seized  by  the  guards,  and  dragged  to  the  door;  he,  the  while, 
muttered  abundance  of  the  curses  which  his  language  sup- 
plies. In  return,  I  begged  him  to  consider  how  much  it  was 
like  an  officer  and  gentleman  to  beat  an  unarmed  prisoner 
in  his  power,  but  that  if  I  only  had  a  sword  to  meet  him  upon 
equal  terms,  I  could  easily  kill  as  many  such  dastards  as  he 
was,  as  could  come  at  me.  He  bade  me  be  silent,  and  the 
soldiers  to  take  me  off.  They  shoved  me  violently  on  before 
them  to  prison.  When  it  closed  upon  me  I  never  expected 
to  see  the  sun  rise  and  set  again. 

[189]  Here  I  remained  a  week  without  seeing  even  the 
young  lady,  who  was  justly  so  dear  to  my  heart.  She  was 
debarred  by  the  general's  orders  not  only  from  visiting  me, 
but  even  sending  me  provisions!  I  was  again  reduced  to  the 
fare  of  com  boiled  in  spoiled  tallow,  which  was  brought  me 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  249 

twice  a  day.  At  this  juncture  came  on  Capt.  Bradshaw's 
trial.  The  declaration  of  the  Captain,  supercargo  and  crew 
was  to  be  taken,  and  all  the  parties  separately  interrogated 
by  a  Spaniard.  Not  an  individual  of  them  could  speak  a 
word  of  Spanish,  except  the  Captain,  and  he  was  not  allowed 
to  translate  in  his  own  case.  The  general  supposed  that  by 
interrogating  the  parties  separately,  he  should  be  able  to 
gain  some  advantage  from  the  contradictions  of  the  testi- 
mony, and  some  positive  proof  of  smuggling.  Capt.  Brad- 
shaw  being  denied  the  privilege  of  interpreting  for  his  crew, 
requested  the  general  to  procure  some  one  who  might  be 
allowed  to  perform  that  office  for  him.  The  general  told 
him  that  I  was  capable  of  the  office,  if  I  could  be  gained  to 
the  humor;  but  that  he  would  as  willingly  deal  with  a  devil, 
as  with  me,  when  out  of  humor.  Capt.  Bradshaw  asked 
him  if  he  might  be  allowed  to  converse  with  me  on  the  sub- 
ject? He  consented,  and  Capt.  B.  came  to  my  prison.  In 
reference  to  the  above  information,  he  asked  me  what  had 
taken  place  between  me  and  the  general  which  had  so 
exasperated  him  against  me?  I  related  all  the  circum- 
stances of  our  last  interview.  He  laughed  heartily  at  my 
defiance  of  the  general.  I  was  ready,  of  course,  to  render 
any  service  by  which  I  could  oblige  Capt.  B.  He  returned 
to  the  general,  and  informed  him  that  I  was  ready  to  under- 
take to  translate  or  interpret  in  his  case. 

In  a  short  time  my  door  was  opened,  and  I  was  once  more 
conducted  to  the  office  of  the  general.  Capt.  B.  was  sitting 
there  in  waiting.  The  general  asked  me  if  I  had  so  far 
changed  my  mind,  as  to  be  willing  to  translate  and  interpret 
again?  I  told  him  I  was  always  ready  to  perform  that 
office  for  a  gentleman.  I  placed  such  an  emphasis  on  the 
word  gentleman,  as  I  purposed,  should  inform  him,  that  I 
intended  that  appellation  for  the  [190]  Captain,  and  not  for 
him.  Whether  he  really  misunderstood  me,  or  dissembled 
the  appearance  of  misunderstanding  me,  I  know  not.     He 


250  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

only  named  an  hour,  in  which  he  should  call  on  me  for  that 
service,  cautioning  me  to  act  in  the  business  with  truth  and 
good  faith.  I  told  him  that  my  countrymen  in  that  respect, 
had  greatly  the  disadvantage  of  his  people;  for  that  it  was 
our  weakness,  not  to  know  how  to  say  any  thing  but  the 
truth.  At  this  he  smUed,  ordering  me  back  to  prison,  until 
I  should  be  called  for  next  day. 

At  eight  the  next  morning,  I  was  again  summoned  to  his 
office,  where  he  proceeded,  through  me,  to  question  Captain 
B.  touching  the  different  ports  at  which  he  had  traded,  and 
what  was  his  cargo,  when  he  left  the  U.  S.  ?  He  added  a  great 
many  other  questions  in  relation  to  the  voyage,  irrelevant 
to  the  purposes  of  this  journal.  The  clerk  on  this  occasion 
was  an  Indian,  and  a  quick  and  elegant  writer.  Capt.  B. 
produced  his  bill  of  lading,  and  the  other  usual  documents 
of  clearing  out  a  ship;  all  which  I  was  obliged  to  translate. 
They  being  matters  out  of  the  line  of  my  pursuits,  and  I 
making  no  pretensions  to  accurate  acquaintance  with  either 
language,  the  translation,  of  course,  occupied  no  incon- 
siderable time.  It  was  nearly  twelve,  when  he  bade  us 
withdraw,  with  orders  to  meet  him  again  at  his  office  at  two 
in  the  afternoon.  Capt.  B.  accompanied  me  to  prison,  ^and 
as  we  went  on,  requested  me  to  jnake  the  testimonies  of  his 
crew  as  nearly  correspond,  and  substantiate  each  other,  as 
possible;  for  that  some  of  them  were  angry  with  him,  and 
would  strive  to  give  testimony  calculated  to  condemn  him. 
I  assured  him  that  I  would  do  any  thing  to  serve  him,  that 
I  could  in  honor.  I  entered  my  prison,  and  slept  soundly, 
until  the  bells  struck  two. 

I  was  then  reconducted  to  the  general's  office;  where  he 
continued  to  interrogate  Capt.  B.,  until  three.  The  Super- 
cargo, Mr.  R.  Perkins,  was  then  called  upon  to  produce  his 
manifesto,  and  cautioned  to  declare  the  truth,  in  relation  to 
the  subject  in  question.  This  manifesto  differed  in  no 
essential  respect  from  the  account  of  the  Captain.    At  sun- 


1824-1830]  Pattte's  Personal  Narrative  251 

set  they  were  [191]  dismissed,  and  I  remanded  to  my  prison. 
Day  after  day  the  same  task  was  imposed,  and  the  same 
labors  devolved  upon  me.  I  at  length  summoned  courage  to 
resume  the  old  question  of  permission  to  go  out  and  bring  in 
our  furs.  To  my  surprise  he  remarked,  that  as  soon  as  he  had 
finished  taking  all  the  evidence  in  relation  to  Capt.  Bradshaw's 
ship  and  cargo,  he  would  not  only  allow  us  to  go,  but  would 
send  soldiers  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  molesting  us.  I 
informed  him,  that  his  intended  kindness  would  be  unavail- 
ing to  us,  if  he  did  not  allow  us  to  depart  before  the  month  of 
August;  for  that  in  that  month  the  melting  of  the  snow  on 
the  mountains  at  the  sources  of  Red  river  caused  it  to  over- 
flow, and  that  our  furs  were  buried  in  the  bottom,  so  that 
the  river,  in  overflowing,  would  spoil  them.  He  replied, 
that  it  was  out  of  his  power  to  grant  the  consent  at  this  time, 
which  was  the  19th  of  July. 

On  the  28th  he  had  finished  taking  all  the  depositions,  and 
I  again  asked  him  for  permission  to  go  and  bring  in  our  furs. 
He  still  started  delays,  alleging  that  he  had  made  no  arrange- 
ments for  that  purpose  yet.  Capt.  B.  was  present,  and 
asked  him  to  allow  me  to  stay  with  him  on  board  his  vessel, 
promising  that  he  would  be  accountable  for  me.  To  my 
astonishment  the  general  consented.  I  repaired  to  the  house 
of  the  young  lady,  who  had  been  so  kind  to  me.  She  re- 
ceived me  with  open  arms,  and  manifested  the  most  unequiv- 
ocal delight.  She  congratulated  me  on  being  once  more  free 
from  my  dismal  prison,  and  asked  me  a  thousand  questions. 
The  Captain  and  myself  spent  the  evening  with  her;  and 
at  its  close,  I  repaired  with  him  on  board  his  beautiful  ship, 
the  first  sea  vessel  I  had  ever  been  on  board.  It  may  be 
imagined  what  a  spectacle  of  interest  and  eager  curiosity  the 
interior  of  this  ship,  the  rigging,  masts,  awning,  in  short, 
every  thing  appertaining  to  it,  would  be  to  a  person  raised  as 
I  had  been,  and  of  a  mind  naturally  inquisitive.  What  a 
new  set  of  people  were  the  sailors!    How  amusing  and 


252  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

strange  their  dialect !  They  heartily  shook  me  by  the  hand, 
and  commenced  describing  the  several  punishments  they 
would  inflict  upon  the  general,  if  they  had  him  in  their  [192] 
power.  Among  the  different  inflictions  purposed,  none 
seemed  to  please  them  better,  than  the  idea  of  tarring  and 
feathering  him,  all  which  I  would  gladly  have  seen  him 
endure,  but  the  worst  of  it  was,  after  all,  the  general  was  not 
in  their  power. 

I  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  night  with  the  captain  and 
supercargo,  conversing  about  the  oppressions  and  cruelties 
of  the  general,  and  the  death  of  my  father,  for,  during  the 
time  of  his  sickness.  Captain  Bradshaw  had  sailed  to  Monte 
el  Rey,  and  had  not  returned,  until  after  his  death.  He 
intended,  he  said,  if  his  vessel  was  condemned,  to  slip  his 
anchors,  and  run  out  of  the  harbor,  at  the  risk  of  being  sunk, 
as  he  passed  the  fort.  He  promised  me,  if  I  would  take 
passage  with  him,  that  I  should  fare  as  he  did,  and  that, 
when  we  should  arrive  at  Boston,  he  would  obtain  me  some 
situation,  in  which  I  could  procure  a  subsistence.  I  thanked 
him  for  his  very  kind  offer,  but  remarked,  that  my  companions 
had  suffered  a  great  deal  with  me,  that  we  had  had  many 
trials  together,  and  had  hazarded  our  lives  for  each  other, 
and  that  now  I  would  suffer  any  thing  rather  than  desert 
them,  and  leave  them  in  prison,  probably,  to  have  their 
sufferings  enhanced,  in  consequence  of  my  desertion. 

In  the  morning  we  all  three  went  on  shore  together,  and 
took  breakfast  at  the  house  of  my  friend,  the  brother  of  the 
young  lady.  We  passed  from  breakfast,  to  the  office  of  the 
general.  I  asked  leave  of  him  to  visit  my  companions  in 
prison.  His  countenance  became  red  with  anger,  and  he 
ordered  the  guard  to  search  me,  and  take  me  to  prison.  I 
perceived  that  he  thought  I  had  arms  concealed  about  me, 
and  assured  him  I  had  none.  This  did  not  hinder  the  guard 
from  searching  me,  before  they  put  me  in  prison. 

I  heard  no  more  from  him,  and  remained  shut  up  in  prison 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  253 

until  the  28th  of  August.  On  that  day  the  general  ordered 
me  again  to  be  conducted  to  his  office,  where,  according  to 
his  request,  I  translated  some  letters  for  him.  When  I 
had  finished,  he  asked  me  if  I  still  had  an  inclination  to  go 
for  my  furs?  I  replied,  that  I  had  reason  to  suppose  that 
they  had  been  covered  [193]  before  this  time,  with  the  waters 
of  Red  river,  and  were  all  spoiled;  but  that  nevertheless,  I 
should  be  glad  to  be  certain  about  it,  and  at  least  we  should 
be  able  to  bring  in  our  traps.  He  asked  me  what  adequate 
security  I  could  give  for  our  good  behavior,  and  the  certainty 
of  our  return,  provided  he  should  allow  us  the  use  of  our 
arms  for  self  defence?  I  replied,  that  I  knew  no  one,  who 
could  give  the  security  required,  but  that  the  soldiers  he  would 
send  with  us,  would  be  his  security  for  our  return;  but  that 
it  was  out  of  the  question  to  think  of  sending  us  on  a  trip, 
so  dangerous  under  any  circumstances,  without  allowing  us 
to  go  armed.  He  remanded  me  to  prison,  saying,  that  he 
would  reflect  upon  it,  and  let  me  know  the  result  of  his 
reflections  in  the  morning.  I  reflected  as  I  walked  to  prison, 
that  I  could  have  procured  the  security  of  Captain  Brad- 
shaw,  merely  for  the  asking.  But  I  knew  the  character  of 
my  companions,  and  was  so  well  aware,  how  they  would  feel 
when  all  should  be  once  free  again,  and  well  armed,  that  I 
dared  not  bind  any  one  in  security  for  us.  Such  had  been 
the  extent  of  the  injuries  we  had  suffered,  and  so  sweet  is 
revenge,  and  so  delightful  liberty,  when  estimated  by  the 
bondage  we  had  endured,  that  I  was  convinced  that  Mexico 
could  not  array  force  enough  to  bring  us  back  alive.  I 
foresaw  that  the  general  would  send  no  more  than  ten  or 
twelve  soldiers  with  us.  I  knew  that  it  would  be  no  more 
than  an  amusement  to  rise  upon  them,  take  their  horses  for 
our  own  riding,  flea  some  of  them  of  their  skins,  to  show 
them  that  we  knew  how  to  inflict  torture,  and  send  the  rest 
back  to  the  general  on  foot.  Knowing  that  the  temptation 
to  some  retaliation  of  this  sort  would  be  irresistible,  I  was 


254  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

determined  that  no  one  of  my  countrymen  should  be  left 
amenable  to  the  laws  on  our  account.  Such  thoughts  passed 
through  my  mind  as  I  told  the  general,  I  could  offer  him  no 
security. 

Next  morning,  immediately  after  eight,  I  was  allowed  to 
walk  to  the  general's  ofhce  without  being  guarded.  What  a 
fond  feeling  came  back  to  my  heart  with  this  small  boon  of 
liberty !  How  much  I  was  exalted  in  my  own  thoughts,  that 
I  [194]  could  walk  fifty  yards  entrusted  with  my  own  safe 
keeping!  When  I  entered  the  general's  office,  he  saluted 
me  with  ceremonious  politeness.  'Buenas  dias,  don  San- 
tiago,' said  he,  and  showed  me  to  a  seat.  He  proceeded  to 
make  known  his  pleasure,  in  respect  to  me  and  my  com- 
panions. In  the  first  place  he  told  us,  we  were  all  to  be 
allowed  the  use  of  our  arms,  in  the  next  place,  that  he  would 
send  fifteen  of  his  soldiers  with  us;  and  in  the  third  place, 
that  we  should  all  be  allowed  a  week,  in  which  to  exercise 
ourselves,  before  we  set  out  on  our  expedition.  All  this  good 
fortune  delighted  us,  and  was  more  almost,  than  we  would 
have  dared  to  wish.  My  companions,  in  an  ecstacy  of  satis- 
faction, soon  joined  us  from  their  prisons.  We  met  with  as 
much  affection  and  gladness  of  heart,  as  if  we  had  been 
brothers.  They  looked  more  like  persons  emancipated  from 
the  prison  of  the  grave,  than  human  beings;  and  I  am  per- 
fectly aware,  that  my  spectre  like  visage  must  have  been 
equally  a  spectacle  to  them.  We  had  the  privilege  of  walk- 
ing in  the  vicinity  of  the  port,  accompanied  by  a  guard  of 
soldiers.  Our  only  immediate  restriction  was  the  neces- 
sity of  returning  to  our  guard  house  to  sleep  at  night.  In  this 
way  our  time  passed  pleasantly. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  the  general  sent  for  me  to  his 
office.  When  I  entered,  he  presented  me  a  note,  and  bade 
me  accompany  a  soldier  to  a  mission  at  the  distance  of  thirty 
miles,  where  he  stated  I  was  to  deliver  this  note  to  a  priest, 
and  that  he  perhaps  would  be  able  to  furnish  us  with  horses 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  255 

and  mules  for  our  expedition  to  bring  in  our  furs.  I  started 
with  the  soldier,  each  of  us  well  mounted.  The  note  was 
unsealed,  and  I  read  it  of  course.  The  contents  were  any 
thing,  rather  than  encouraging.  It  contained  no  demand 
for  the  horses,  as  I  had  hoped.  It  simply  stated  to  the 
priest,  what  sort  of  person  the  general  supposed  me  to  be, 
that  we  had  furs  buried  on  Red  river,  and  wished  horses  on 
which  to  ride  out  and  bring  them  in,  and  that  if  the  priest 
felt  disposed  to  hire  his  horses  to  us,  he  would  send  soldiers 
with  us  to  bring  us  back. 

[195]  Discouraging  as  the  note  was,  we  pushed  ahead 
with  it,  and  arrived  at  the  priest's  mission  some  time  before 
night.  I  handed  the  note  to  the  old  priest,  who  was  a  very 
grave  looking  personage.  He  read  the  note,  and  then  asked 
me  to  come  in  and  take  some  wine  with  him,  of  which  they 
have  great  plenty.  I  followed  him  into  a  large  parlor,  richly 
adorned  with  paintings  of  saints,  and  several  side  boards, 
abundantly  stored  with  wines,  which  I  took  it  for  granted, 
were  not  unacceptable  to  the  holy  man.  The  glass  ware, 
the  decorations  of  the  parlor,  and  the  arrangement  of  every 
thing  showed  me  at  a  glance,  that  this  priest  was  a  man  of 
taste  and  fashion.  So  I  was  on  my  guard  not  to  let  any  of 
my  hunting  phrases  and  back-wood's  dialect  escape  me. 
He  asked  me  a  great  many  questions  about  the  circum- 
stances of  my  passage  across  the  continent,  to  all  which  I  re- 
sponded in  as  choice  and  studied  words  as  I  could  command. 
He  then  asked  me  how  many  beasts  we  should  want?  I 
replied  that  there  were  seven  of  us,  and  that  we  should  each 
need  a  pack  mule,  and  a  horse  to  ride  upon,  which  would  be 
fourteen  in  all.  He  then  asked  how  many  days  it  would 
require  to  go,  and  return  ?  I  answered,  that  this  was  a  point 
upon  which  I  could  not  pronounce  with  certainty,  since  I  was 
unacquainted  with  the  road,  and  accidents  might  change 
the  issue.  He  then  proposed  to  charge  what  was  tanta- 
mount to  25  cents  of  our  money  a  day  for  each  mule,  that 


256  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

carried  a  saddle,  during  the  expedition,  longer  or  shorter. 
To  this  I  consented,  and  he  drew  an  article  of  agreement  to 
that  effect.  He  then  wrote  a  note  to  send  by  me  to  the  gen- 
eral, in  reply  to  his.  By  this  time  the  sun  was  setting,  and 
the  church  bells  began  to  strike.  On  this  he  knelt,  and 
commenced  his  prayers.  He  was  repeating  the  Lord's 
prayer.  According  to  the  customs  of  his  church,  when  he 
had  commenced  a  member  of  a  sentence,  I  finished  it,  by 
way  of  response.  Such  are  their  modes  of  repeating  their 
prayers,  when  there  are  two  or  more  in  company.  When  we 
had  finished,  he  turned  to  me,  and  asked  me  why  I  had 
prayed  ?  I  answered  for  the  salvation  of  my  soul.  He  said, 
that  it  had  a  christian  appearance,  but  that  he  had  been 
[196]  informed,  that  the  people  of  our  country  did  not  believe 
that  man  had  a  soul,  or  that  there  is  a  Saviour.  I  assured 
him,  that  he  had  been  entirely  misinformed,  for  that  we  had 
churches  on  every  side  through  all  the  land,  and  that  the 
people  read  the  Scriptures,  and  believed  all  that  was  taught 
in  the  Gospel,  according  to  their  understanding  of  it.  But  he 
continued,  'your  people  do  not  believe  in  the  immaculate  con- 
ception of  the  Virgin  Mary.'  I  replied,  that  what  the  general 
faith  of  the  people  upon  this  point  was,  I  could  not  say,  and 
that  for  myself,  I  did  not  pretend  to  have  sufficiently  studied 
the  Scriptures,  to  decide  upon  such  points.  My  assumed 
modesty  soothed  him,  and  he  told  me,  that  it  was  evident, 
I  had  not  studied  the  Scriptures,  for  that  if  I  had,  I  could 
not  be  in  doubt  about  such  obvious  articles  of  faith.  I 
acquiesced  in  his  supposition,  that  I  had  not  studied  the 
Scriptures,  remarking,  that  I  was  aware  that  they  contained 
many  mysteries,  about  which  the  people  in  my  country  enter- 
tained various  opinions.  He  said  that  he  was  truly  sorry, 
that  I  was  not  more  conversant  with  the  Scriptures,  for  that 
if  I  had  been,  I  could  not  have  been  led  astray  by  the  Prot- 
estants, His  time,  however,  he  added  was  now  too  limited 
to  enlighten  me,  but  he  laughed,  as  he  said  he  hoped  to  have 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  257 

the  pleasure  of  baptising  me  on  my  return.  To  this  I 
replied  with  a  smile,  for  the  truth  was,  I  was  fearful  of  dis- 
gusting him,  and  breaking  off  the  bargain.  Glad  was  I, 
when  he  dismissed  this  subject,  and  began  to  chat  about 
other  matters.  We  had  an  excellent  supper,  and  I  was 
shown  to  my  bed. 

In  the  morning  I  took  leave  of  the  old  father,  and  arrived 
on  the  following  evening  at  San  Diego.  My  companions 
were  delighted  with  the  apparent  complete  success  of  my 
mission.  The  general  informed  us,  that  we  should  have 
permission  to  start  on  the  6th,  and  that  our  beasts  would  be 
ready  for  an  early  start  on  that  day.  On  the  evening  of 
the  5th,  he  called  us  to  his  office,  and  asked  us,  how  many 
days  we  thought  the  expedition  would  require?  We  in- 
formed him,  as  near  as  we  could  conjecture.  He  then  said, 
that  he  could  not  spare  any  soldiers  to  accompany  us.  We 
answered,  that  it  was  a  point  of  [197]  indifference  to  us, 
whether  he  did  or  not.  'To  insure  your  return  however,' 
he  rejoined,  T  shall  retain  one  of  you  as  a  hostage  for  the 
return  of  the  rest,'  and  pointing  to  me,  he  informed  me, 
'that  I  was  the  selected  hostage,'  and  that  I  must  remain  in 
prison,  during  their  absence,  and  that  if  they  did  not  return, 
it  would  convince  him,  that  we  were  spies,  and  that  in  con- 
sequence he  would  cause  me  to  be  executed.' 

At  this  horrible  sentence,  breaking  upon  us  in  the  sanguine 
rapture  of  confidence,  we  all  gazed  at  each  other  in  the  con- 
sternation of  despair.  Some  of  our  company  remarked, 
that  they  had  better  abandon  the  expedition  altogether,  than 
leave  me  behind.  Others  stood  in  mute  indecision.  We 
had  all  in  truth  confidently  anticipated  never  to  return  to 
this  place  again.  My  indignation,  meanwhile,  had  mounted 
to  such  a  pitch,  as  wholly  to  absorb  all  sense  of  personal 
danger,  or  care  about  myself.  It  seemed  as  if  Providence 
had  put  the  unrelenting  seal  of  disappointmont  to  every  plan 
I  attempted  to  devise.     I  told  them  to  go,  and  not  allow  my 


258  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

detention  to  dishearten,  or  detain  them,  for  that  I  had  no 
fear  of  any  thing,  the  general  could  inflict,  that  I  had  little 
left,  but  life  to  relinquish,  and  that  their  refusal  to  go,  as 
things  now  were,  would  be  taken  for  ample  proofs,  that  we 
were  spies,  and  would  ensure  our  condemnation  and  the 
conviction,  that  we  never  had  intended  to  return. 

On  this  they  all  agreed  to  go,  and  began  to  pledge  their 
honor  and  every  thing  sacred,  that  they  would  return,  if  life 
was  spared  them.  I  told  them  to  follow  their  own  inclina- 
tions, as  to  returning,  for  that  I  would  as  willingly  be  buried 
by  the  side  of  my  father,  as  any  one  else;  that,  however,  I 
did  not  believe  the  laws  of  the  country  would  bear  the  general 
out,  in  putting  me  to  death.  The  general  now  bade  us 
arrange  every  thing  to  start  early  in  the  morning.  I  was 
again  locked  up  in  my  prison,  though  my  companions  spent 
the  greater  part  of  the  night  in  conversing  with  me.  In  the 
morning,  when  they  were  ready  to  start,  they  came  and 
shook  hands  with  me.  When  the  Dutchman,  as  good 
hearted  a  fellow  as  ever  lived,  took  my  hand  he  burst  into 
tears,  and  said,  'goot  py  Jim,  if  I  ever  does  come  [198]  back, 
I  will  bring  an  army  mit  me,  and  take  yours  and  your  daddy's 
bones  from  dis  tammed  country,  for  it  is  worse  as  hell.'  I 
should  have  laughed  heartily  at  him,  had  not  his  tears  pre- 
vented me,  for  I  knew,  that  they  came  from  his  heart. 
Mounting  their  mules  they  now  set  off.  Their  only  arms 
were  old  Spanish  muskets,  which,  when  fired,  I  would  almost 
as  soon  have  stood  before  as  behind.  Under  such  circum- 
stances, knowing,  that  they  would  be  obliged  to  pass  through 
numbers  of  hostile  tribes  of  Indians,  I  was  very  doubtful  of 
their  return. 

On  the  8th,  Captain  Bradshaw  came  to  my  prison,  and 
asked  me,  why  I  was  in  prison,  and  my  companions  at 
liberty?  I  told  him  the  whole  story.  When  he  had  heard 
it,  he  expressed  doubts  in  regard  to  their  returning.  I  replied 
to  him,  that  I  was  not  at  all  in  doubt  of  their  return,  if  they 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  259 

lived.  He  then  told  me,  that  he  intended  to  go  to  the  general, 
and  demand  his  papers  on  the  nth,  and  if  they  were  not 
given  up  to  him,  he  would  cut  cable,  and  run  out  in  spite  of 
any  one,  adding  his  advice  to  me,  which  was,  that  I  should 
write  to  the  consul  at  Wahu  and  inform  him  of  my  imprison- 
ment. He  seemed  to  think,  I  might  thus  obtain  my  release. 
Mr.  R.  Perkins  would  undertake,  he  said,  to  place  it  in 
the  hands  of  the  consul,  as  he  was  acquainted  with  him. 
I  answered,  that  I  had  neither  ink  nor  paper.  He  said  I 
should  have  some  in  a  few  minutes,  and  took  leave  of  me. 
A  soldier  soon  entered  with  writing  materials,  and  I  wrote 
my  letter  to  Mr.  Jones,  for  that  was  the  name  of  the  consul, 
stating  every  circumstance  relative  to  our  imprisonment, 
and  the  death  of  my  father,  giving  the  names  of  all  our  party, 
and  begging  him,  if  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  obtain  our 
freedom,  that  he  would  inform  our  government  of  our 
situation.  I  supposed  it  was  in  his  power  to  grant  my  first 
request,  placed  as  he  was,  in  the  midst  of  a  foreign  nation. 
On  the  nth,  at  the  request  of  the  general,  I  was  con- 
ducted to  his  ofhce,  to  serve  as  interpreter  for  the  captain 
and  Mr.  P.  The  papers  were  now  demanded  by  them. 
The  general  refused  to  comply  with  the  demand,  and  told 
them,  that  both  the  vessel  and  cargo  were  condemned,  but 
that  if  they  would  discharge  [199]  the  cargo,  and  deliver  it 
to  him,  he  would  allow  them  to  clear  the  vessel,  to  go  and 
seek  redress,  wherever  they  pleased.  The  captain's  answer 
to  this  was,  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  do  so,  and  that 
the  laws  of  his  country  would  hang  him,  if  he  thus  gave  up 
his  ship  and  cargo  at  the  request  of  an  individual.  The 
general  now  became  enraged,  and  repeating  the  words,  at 
the  request  of  an  individual,  added,  the  ship  and  cargo  have 
both  been  lawfully  condemned,  and  if  they  are  not  given  up 
peaceably,  I  have  soldiers  enough  to  take  the  ship,  and  every 
thing  belonging  to  it.  In  reply  the  captain  remarked,  that 
he  came  to  trade  on  the  coast,  and  not  to  fight,  that  if  he  was 


26o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

disposed  to  seize  the  vessel  or  cargo,  he  had  nothing  to  say 

farther,  than  that  he  should  not  aid,  or  advance  in  any  shape 

the  unlading  of  the  vessel  himself,  and  taking  up  his  hat 

walked  away.     I  asked  permission  of  the  general  to  go  to 

Miss.  Peaks,  to  get  a  change  of  clothing,  which  was  granted. 

He,  however,  told  me  to  be  in  haste.     My  principal  business 

there  was  to  give  my  letter  to  Mr.  P.,  for  I  knew  that  captain 

B.,  would  set  sail  with  the  first  breeze,  of  which  he  could 

avail  himself.    I  found  both  the  gentlemen  in  the  house, 

when  I  entered.     I  was  assured  by  M.  P.,  that  he  would 

give  the  letter  to  the  consul,  and  endeavor  to  interest  him  in 

my  behalf.    I  thanked  him,  and  was  upon  the  point  of  taking 

leave,  when  captain  B.  asked  me  to  take  a  note  from  him  to 

the  general,  and  to  tell  him  that  he  would  like  to  have  an 

answer,  and  would  wait  an  hour  for  it.     I  took  the  note  and 

went  to  the  general's  office,  gave  him  the  note  and  told  him 

what  the  captain  had  said.     He  bade  me  sit  down,  after  he 

had  read  the  note,  for  a  few  minutes.     I  obeyed,  and  he 

passed  into  the  adjoinmg  room,  and  ordered  his  porter  to  call 

the  ensign  Ramirez.     The  porter  hastened  to  execute  his 

commission,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  ensign  entered.     The 

general  and  ensign  then  began  to  converse,  drawing  near 

the  door,  behind  which  I  was  seated.     I  heard  distinctly  the 

former  tell  the  latter,  that  captain  B.,  and  Mr.  P.,  were  both 

at  Peak's  awaiting  an  answer  from  him,  and  that  he  would 

send  me  to  tell  them  that  he  was  engaged  at  [200]  present, 

but  at  the  expiration  of  an  hour  and  a  half  they  should  have 

their  answer  through  me.     Meantime  he,  the  ensign,  was 

to  provide  a  guard  of  soldiers,  with  which  to  take  them 

prisoners,  and  then  the  vessel  and  cargo  would  be  sure.     All 

this,  as  I  have  said,  I  heard  distinctly.     He  then  came  in, 

and  told  me  to  go  and  inform  them,  as  he  told  the  ensign,  he 

should  direct  me.     I  hastened  to  captain  B.,  and  told  him 

what  I  had  heard  from  the  general  concerning  him.     I 

advised  him  to  go  to  the  vessel  immediately,  for  that  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  261 

ensign  and  guard  would  soon  be  upon  the  spot.  Both  he 
and  Mr.  P.  went  directly  to  the  vessel,  and  I  returned  to  the 
general,  to  inform  him  that  I  had  delivered  his  message. 
He  then  ordered  me  to  return  to  prison.  It  was  now  three 
o'clock. 

In  a  few  hours  the  ensign  returned  from  the  pursuit  of 
captain  B.,  and  as  he  passed  the  prison  on  his  way  to  the 
general's  office  he  shook  his  sword  at  me  with  vengeance  in 
his  face,  saying,  'Oh!  you  traitor!'  I  inferred  from  this,  that 
he  supposed  I  had  informed  the  captain  of  the  projected 
attempt  to  take  him  prisoner.     My  situation  now  seemed 
to  me  desperate.     I  thought  more  of  my  comrades  than  my- 
self, for  I  could  not  expect  to  live.     Concluding  that  I  should 
soon  be  executed,  I  feared,  that  when  they  returned,  they 
would  be  put  to  death  also.     In  a  few  minutes  I  was  sum- 
moned to  the  general's  office.      I  expected  to  hear  my  sen- 
tence.   When  I  entered  the  general  bade  me  stand  by  the 
door,  near  a  large  table,  at  which  several  of  his  clerks  were 
seated  writing,  and  he  then  gravely  asked  me  if  I  had  over- 
heard the  conversation  which  took  place  between  himself  and 
the  ensign,  after  he  had  read  the  note  brought  by  me  to  him 
from  captain  B  ?     I  replied  that  I  did  not  see  the  ensign  at 
that  time,  and  furthermore  could  not  say  positively,  whether 
he  had  held  any  conversation  with  the  ensign,  since  my 
arrival  on  the  coast  or  not.     The  general  proceeded  to  ques- 
tion me,  as  to  the  fact  of  my  having  advised  the  captain  to 
go  on  board  his  ship,  and  if  I  knew  the  motives,  which  in- 
duced him  to  do  so,  after  saying  that  he  would  wait  for  an 
answer  to  his  note. 

[201]  He  tried  to  extort  an  answer  from  me  such  as  he 
wished,  threatening  me  with  death  if  I  did  not  relate  the 
truth.  I  regarded  all  this  as  no  more  than  the  threats  of  an 
old  woman,  and  went  on  to  state  what  was  most  likely  to  be 
favorable  to  my  cause.  I  was  now  remanded  to  prison  with 
the  assurance,  that  if  found  guilty,  death  would  be  my  doom. 


262  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

A  few  days  only  elapsed  before,  the  breeze  serving,  the 
Captain  slipped  anchor,  and  ran  out  of  the  port.*"^  He  was 
compelled  to  perform  this  under  a  heavy  shower  of  cannon 
balls  poured  forth  from  the  fort,  within  two  hundred  yards 
of  which  he  was  obliged  to  pass.  When  he  came  opposite 
it,  he  hove  to,  and  gave  them  a  broadside  in  return,  which 
frightened  the  poor  engineers  from  their  guns.  His  escape 
from  the  port  was  made  without  suffering  any  serious  injury 
on  his  part.  Their  shots  entered  the  hull  of  the  vessel,  and 
the  sails  were  considerably  cut  by  the  grape.  I  was  greatly 
rejoiced  when  I  heard  of  their  escape  from  these  thieves. 
The  General  pretended  great  disgust  at  the  cowardly  con- 
duct of  the  engineers,  but,  I  believe,  had  he  been  there,  he 
would  have  run  too.  I  have  no  faith  in  the  courage  of  these 
people,  except  where  they  have  greatly  the  advantage,  or 
can  kill  in  the  dark,  without  danger  to  themselves.  This  in 
my  view  is  the  amount  of  a  Spaniard's  bravery. 

But  to  return  to  myself,  I  remained  in  prison,  until  a 
sufficient  time  had  elapsed,  as  I  thought,  for  the  return  of 
my  companions.  I  still  did  not  entirely  despair  of  seeing 
them;  but  the  Spaniards  came  daily  and  hourly  to  my 
prison  with  delighted  countenances  to  tell  me  that  my  com- 
panions had  deserted  me,  and  that  the  General  would  soon 
have  me  executed.  Some  consoled  me  with  the  information, 
that  at  such  an  hour  or  day,  I  was  to  be  taken  out,  and 
burnt  alive ;  and  others,  that  I  was  to  be  stationed  at  a  certain 
distance,  and  shot  at,  like  a  target,  or  hung.  These  unfeel- 
ing wretches  thus  harrassed  and  tormented  me,  until  the 
arrival  of  my  companions  on  the  30th  Sept.  put  an  end  to 


""This  account  of  Captain  Bradshaw  and  the  "Franklin"  does  not  agree  in 
chronology  with  the  evidence  presented  by  Bancroft  from  ofl&cial  sources  (History 
oj  California,  iii,  pp.  133,  134).  The  "Franklin"  escaped  on  July  16,  Bradshaw 
having  been  warned  by  a  French  captain  that  the  governor  intended  to  place  a 
guard  on  board  the  vessel.  Pattie  wrote  from  memory,  some  time  after  the  occur- 
rences, but  except  in  the  matter  of  time  his  evidence  tallies  with  that  of  the  Mexican 
manuscripts,  wherein  his  name  is  mentioned  as  interpreter. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  263 

their  taunts,  with  regard  to  their  desertion  of  me.  They 
brought  no  fur  however,  it  having  been  all  spoiled  [202]  as 
I  had  expected,  by  an  overflow  of  the  river.  Our  traps 
which  they  did  bring,  were  sold,  and  a  part  of  the  proceeds 
paid  to  the  old  priest  for  the  hire  of  the  mules. 

I  have  failed  to  remark,  that  my  comrades  had  returned 
with  the  loss  of  two  of  their  number,  one  of  whom  we  learned, 
had  married  in  New  Mexico.  ^°^  When  the  party  reached  the 
river,  these  two  concluded  that  rather  than  return  to  prison, 
they  would  run  the  risk  of  being  killed  by  the  Indians,  or 
of  being  starved  to  death;  and  set  forth  on  their  perilous 
journey  through  the  wilderness  to  New  Mexico  on  foot. 
The  probability  of  their  reaching  the  point  of  their  destination 
was  very  slight,  it  being  a  great  distance  and  through  great 
dangers.  Happily  for  us,  their  not  returning,  did  not  appear 
to  strengthen  the  General,  in  his  opinion  of  our  being  spies. 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  conversing  with  my  companions  an 
hour,  or  more,  after  which  they  were  again  disarmed,  and 
all  of  us  returned  to  our  separate  places  of  confinement. 
I  had  now  no  prospect  before  me,  but  that  of  lingering  out  a 
miserable  and  useless  life  in  my  present  situation;  as  I  was 
convinced,  that  the  only  inducement,  which  operated  in  the 
General's  mind,  to  allow  a  part  of  us  to  go  in  search  of  our 
property  was  the  hope  of  taking  a  quantity  of  furs  and  other 
valuables  from  us.  I  was  thankful  that  he  obtained  nothing 
but  the  traps,  which,  as  he  knew  no  more  how  to  use,  than  a 
blind  horse,  could  be  of  no  utility  to  him.  This  feeling  may 
seem  a  poor  gratification,  but  it  was  certainly  a  natural  one. 

'"'  The  names  of  Pattie's  companions  appear  in  the  archives,  and  are  given  by 
Bancroft,  California,  iii,  p.  163,  as  Nathaniel  Pryor,  Richard  Laughlin,  William 
Pope,  Isaac  Slover,  Jesse  Ferguson,  James  Puter.  Of  these,  the  first  is  the  name 
of  one  of  the  sergeants  in  the  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition,  for  whose  earlier  career 
see  Wheeler,  On  the  Trail  of  Lewis  and  Clark  (New  York,  1904),  i,  pp.  92-95.  See 
also  Bancroft,  iv,  p.  785 ;  and  Vallejo,  ' '  Ranch  and  Mission  Days  in  Alta  Califor- 
nia," in  Century  Magazine,  xix,  p.  190.  Most  of  them  became  residents  of  Cali- 
fornia; William  Pope  gave  his  name  to  Pope  Valley,  Napa  County,  where  he 
lived  and  died. —  Ed. 


264  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

In  this  condition  we  remained  for  months,  never  seeing  the 
outside  of  our  prison,  deprived  of  the  pleasure  we  had 
received  from  the  visits  of  the  charitable  young  lady,  for- 
merly allowed  entrance  to  us,  and  the  advantage  we  had 
derived  from  the  generous  nourishment  she  so  kindly  fur- 
nished us,  and  compelled  by  hunger  to  eat  the  food  set 
before  us  by  our  jailors;  and  confined  principally  to  dried 
beans,  or  corn  boiled  in  water,  and  then  fried  in  spoiled 
tallow. 

At  length  the  small  pox  began  to  rage  on  the  upper  part 
of  the  coast,  carrying  off  the  inhabitants  by  hundreds. 
Letters  [203]  from  the  distressed  people  were  continually 
arriving,  praying  the  general  to  devise  some  means  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  disease,  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  country 
with  destruction.  The  general  was  thus  beset  by  petitions 
for  several  weeks,  before  he  could  offer  a  shadow  of  relief 
for  them.  He  was  much  alarmed,  fearing  that  the  disorder 
might  extend  its  ravages  to  that  part  of  the  coast  where  he 
resided. 

One  day  the  soldiers,  through  mere  inquisitiveness,  asked 
the  Dutchman  if  he  knew  any  remedy  for  the  complaint? 
He  answered  that  he  did ;  but  that  he  had  none  of  the  article 
that  constituted  the  remedy.  He  added,  however,  that  he 
thought  that  my  father  had  brought  some  of  it  with  him,  as 
he  recollected  his  having  vaccinated  the  people  at  the  copper 
mines.  This  conversation  was  communicated  to  the  general 
immediately,  who  sent  a  sergeant  to  me  to  inquire  if  I  had 
any  of  the  remedy  spoken  of  by  the  Dutchman,  as  brought 
by  my  father  ?  I  answered  in  the  affirmative ;  I  then  showed 
him  where  I  had  been  vaccinated  on  the  right  arm,  and 
assured  him  that  it  had  effectually  protected  me  from  the 
small  pox.  Upon  his  demand  whether  I  knew  the  method 
of  applying  it,  I  again  answered  in  the  affirmative;  but 
when  he  asked  me  to  show  him  the  remedy,  and  let  him 
have  it  to  apply  to  his  own  arm,  as  he  was  fearful  of  losing 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  265 

his  life  from  the  spread  of  this  dreadful  disease,  I  told  him  I 
would  not.  This  sergeant,  who  wished  the  matter,  was  my 
friend,  and  brother  of  the  charitable  young  lady  who  had 
procured  my  father's  burial,  and  for  whom  I  would  have 
sacrificed  my  life/"^  But  thinking  this  my  only  chance  for 
regaining  liberty,  I  refused  it  to  him,  saying,  that  I  would 
neither  show  it  to  any  one,  nor  apply  it,  unless  my  liberty 
and  that  of  my  companions  was  rendered  secure;  and  that 
in  sustaining  this  resolution  I  would  sacrifice  my  life.  I 
also  mentioned  that  I  must  be  paid,  over  and  above  my 
liberty.  My  object  in  this,  was  to  influence  the  fears  of  the 
general.  If  he  acceded  to  my  proposition,  my  friend  and 
his  sister  would  share  the  benefit  in  common  with  others. 
If  I  granted  the  request  of  the  sergeant  to  inoculate  him,  I 
might  lose  my  advantage;  but  my  gratitude  decided  me 
[204]  against  allowing  himself  and  his  sister  to  be  exposed 
to  an  imminent  danger,  which  I  could  avert.  I  told  him 
that  if  he  would  pledge  himself,  solemnly,  for  his  own  part, 
and  that  of  his  sister,  that  he  would  not  communicate  the 
matter  to  another  individual,  I  would  secretly  vaccinate 
them.  He  replied  that  I  need  not  fear  his  betraying  me, 
as  he  would  much  rather  aid  me  in  my  design,  which  he 
thought  excellent,  and  likely  to  accomplish  my  wishes.  He 
then  left  me  to  communicate  the  result  of  our  conversation 
to  the  general. 

This  incident,  so  important  in  its  influence  upon  my  for- 
tunes, occurred  December  20th.  The  sergeant  had  not  been 
absent  more  than  a  half  hour,  when  he  returned  and  told 
me  that  the  general  said  he  would  give  me  a  passport  for  a 
year,  if  I  would  vaccinate  all  the  people  on  the  coast;  and 
furthermore,  if  I  conducted  properly  during  that  period, 
that  he  would  at  the  expiration  of  it,  pay  me  for  my  services, 

^"^  Pattie  elsewhere  gives  the  name  of  this  young  woman  who  befriended  him, 
as  Miss  Peaks.  Bancroft  conjectures  {California,  ii,  p.  165)  that  she  was  Senorita 
Pico,  sister  of  a  sergeant  by  that  name,  figuring  in  the  records  of  the  time. —  Ed. 


266  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

and  give  me  my  liberty.  His  countenance  was  bright  with 
delight,  as  he  related  this  to  me,  not  dreaming  that  I  could 
refuse  what  seemed  to  him  so  good  an  offer.  When  I 
repeated,  in  reply,  my  resolution  not  to  vaccinate  any  one, 
except  on  the  conditions  I  had  stated,  and  added  that  I 
would  not  agree  to  any  terms  without  an  audience  from  the 
general,  his  pleasure  vanished,  giving  place  to  gloom  as  he 
told  me  he  did  not  think  the  general  would  accede  to  the 
proposal  to  set  my  companions  and  myself  at  liberty  upon 
parole  for  one  year,  for  any  consideration;  but  that,  if  I 
persisted  in  my  refusal,  he  feared  I  should  incur  some 
violent  punishment,  and  perhaps  death.  My  answer  was, 
that  in  my  present  situation  I  did  not  dread  death.  I  then 
requested  him  to  tell  the  general  I  wished  to  talk  with  him 
personally  upon  the  subject. 

He  went,  and  in  a  few  minutes  returned  with  orders  to 
conduct  me  to  the  General's  ofhce.  Upon  my  arrival  there, 
the  General  questioned  me  with  regard  to  the  efficacy  of 
the  remedy  of  which  he  had  been  much  informed  in  the  same 
manner  as  I  have  related  in  the  conversation  between  the 
sergeant  and  myself;  and  he  then  repeated  the  same  terms 
for  the  matter  [205]  and  the  application  of  it,  that  he  had 
transmitted  me  through  my  friend,  to  which  I  replied  as  be- 
fore. When  I  had  finished,  he  asked  me  in  a  surly  manner, 
what  my  own  terms  were?  I  told  him,  as  I  had  done  the 
sergeant,  that  I  would  vaccinate  all  the  inhabitants  on  the 
coast,  provided  he  would  allow  myself  and  companions  to 
leave  our  prison  on  parole  for  one  year,  with  liberty  to  travel 
up  or  down  the  coast,  in  order  to  find  some  occupation,  by 
which  we  could  obtain  food  and  clothing.  Upon  hearing 
this  his  rage  burst  forth.  He  told  me  I  was  a  devil;  and 
that  if  I  did  not  choose  to  take  the  offer  he  had  made,  he 
would  compel  me  to  perform  its  conditions,  or  put  me  to 
death.  I  replied,  that  he  could  take  my  life;  but  that  it 
was  beyond  his  power  to  compel  me  to  execute  his  com- 


1824-1830]  Pattie*s  Personal  Narrative  267 

mands,  adding,  that  life  or  liberty  would  be  no  object  to  me, 
if  my  companions  were  denied  the  enjoyment  of  them  with 
me.  They  had  had  the  alternative  in  their  power  of  leaving 
me  in  prison  to  suffer  alone,  or  returning  to  share  my  cap- 
tivity, and  had  chosen  the  latter;  I  concluded  by  saying, 
that  rather  than  accept  of  liberty  while  they  remained  in 
prison,  I  would  undergo  all  the  torments  his  excellency  could 
devise.  He  said  he  might  as  well  let  loose  so  many  wolves 
to  ravage  his  country,  as  give  myself  and  companions  the 
liberty  I  required ;  adding,  that  he  gave  me  twenty-four  hours 
to  reflect  on  the  alternative  of  his  wrath,  or  my  liberty  upon 
the  conditions  he  had  proposed.  I  was  now  remanded  to 
prison.  As  I  walked  out,  I  remarked  to  the  General,  that 
my  resolution  was  fixed  beyond  the  possibility  of  change. 
He  made  no  reply,  and  I  proceeded  to  prison.  The  soldiers 
who  accompanied  me,  tried  to  induce  me  to  conform  to  the 
General's  wishes,  saying,  that  he  was  a  terrible  man  when  en- 
raged. I  made  them  no  answer,  and  entered  my  prison,  where 
I  remained  until  8  o'clock  the  next  day;  when  I  was  again 
escorted  to  the  office,  and  asked  by  the  General,  what 
security  I  would  give  for  the  good  behaviour  of  myself  and 
companions,  if  he  let  us  out  on  parole  for  one  year  ?  I  told 
him  I  would  give  none,  for  no  one  here  knew  me.  He  then 
ordered  me  back  to  prison,  where  he  said  I  should  lay  and 
rot,  calling  me  a  carracho  [206]  picaro,  and  similar  names, 
which  I  did  not  regard.  I  walked  to  my  prison  as  undaunt- 
edly as  I  could.  I  now  felt  somewhat  encouraged;  for  I 
perceived  he  was  not  inflexible  in  his  resolutions,  and  by 
adhering  firmly  to  mine,  I  hoped  finally  to  conquer  him. 

In  the  course  of  the  night  he  received  a  letter  containing 
information  of  the  death  of  one  of  his  priests,  and  that  great 
numbers  were  ill  of  the  small  pox.  Early  in  the  morning  of 
the  23d  I  received  a  summons  to  attend  him  at  the  usual 
place.  When  I  arrived,  he  said  he  wanted  to  see  my  papers, 
that  is,  those  I  had  mentioned  as  being  my  father's  commis- 


268  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

sion,  and  his  discharge  from  the  service  of  a  ranger.  I  told 
him  they  were  at  Miss  Peak's,  which  was  the  name  of  the 
young  lady  who  had  been  so  kind  to  me.  He  sent  a  soldier 
for  them,  who  soon  returned  with  them.  I  translated  them 
to  him.  He  said  that  was  a  sufficient  proof  of  my  being  an 
American;  and  asked  if  my  companions  could  produce 
proofs  of  their  belonging  to  the  same  country?  I  replied 
that  I  did  not  know. 

He  sent  orders  for  them  to  come  to  the  office ;  and  before 
their  arrival,  told  me  that  all  he  now  wanted,  was  proof  that 
they  were  Americans,  to  let  us  go  on  a  parole,  as  all  Amer- 
icans were  tolerated  in  his  country.  My  opinion  with  regard 
to  his  motive  in  the  case  was,  that  he  was  less  unwilling  to 
grant  our  liberty,  as  the  payment  for  my  services  in  spreading 
the  vaccine  disease,  now  that  he  knew  we  had  no  property 
for  him  to  extort  from  us. 

He  talked,  too,  about  rendering  himself  liable  to  suffer 
the  rigor  of  the  laws  of  his  country,  should  he  set  us  free, 
without  our  establishing  the  fact  of  our  being  Americans. 

My  companions  entered :  I  was  glad  to  see  them.  Their 
beards  were  long,  and  they  were  haggard  and  much  reduced 
in  flesh.  I  gave  them  to  understand  what  was  wanting,  and 
they  readily  produced  some  old  black  papers,  furnishing  in 
themselves  proof  of  any  thing  else,  as  much  as  of  their 
owners  being  American  citizens.  I,  however,  so  interpreted 
them,  that  they  established  the  point  with  the  General.  I 
believe  he  [207]  had  as  firmly  credited  this  fact  from  the 
first  hour  he  saw  us,  as  now.  He  concluded  to  let  us  out  a 
week  upon  trial,  before  he  gave  us  freedom  on  parole, 
although  he  compelled  me  to  engage  to  vaccinate  all  the  peo- 
ple in  the  fort.  He  then  directed  us  to  endeavor  to  find 
some  employment  around  the  fort,  which  would  procure  us 
food,  and  to  return  every  night  to  the  guard  house  to  sleep. 
The  guard  bell  now  tolled  eight  o'clock,  and  according  to 
the  permission  given,  we  walked  in  the  direction  of  our 
inclinations. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  269 

I  went  directly  to  Miss  Peak's,  who  was  much  astonished, 
and  apparently  delighted  to  see  me  at  liberty.  She  had 
expected,  she  said,  every  day  to  see  me  on  my  way  to  be 
shot,  or  hung.  The  manifestation  of  kindness  and  benevo- 
lence to  us  having  been  forbidden  by  our  jailors,  she  now 
indemnified  her  humanity  and  good  feeling  by  telling  me 
how  much  she  had  regretted  not  being  allowed  to  send  me 
proper  food,  asking  me  if  I  was  not  hungry?  and  proceeding, 
before  I  could  answer,  to  spread  a  table  with  every  thing 
good,  of  which  I  partook  plentifully;  after  which  we  had 
a  pleasant  conversation  together.  My  enjoyment  of  my 
fortunate  change  of  situation  was,  however,  mingled  with 
uncertainty,  as  to  the  length  of  its  duration.  I  felt  that  I 
was  still  in  the  lion's  jaws,  which  might  close  upon  me  from 
the  first  impulse  of  petulance  or  anger. 

I  therefore,  endeavoured  to  devise  some  way  of  availing 
myself  of  my  momentary  freedom,  to  place  myself  beyond 
the  possibility  of  losing  it  again.  That  one  which  sug- 
gested itself  to  me,  was  to  prevail  upon  the  officer,  who  had 
our  rifles  in  charge  to  allow  us  possession  of  them  for  a  short 
time,  to  clean  them.  When  we  should  once  more  have 
them  in  our  hands,  I  hoped  we  would  have  resolution  to 
retain  them,  until  death  rendered  them  useless  to  us.  I 
went  to  my  companions,  and  imparted  my  plan  to  them. 
They  agreed  with  me  upon  all  points.  The  only  difficulty 
now  was,  to  lay  our  hands  upon  our  arms.  I  went  directly 
to  the  apartment  of  the  officer,  in  whose  care  they  were,  one 
of  the  best  hearted  Spaniards  I  have  ever  seen.  I  appealed 
to  his  goodness  of  heart  in  order  to  obtain  my  purpose,  telling 
[208]  him,  that  we  only  wanted  the  rifles  a  few  minutes,  in 
order  to  rub  off  the  rust,  and  dirt,  which  must  have  accumu- 
lated upon  them.  I  told  him  after  this  was  done,  they  should 
be  returned  to  him.  He  did  not  answer  for  some  minutes; 
and  then  said,  that  if  he  complied  with  my  request,  and  was 
discovered  by  the  General  to  have  done  so,  he  should  be 
punished.    I  replied  that  there  was  no  danger  of  an  act  of 


270  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

this  kind,  a  mere  kindness  of  this  sort  being  known  by  any, 
but  those  immediately  concerned;  concluding  by  slipping 
ten  dollars  in  silver,  which  had  been  given  me  by  Capt.  B., 
into  his  hand.  He  then  handed  me  the  rifles,  and  all  belong- 
ing to  them,  through  a  back  door,  cautioning  me  not  to  let 
my  having  them  in  possession  be  known.  I  answered,  that 
I  would  be  upon  my  guard.  I  was  now  joined  by  my  com- 
panions. We  found  an  old  and  unoccupied  house,  into 
which  we  entered,  and  soon  put  our  guns  in  order,  and 
charged  them  well,  resolving  never  to  give  them  into  the 
hands  of  a  Spaniard  again.  We  had  been  so  treacherously 
dealt  with  by  these  people,  that  we  did  not  consider  it  any 
great  breach  of  honour  to  fail  in  our  promise  of  returning 
our  arms,  particularly  as  the  officer  had  taken  my  money. 

We  then  concluded  to  conceal  our  rifles  in  a  thicket  near 
at  hand,  and  to  keep  our  pistols,  which  the  officer  had  also 
given  us  as  a  part  of  our  arms,  concealed  around  our  per- 
sons. At  night  we  went  to  the  guard  house  to  sleep,  as  we 
had  been  commanded  to  do.  The  officer  who  gave  me  the 
rifles,  came  to  me,  and  asked  why  I  had  not  returned  the 
arms  according  to  promise?  I  told  him  that  I  had  not 
finished  cleaning  them,  and  repeated,  that  the  General 
should  not  know  I  had  them.  He  charged  me  to  fulfil  my 
former  promise  of  returning  the  arms  on  the  succeeding 
morning.  I  satisfied  him,  thinking  as  before,  that  it  made  no 
great  difference  what  is  said  to  such  persons,  in  a  position 
like  ours. 

Early  the  next  morning  we  met  a  countryman  by  the  name 
of  James  Lang,  who  had  come  upon  the  coast  to  smuggle, 
and  to  kill  sea  otters  for  their  skins,  which  are  very  valuable.^"* 
He  was  now  here  secretly,  to  enquire  if  sea  otters  were  to  be 
found  in  [209]  abundance  higher  up  the  coast;  and  to 
obtain  information  on  some  other  points  connected  with  his 

*°*  For  the  career  of  Charles  (not  James)  Lang,  see  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  iii,  pp. 
139,  140.—  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  271 

pursuits.  He  told  us  he  had  a  boat  distant  eighty  miles 
down  the  coast,  with  men  in  search  of  otters,  and  proposed 
that  we  should  accompany  him  to  it,  offering  to  furnish 
every  thing  required  for  this  species  of  hunting,  and  give  us 
half  of  whatever  we  caught,  adding,  that  when  his  brig 
returned  from  the  Gallipagos  islands,  where  it  had  gone  in 
search  of  tortoise  shell,  he  would  give  us  a  free  passage  to 
our  own  country. 

We  all  considered  this  an  offer  advantageous  to  us,  as  it 
held  out  the  prospect  of  our  being  enabled  to  obtain  some- 
thing in  the  way  of  gain,  after  which  a  way  would  be  open 
for  our  return  to  our  homes,  and  we  agreed  to  meet  him  on 
a  certain  day  at  Todos  Santos,  in  English  All  Saints.  This 
took  place  on  the  24th.  Our  new  friend  set  off  to  rejoin  his 
companions,  and  we  fell  to  consultation  upon  the  best 
method  of  conducting  in  our  present  circumstances.  We 
did  not  wish  to  do  any  thing,  that  would  render  us  amenable 
to  the  laws  of  the  country,  should  we  be  detected  in  our 
attempt  to  escape.  We  were  consequently  precluded  from 
relying  on  horses  to  aid  us  in  hastening  beyond  the  reach  of 
pursuers.  The  night  was  chosen,  as  the  time  for  our 
experiment;  but  in  the  course  of  an  hour  after  this  determi- 
nation was  made,  all  my  companions  excepting  one,  receded 
from  it,  pronouncing  the  plan  of  running  off  without  any 
cover  for  our  intentions,  not  a  good  one.  They  proposed 
instead  of  it,  that  we  should  ask  permission  of  the  General 
to  go  a  hunting,  assigning  as  our  reason  for  this  request,  that 
we  were  barefoot,  and  wanted  to  kill  some  deer  in  order  to 
obtain  their  skins  to  dress,  to  make  us  moccasins.  I  con- 
sented to  this  plan,  and  to  try  its  efficacy  immediately,  I  went 
to  the  General's  office.  It  was  late,  but  I  related  my  errand. 
He  asked  me,  where  I  could  get  arms,  to  kill  deer  with?  I 
replied,  that  if  he  would  not  allow  us  to  use  our  own  arms, 
we  could  borrow  some.  He  refused  the  permission,  I  had 
asked  of  him. 


2/2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

On  Christmas  night,  the  one  among  my  companions, 
whom  I  [210]  have  mentioned,  as  agreeing  with  me,  in  regard 
to  the  original  plan  for  our  escape,  set  off  with  me  at  12 
o'clock,  while  the  people,  who  were  all  Catholics,  were 
engaged  in  their  devotions  at  church.  We  were  obliged  to 
leave  our  comrades,  as  they  would  not  accompany  us  in  our 
enterprise.  We  travelled  entirely  by  night,  and  reached  the 
before  mentioned  place  of  rendezvous  on  the  28th.  We 
found  Mr.  Lang  and  his  men  in  confinement,  and  his  boat 
taken  by  the  Spaniards.  We  gained  this  information  in  the 
night,  without  committing  ourselves.  We  retreated  to  the 
woods,  in  which  we  remained  concealed  through  the  day. 
At  night  our  necessities  compelled  us  to  enter  a  house,  in 
order  to  obtain  some  food.  It  was  occupied  by  a  widow 
and  her  two  daughters.  They  gave  us  bread,  milk  and 
cheese,  treating  us  with  great  kindness.  We  spent  a  week 
passing  the  day  in  the  woods,  and  going  to  this  friendly 
house  to  get  food  in  the  night;  in  the  hope  of  hearing  of 
some  vessel,  by  means  of  which  we  might  escape  from  this 
hated  coast.     But  no  such  good  fortune  awaited  us. 

We  then  concluded  to  return,  and  see  our  comrades,  whom 
we  supposed  to  be  again  in  prison ;  although  we  were  deter- 
mined never  again  to  be  confined  there  ourselves  alive,  with 
our  own  consent.  So  we  walked  back  to  San  Diego,  killing 
some  deer  by  the  way,  the  skins  of  which  we  carried  to  the 
fort.  To  our  great  admiration  and  surprize,  we  found  our 
companions  at  liberty.  They  informed  us,  that  the  General 
was  exceedingly  anxious  for  my  return,  and  that  our  arms 
had  not  been  demanded,  although  the  officer,  through  whose 
means  we  obtained  them,  had  been  placed  under  guard. 

I  felt  grieved  by  the  latter  part  of  this  information,  as  I 
had  deceived  the  unfortunate  man,  when  he  intended  to  do 
me  a  kindness,  of  the  utmost  importance  to  my  interests,  as  I 
viewed  it.  He  would  probably,  be  severely  punished. 
But  I  nevertheless  was  firm  in  my  purpose  to  retain  my  arms. 


1824-1830]  Puttie's  Personal  Narrative  273 

It  was  late  in  the  day;  but  the  companion  of  my  flight  and 
myself  proceeded  to  present  ourselves  before  the  General, 
leaving  our  rifles  concealed  in  a  safe  place.  Our  pistols  we 
carried  in  our  [211]  bosoms,  determined  not  to  be  taken  to 
prison  without  offering  resistance. 

The  General  appeared  much  surprised  to  see  us,  and  asked 
where  we  had  been?  I  told  him,  that  we  had  been  out 
upon  a  hunting  expedition ;  upon  which  he  wished  to  know 
if  we  had  killed  any  thing  ?  We  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
He  then  looked  serious,  and  demanded  of  me,  if  I  was  not 
aware  that  it  was  wrong  to  go  off,  without  taking  leave  of 
him?  My  reply  was,  that  I  did;  and  that  he  refused  it  to 
me;  and  that  then  I  concluded  to  go  without  permission, 
knowing  it  could  not  be  a  crime.  His  next  question  was, 
how  I  obtained  my  arms  ?  I  told  him  the  truth  with  regard 
to  this  point.  The  succeeding  demand  was,  why  I  did  not 
return  them,  according  to  my  promise  ?  To  which  I  replied, 
that  I  did  not  intend  to  return  them  from  the  first;  and  I 
now  declared  that  they  should  never  be  taken  from  me  for 
the  time  to  come,  while  I  drew  my  breath.  He  smiled,  and 
said  he  did  not  want  them;  but  that  I  must  begin  to  vacci- 
nate the  people  of  the  garrison ;  for  that  he  wished  me  to  go 
up  the  coast  soon  to  practice  vaccination  there. 

On  the  1 8th  of  January,  1829,  I  began  to  vaccinate;  and 
by  the  i6th  of  February  had  vaccinated  all  the  people 
belonging  to  the  fort,  and  the  Indian  inhabitants  of  the  mis- 
sion of  San  Diego,  three  miles  north  of  the  former  place.  ^^^ 

'''*  The  mission  of  San  Diego  de  Alcala  was  the  first  of  the  Franciscan  establish- 
ments begun  by  Father  Junipero  Serra  in  1769.  In  1774  it  was  removed  inland 
three  miles  from  the  presidio  of  the  same  name;  and  at  the  time  of  Pattie's  visit,  it 
had  attained  the  height  of  its  prosperity.  Six  years  after  it  was  founded  (1775), 
an  Indian  revolt  occurred,  in  which  there  was  bloodshed  on  both  sides,  and  the 
church  was  burned  and  pillaged.  It  was  re-established  in  1777,  and  six  years  later 
was  built  the  church,  of  which  little  yet  remains  but  the  fajade.  Remains  of  an 
aqueduct  may  also  be  traced,  to  whose  use  in  irrigating  Pattie  refers.  On  the 
entire  subject  of  mission  history,  consult  in  addition  to  Bancroft,  and  the  standard 
histories,  Victor,  "Studies  of  the  California  Missions"  in  The  Californian,  v,  vi; 


274  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

It  is  situated  in  a  valley  between  two  mountains.  A  stream 
runs  through  the  valley,  from  which  ships  obtain  fresh  water. 
An  abundance  of  grain  is  raised  at  this  mission.  Fruit  of 
all  kinds,  growing  in  a  temperate  climate,  is  also  plentiful. 
The  climate  is  delightfully  equal.  The  husbandman  here 
does  not  think  of  his  fields  being  moistened  by  the  falling 
rain.  He  digs  ditches  around  them,  in  which  water  is  con- 
veyed from  a  stream,  sufficient  to  cover  the  ground,  when- 
ever the  moisture  is  required.  Rains  seldom  fall  in  the 
summer  or  autumn.  The  rainy  season  commences  in  Octo- 
ber; and  continues  until  the  last  of  December,  and  some- 
times even  through  January ;  by  which  time  the  grass,  clover 
and  wild  oats  are  knee  high.  When  the  rain  does  come, 
it  falls  in  torrents.  The  gullies  made  in  the  sides  of  the 
mountains  by  the  rains  are  of  an  enormous  size. 

[212]  But  to  return  to  my  own  affairs.  Having  completed 
my  vaccinations  in  this  quarter,  and  procured  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  the  vaccine  matter  to  answer  my  purpose,  I 
declared  myself  in  readiness  to  proceed  further.  I  com^ 
municated  the  matter  to  one  thousand  Spaniards  and  Indians 
in  San  Diego. 

February  28th,  the  General  gave  us  each  a  legal  form, 
granting  us  liberty  on  parole  for  one  year,  at  the  expiration 
of  which  period  it  was  in  his  power  to  remand  us  to  prison, 
if  he  did  not  incline  to  grant  us  our  freedom.  He  likewise 
gave  me  a  letter  to  the  priests  along  the  coast,  containing 
the  information  that  I  was  to  vaccinate  all  the  inhabitants 
upon  the  coast,  and  an  order  providing  for  me  all  necessary 
supplies  of  food  and  horses  for  my  journey.  These  were  to 
be  furnished  me  by  the  people,  among  whom  I  found  myself 
cast.     They  were,  also,  directed  to  treat  me  with  respect,  and 

Helen  Hunt  Jackson,  "Father  Junipero  and  his  Work,"  in  Century,  iv,  pp.  3-18, 
199-2 15;  Doyle,  "Missions  of  Alta  California,"  ihid.,  xix,  pp.  389-402;  Jackson» 
Glimpses  of  Calijornia  and  the  Missions  (Boston,  1902);  Carter,  Missions  of 
Nueva  California  (San  Francisco,  1900),  and  Clinch,  California  and  its  Missions, 
(San  Francisco,  1904). —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattte's  Personal  Narrative  I'j^ 

indemnify  me  for  my  services,  as  far  as  they  thought  proper. 
The  latter  charge  did  not  strike  me  agreeably;  for  I  foresaw, 
that  upon  such  conditions  my  services  would  not  be  worth 
one  cent  to  me.  However,  the  prospect  of  one  whole  year's 
liberty  was  so  delightful,  that  I  concluded  to  trust  in  Provi- 
dence, and  the  generosity  of  the  stranger,  and  think  no  more 
of  the  matter.  With  these  feelings  I  set  forth  to  the  next 
mission,  at  which  I  had  already  been.  It  was  called  San 
Luis.^"" 

I  reached  it  in  the  evening.  I  found  an  old  priest,  who 
seemed  glad  to  see  me.  I  gave  him  the  General's  letter. 
After  he  had  read  it,  he  said,  with  regard  to  that  part  of  it 
which  spoke  of  payment,  that  I  had  better  take  certificates 
from  the  priests  of  each  mission,  as  I  advanced  up  the  coast, 
stating  that  I  had  vaccinated  their  inhabitants;  and  that 
when  I  arrived  at  the  upper  mission,  where  one  of  the  high 
dignitaries  of  the  church  resided,  I  should  receive  my  recom- 
pense for  the  whole.  Seeing  nothing  at  all  singular  in  this 
advice,  I  concluded  to  adopt  it. 

In  the  morning  I  entered  on  the  performance  of  my  duty. 
My  subjects  were  Indians,  the  missions  being  entirely  com- 
posed of  them,  with  the  exception  of  the  priests,  who  are 
the  rulers.  [213]  The  number  of  natives  in  this  mission  was 
three  thousand,  nine  hundred  and  four.  I  took  the  old 
priest's  certificate,  as  had  been  recommended  by  him,  when 
I  had  completed  my  task.  This  is  said  to  be  the  largest, 
most  flourishing,  and  every  way  the  most  important  mission 

"*  The  mission  of  San  Luis  Rey  de  Francia,  situated  on  the  coast,  about 
eighty-five  miles  southeast  from  Los  Angeles,  was  founded  in  1798,  and  named  in 
honor  of  Louis  IX  of  France.  The  church,  the  largest  among  the  missions,  was 
completed  in  1802.  At  the  time  of  Pattie's  visit,  it  was  the  most  prosperous  mission 
in  California,  possessing  twenty-five  thousand  sheep  and  over  two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land,  on  which  were  annually  raised  twelve  thousand  bushels  of  grain. 
The  founder.  Padre  Antonio  Peyri,  was  still  in  charge,  and  to  his  fine  character  and 
administrative  ability  was  due  the  success  of  the  enterprise.  The  old  church,  the 
finest  among  the  missions,  was  recently  repaired  and  occupied  by  the  Franciscans, 
the  dedication  (1893)  of  the  re-established  mission  taking  place  with  much  cere- 
mony.—  Ed. 


276  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

on  the  coast.  For  its  consumption  fifty  beeves  are  killed 
weekly.  The  hides  and  tallow  are  sold  to  ships  for  goods, 
and  other  articles  for  the  use  of  the  Indians,  who  are  better 
dressed  in  general,  than  the  Spaniards.  All  the  income  of 
the  mission  is  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  priests,  who  give  out 
clothing  and  food,  according  as  it  is  required.  They  are 
also  self  constituted  guardians  of  the  female  part  of  the 
mission,  shutting  up  under  lock  and  key,  one  hour  after 
supper,  all  those,  whose  husbands  are  absent,  and  all  young 
women  and  girls  above  nine  years  of  age.  During  the  day, 
they  are  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  matrons.  Notwithstand- 
ing this,  all  the  precautions  taken  by  the  vigilant  fathers  of 
the  church  are  found  insufficient.  I  saw  women  in  irons 
for  misconduct,  and  men  in  the  stocks.  The  former  are 
expected  to  remain  a  widow  six  months  after  the  death  of  a 
husband,  after  which  period  they  may  marry  again.  The 
priests  appoint  officers  to  superintend  the  natives,  while 
they  are  at  work,  from  among  themselves.  They  are  called 
alcaides^  and  are  very  rigid  in  exacting  the  performance  of 
the  allotted  tasks,  applying  the  rod  to  those  who  fall  short 
of  the  portion  of  labor  assigned  them.  They  are  taught  in 
the  different  trades;  some  of  them  being  blacksmiths,  others 
carpenters  and  shoe-makers.  Those,  trained  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  music,  both  vocal  and  instrumental,  are  intended 
for  the  service  of  the  church.  The  women  and  girls  sew, 
knit,  and  spin  wool  upon  a  large  wheel,  which  is  woven  into 
blankets  by  the  men.  The  alcaides,  after  finishing  the 
business  of  the  day,  give  an  account  of  it  to  the  priest,  and 
then  kiss  his  hand,  before  they  withdraw  to  their  wigwams, 
to  pass  the  night.  This  mission  is  composed  of  parts  of 
five  different  tribes,  who  speak  different  languages. 

The  greater  part  of  these  Indians  were  brought  from  their 
native  mountains  against  their  own  inclinations,  and  by 
compulsion;  [214]  and  then  baptised;  which  act  was  as 
little  voluntary  on  their  part,  as  the  former  had  been.     After 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  277 

these  preliminaries,  they  had  been  put  to  work,  as  converted 
Indians. 

The  next  mission  on  my  way  was  that,  called  St.  John 
the  Baptist.^"  The  mountains  here  approach  so  near  the 
ocean,  as  to  leave  only  room  enough  for  the  location  of  the 
mission.  The  waves  dash  upon  the  shore  immediately  in 
front  of  it.  The  priest,  who  presides  over  this  mission,  was 
in  the  habit  of  indulging  his  love  of  wine  and  stronger  liquors 
to  such  a  degree,  as  to  be  often  intoxicated.  The  church 
had  been  shattered  by  an  earthquake.  Between  twenty  and 
thirty  of  the  Indians,  men,  women  and  children,  had  been 
suddenly  destroyed  by  the  falling  of  the  church  bells  upon 
them.  After  communicating  the  vaccine  matter  to  600 
natives,  I  left  this  place,  where  mountains  rose  behind  to 
shelter  it;  and  the  sea  stretched  out  its  boundless  expanse 
before  it. 

Continuing  my  route  I  reached  my  next  point  of  destina- 
tion. This  establishment  was  called  the  mission  of  St.  Gabriel. 


*"  This  should  be  San  Juan  Capistrano;  San  Juan  Bautista  was  further  north, 
see  note  1 19,  below.  This  mission  was  founded  with  much  difi&culty,  the  Indians 
being  hostile,  and  upon  the  news  of  the  revolt  at  San  Diego  (1775)  the  first  attempt 
was  abandoned.  The  second  (1776)  was  more  successful,  but  the  mission  made  but 
slow  progress.  Its  beautiful  stone  church  was  begun  in  1797,  and  dedicated  in  1806, 
only  to  be  partially  destroyed  by  the  earthquake,  to  which  Pattie  refers,  in  181 2. 
The  ruins  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  are  among  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  California 
missions;  they  are  situated  near  a  small  town  of  that  name,  on  the  Southern  CaH- 
fomia  Railroad,  fifty-eight  miles  southeast  of  Los  Angeles. 

San  Gabriel  was  the  fourth  mission  founded  on  the  southern  coast  by  the 
Franciscans.  It  was  established  in  1771,  near  San  Pedro  Bay,  where  had  been 
recorded  a  miracle  upon  the  unfurling  of  a  banner  bearing  a  painting  of  the  Virgin. 
Somewhat  later  the  mission  was  removed  to  the  foothills,  and  being  on  the  road 
from  Monterey  to  San  Diego,  attained  considerable  wealth  and  importance.  In 
1832  the  Spanish  government  secured  from  this  mission  a  forced  loan  of  $120,000 
in  gold.  The  existing  church  of  the  mission  is  much  visited,  being  but  nine  miles 
east  of  Los  Angeles. 

San  Pedro  was  the  port  both  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  San  Gabriel  mission.  The 
bay  was  named  by  Viscaino  (1602),  and  next  to  the  four  presidial  ports  it  was  the 
most  important  on  the  coast,  and  the  spot  where  much  smuggling  took  place.  In 
1846,  during  the  American  conquest  of  the  province,  a  battle  was  fought  not  far 
from  San  Pedro,  between  CaUfornians  and  Americans;  the  latter  under  Captain 
William  Mervine,  were  defeated. —  Ed. 


278  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

Here  I  vaccinated  960  individuals.  The  course  from  the 
mission  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  to  this  place  led  me  from 
the  sea- shore,  a  distance  of  from  eighteen  to  twenty  miles. 
Those,  who  selected  the  position  of  this  mission,  followed 
the  receding  mountains.  It  extends  from  their  foot,  having 
in  front  a  large  tract  of  country  showing  small  barren  hills, 
and  yet  affording  pasturage  for  herds  of  cattle  so  numerous, 
that  their  number  is  unknown  even  to  the  all  surveying  and 
systematic  priests.  In  this  species  of  riches  St.  Gabriel 
exceeds  all  the  other  establishments  on  the  coast.  The 
sides  of  the  mountains  here  are  covered  with  a  growth  of 
live  oak  and  pine.  The  chain  to  which  these  mountains 
belong,  extends  along  the  whole  length  of  the  coast.  The 
fort  St.  Peter  stands  on  the  sea  coast,  parallel  to  this  mission. 

My  next  advance  was  to  a  small  town,  inhabited  by  Span- 
iards, called  the  town  of  The  Angels.^"*  The  houses  have 
flat  roofs,  covered  with  bituminous  pitch,  brought  from  a 
place  within  four  miles  of  the  town,  where  this  article  boils 
up  from  the  earth.  As  the  liquid  rises,  hollow  bubbles  like 
a  shell  of  a  [215]  large  size,  are  formed.  When  they  burst, 
the  noise  is  heard  distinctly  in  the  town.  The  material  is 
obtained  by  breaking  off  portions,  that  have  become  hard, 
with  an  axe,  or  something  of  the  kind.  The  large  pieces 
thus  separated,  are  laid  on  the  roof,  previously  covered  with 
earth,  through  which  the  pitch  cannot  penetrate,  when  it  is 
rendered  liquid  again  by  the  heat  of  the  sun.  In  this  place 
I  vaccinated  2,500  persons. 

From  this  place  I  went  to  the  mission  of  St.  Ferdinand, 
where  I  communicated  the  matter  to  967   subjects.     St. 

'"*  Los  Angeles  was  the  second  pueblo  (municipality)  founded  by  the  Spaniards 
in  Upper  California.  A  colony  of  forty-six  persons  came  overland  from  Mexico 
in  1781,  and  established  itself  at  this  point  (September  4).  By  Pattie's  time  the 
town  had  about  eighty  houses  and  seven  hundred  inhabitants.  The  ancient  Span- 
ish church,  facing  the  plaza  in  this  city,  dates  from  1822,  eleven  years  being  occupied 
in  its  building. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  279 

Ferdinand  is  thirty  miles  east  of  the  coast,  and  a  fine  place 
in  point  of  position."® 

The  mission  of  St.  Buenaventura  succeeded.""  Not  long 
previous  to  my  arrival  here,  two  priests  had  eloped  from  the 
establishment,  taking  with  them  what  gold  and  silver  they 
could  lay  their  hands  upon.  They  chose  an  American 
vessel,  in  which  to  make  their  escape.  I  practised  my  new 
calling  upon  1000  persons  in  this  mission. 

The  next  point  I  reached  was  the  fort  of  St.  Barbara."'  I 
found  several  vessels  lying  here.  I  went  on  board  of  them, 
and  spent  some  pleasant  evenings  in  company  with  the 
commanders.  I  enjoyed  the  contrast  of  such  society  with 
that  of  the  priests  and  Indians,  among  whom  I  had  lately 

^<"  The  Franciscans  proposed  to  establish  a  chain  of  missions  some  distance 
inland  from  the  coast.  As  part  of  this  plan,  was  founded  (1797)  the  mission  of 
San  Fernando,  twenty  miles  north  of  Los  Angeles,  named  in  honor  of  King  Ferdi- 
nand III  of  Spain  (1217-1251).  During  the  years  1820-30,  it  was  in  a  flourishing 
condition,  the  warehouse  containing  merchandise  to  the  value  of  $50,000.  The 
mission  was  sold  (1846)  to  Eulogio  CeHs  to  help  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war 
with  the  United  States,  but  the  title  was  not  sustained  by  the  American  courts. 
San  Fernando  has  suffered  little  from  the  hands  of  the  restorer,  the  buildings  belong- 
ing still  to  a  ranch,  and  affording  a  good  picture  of  the  general  aspect  of  a  Fran- 
ciscan mission. —  Ed. 

""  Soon  after  the  founding  of  San  Diego,  Serra  had  wished  to  erect  a  mission 
in  honor  of  San  Buenaventxira.  But  various  reasons  hindered  his  purpose,  which 
was  not  accomplished  until  1782;  it  was  the  last  mission  erected  during  his  lifetime. 
The  church,  the  only  building  now  standing,  was  begun  in  1797;  it  was  much 
damaged  by  the  earthquake  of  1812,  but  later  being  repaired,  now  stands  in  the 
midst  of  the  busy  American  city  of  Ventura.  The  two  friars  who  fled  from  this 
mission  in  January,  1828,  were  RipoU  and  Altmira,  who  went  on  board  the  "Har- 
binger" at  Santa  Barbara,  and  never  returned.  It  is  believed  they  ultimately 
reached  Spain. —  Ed. 

"*  The  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara,  one  of  the  four  forts  by  which  the  Spaniards 
held  Cahfomia,  was  founded  in  1782.  The  mission  itself  was  not  begun  until  four 
years  later.  It  became  one  of  the  most  important  of  all  the  missions,  and  by  1800 
was  wealthy.  The  church  was  so  much  damaged  by  the  earthquake  of  18 12  that 
a  new  structure  was  erected,  which  to-day  is  in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation,  and 
one  thoroughly  typical  of  mission  architecture.  After  secularization  (1834),  the 
mission  was  neglected  for  twenty  years;  but  the  Franciscans  again  took  possession 
of  the  property,  and  estabUshed  a  religious  community  therein,  which  is  still  main- 
tained for  the  education  of  novitiates. —  Ed. 


2  8o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

been.  This  place  has  a  garrison  of  fifty  or  sixty  soldiers. 
The  mission  lies  a  half  a  mile  N.  W.  of  the  fort.  It  is  situ- 
ated on  the  summit  of  a  hill,  and  affords  a  fine  view  of  the 
great  deep.  Many  are  the  hours  I  passed  during  this  long 
and  lonely  journey,  through  a  country  every  way  strange  and 
foreign  to  me,  in  looking  on  the  ceaseless  motion  of  its  waves. 
The  great  Leviathan  too  played  therein.  I  have  often 
watched  him,  as  he  threw  spouts  of  water  into  the  air,  and 
moved  his  huge  body  through  the  liquid  surface.  My  sub- 
jects here  amounted  to  2600.  They  were  principally  Indians. 
The  next  mission  on  my  route  was  that  called  St.  Enos."^ 
I  vaccinated  900  of  its  inhabitants,  and  proceeded  to  St. 
Cruz,"^  where  I  operated  upon  650.  My  next  advance  was 
to  St.  Luis  Obispes."^  Here  I  found  800  subjects.  The 
mission  of  St.  Michael  followed  in  order.  In  it  I  vaccinated 
1850  persons."*  [216]  My  next  theatre  of  operations  was  at 
St.  John  Bapistrano.""    900  was  the  number  that  received 

*"  By  "St.  Enos,"  Pattie  refers  to  the  mission  of  Santa  Inez,  the  nineteenth  to 
be  established  (1804),  it  being  at  first  an  offshoot  of  Santa  Barbara.  Its  first 
church  was  destroyed  in  the  earthquake  of  181 2;  the  present  building  is  plain  and 
uninteresting.  At  Santa  Inez  was  started  the  great  Indian  revolt  of  1824.  At  the 
time  of  secularization  it  was  one  of  the  smaller  missions,  valued  at  only  $56,000. 
Because  of  its  inaccessibility  within  the  Santa  Inez  mountains,  forty  miles  from 
Santa  Barbara,  it  is  now  little  visited. —  Ed. 

"^  Pattie  here  makes  a  mistake  in  his  itinerary.  Either  he  is  refening  to  La 
Purissima  mission,  estabhshed  in  1787  (re-estabhshed  181 2),  on  Santa  Inez  River, 
eighteen  miles  from  the  mission  of  that  name,  or  he  has  misplaced  his  visit  to  Santa 
Cruz  mission  (founded  1791),  north  of  Monterey. —  Ed. 

"*  San  Luis  Obispo  was  one  of  the  early  missions,  being  foimded  by  Serra  in 
1772,  about  midway  between  Monterey  and  Santa  Barbara.  Its  buildings  were 
several  times  destroyed  by  fire,  and  its  prosperity  was  of  slower  growth  than  that 
of  the  more  southern  missions.  The  present  buildings,  in  the  flourishing  modem 
town  of  its  name,  retain  but  little  of  the  early  mission  architecture,  having  been 
completely  changed  by  frequent  restorations. —  Ed. 

"^  San  Miguel  mission  (in  honor  of  Michael  the  archangel)  was  founded  in 
1797,  in  the  valley  of  Salinas  River.  The  present  church  was  begun  in  1800,  and 
is  chiefly  interesting  for  its  interior  decoration,  designed  and  executed  by  Indians. 
Pattie  has  here  exaggerated  the  number  of  neophytes  (or  else  this  is  a  misprint), 
the  largest  enrollment  in  18 14  being  1,076. —  Ed. 

""  It  is  evident,  from  the  context,  that  Pattie  has  transposed  the  names  of  the 
two  missions,  San  Juan  Bautista  (see  note  119)  and  San  Antonio.     It  was  the  latter 


1824-1830]  Pattte's  Personal  Narrative  281 

vaccination  here.  Thence  I  went  to  La  Solada,  and  vacci- 
nated 1685,  and  then  proceeded  to  St.  Carlos,  and  commu- 
nicated the  matter  to  800."' 

From  the  latter  mission  I  passed  on  to  the  fort  of  Monte 
El  Rey,  where  is  a  garrison  of  a  hundred  soldiers."^  I  found 
here  500  persons  to  vaccinate.  The  name  of  this  place  in 
English  signifies  the  King's  mount  or  hill.  Forests  spread 
around  Monte  El  Rey  for  miles  in  all  directions,  composed 
of  thick  clusters  of  pines  and  live  oaks.  Numberless  grey 
bears  find  their  home,  and  range  in  these  deep  woods.  They 
are  frequently  known  to  attack  men.  The  Spaniards  take 
great  numbers  of  them  by  stratagem,  killing  an  old  horse 
in  the  neighborhood  of  their  places  of  resort.  They  erect 
a  scaffold  near  the  dead  animal,  upon  which  they  place 


which  he  visited  on  the  way  to  Monterey.  Situated  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  the 
San  Antonio  River,  it  was  the  third  of  all  the  missions  founded  by  Serra  (1771). 
One  of  the  most  flourishing  of  the  early  missions,  at  the  time  of  secularization  it 
was  valued  at  $90,000.  The  present  church  dates  from  about  1809.  It  is  fast 
falling  into  ruin,  owing  to  isolation  and  neglect. —  Ed. 

"'  La  Soledad  (Our  Lady  of  Solitude),  founded  in  1791,  was  one  of  the  smaller 
missions,  thus  Pattie's  numbers  are  incorrect.  Its  buildings  are  now  ahnost  in 
mins. 

The  mission  of  San  Carlos  was  founded  at  the  same  time  as  the  presidio  of 
Monterey;  but  the  following  year  (1771)  was  removed  several  miles  into  the  coun- 
try, upon  the  Carmelo  River  (named  for  the  Carmelite  friar  who  visited  this  place 
in  1602);  from  its  location,  the  mission  was  usually  spoken  of  as  Carmel.  It  was 
the  central  mission,  the  home  of  the  president,  and  was  important  rather  from  this 
fact  and  its  neighborhood  to  Monterey  than  from  the  number  of  its  neophytes. 
In  1784  Father  Junipero  Serra,  founder  of  the  missions,  died,  and  was  buried  at  this 
place.  Nearly  a  hundred  years  later  his  tomb  was  re-opened,  and  found  intact. 
The  present  church,  easily  visited  from  Monterey,  was  dedicated  in  1797;  restored 
in  1882,  it  is  still  in  good  condition,  and  service  is  held  there  monthly. —  Ed. 

"*  The  harbor  of  Monterey  was  discovered  by  the  Spanish  expedition  under 
Cabrillo,  in  1542;  but  rediscovered  and  named  by  Viscaino,  in  1602.  The  first 
land  expedition  sent  out  from  San  Diego  (177°)  failed  to  recognize  the  bay.  The 
presidio  was  built  in  June  of  that  year,  and  made  the  capital  of  the  new  province. 
It  consisted  of  a  stockaded  enclosure,  with  cannon  at  the  comers.  By  1778  a 
stone  wall  had  been  built,  and  the  safety  of  the  place  ensured.  Thenceforward, 
the  history  of  Monterey  was  the  history  of  Alta  California.  After  the  American 
conquest,  it  remained  for  many  years  a  Mexican  town.  See  Stevenson,  "Old 
Pacific  Capital,"  in  Across  the  Plains  (New  York,  1895),  pp.  77-io7-  More 
recently,  Monterey  has  become  a  seaside  resort. —  Ed. 


282  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

themselves  during  the  night,  armed  with  a  gun  or  lance. 
When  the  bear  approaches  to  eat,  they  either  shoot  it,  or 
pierce  it  with  the  lance  from  their  elevated  position.  Not- 
withstanding all  their  precautions,  however,  they  are  some- 
times caught  by  the  wounded  animal;  and  after  a  man  has 
once  wrestled  with  a  bear,  he  will  not  be  likely  to  desire  to 
make  a  second  trial  of  the  same  gymnastic  exercise.  Such, 
at  any  rate,  is  the  opinion  I  have  heard  those  express,  who 
have  had  the  good  fortune  to  come  off  alive  from  a  contest 
of  this  kind.  I  do  not  speak  for  myself  in  this  matter,  as  I 
never  came  so  near  as  to  take  the  close  hug  with  one  in  my 
life;  though  to  escape  it,  I  once  came  near  breaking  my 
neck  down  a  precipice. 

From  Monte  El  Rey  I  advanced  to  the  mission  of  St. 
Anthony,  which  lies  thirty  mUes  E.  from  the  coast. "^  In 
it  I  found  one  thousand  persons  to  inoculate.  I  had  now 
reached  the  region  of  small  pox,  several  cases  of  it  having 
occurred  in  this  mission.  The  ruling  priest  of  this  estab- 
lishment informed  me,  that  he  did  not  consider  it  either 
necessary  or  advisable  for  me  to  proceed  farther  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inoculating  the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  as  the 
small  pox  had  prevailed  universally  through  its  whole  re- 
maining extent.  As  I  had  heard,  whUe  in  [217]  San  Diego, 
great  numbers  had  been  carried  off  by  it.  I  then  told  him 
that  I  wished  to  see  the  church  officer  who  had  been  described 
to  me  by  the  first  priest  whom  I  had  seen  on  my  way  up  the 
coast.  He  furnished  me  a  horse,  and  I  set  off  for  the  port 
of  San  Francisco,  vaccinating  those  whom  I  found  on  the 
way  who  had  not  had  the  small  pox. 

"•  This  was  San  Juan  Bautista  (see  note  ii6),  whose  site,  thirty  miles  northeast 
of  Monterey,  was  chosen  in  1786.  A  mission  was  not  founded  there  until  1797, 
when  was  begun  the  chapel  which  was  dedicated  in  1812;  it  still  stands,  although 
much  altered  from  its  first  appearance.  Music  was  a  feature  of  San  Juan  Bautista; 
there  is  stiU  to  be  seen  within  the  building  an  old  barrel  organ  which  was  made  in 
England  in  1735.  As  this  was  a  prosperous  mission  at  the  date  of  Pattie's  visit, 
no  doubt  his  figures  are  correct.  He  omitted  from  his  tour  the  northern  missions 
of  Santa  Cruz,  Santa  Clara,  San  Jose,  San  Rafael  Archangel,  and  Solano  de 
Sonoma. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  283 

I  reached  the  above  mentioned  place /^^  on  the  twentieth 
of  June,  1829.  Finding  the  person  of  whom  I  was  in  search, 
I  presented  him  all  the  certificates  of  the  priests  of  the  mis- 
sions in  which  I  had  vaccinated,  and  the  letter  of  the  Gen- 
eral. I  had  inoculated  in  all  twenty-two  thousand  persons. 
After  he  had  finished  the  perusal  of  these  papers,  he  asked 
me,  what  I  thought  my  services  were  worth?  I  replied,  that 
I  should  leave  that  point  entirely  in  his  judgment  and 
decision.  He  then  remarked,  that  he  must  have  some  time 
to  reflect  upon  the  subject,  and  that  I  must  spend  a  week  or 
two  with  him.  I  consented  willingly  to  this  proposal,  as  I 
was  desirous  of  crossing  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  to  the 
Russian  settlement,  called  the  Bodego.^" 

I  proceeded  to  carry  my  wish  into  execution  on  the  23rd, 
accompanied  by  two  Coriac  Indians,  whose  occupation  was 

""  It  is  visually  conceded  that  none  of  the  early  explorers  —  Cabrillo,  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  or  Viscaino  —  sighted  the  present  San  Francisco  Bay,  although  that  name 
had  been  apphed  to  the  harborage  under  Point  Reyes,  now  known  as  Drake's  Bay. 
Therefore  it  was  the  land  expedition  under  Portata  (1769-70),  who  first  saw  the 
southern  shore  of  the  great  bay,  and  attempted  to  pass  around  it  to  old  Port  San 
Francisco.  FaiUng  in  this,  the  party  turned  back  to  Monterey  and  were  succeeded 
by  two  more  exploring  parties  in  1773  and  1774.  The  following  year  (1775) 
Ayala  first  entered  the  bay  from  the  ocean.  Serra  had  long  wished  to  found  a 
mission  in  honor  of  Saint  Francis;  he  therefore  besought  a  colony  from  Mexico, 
to  establish  a  presidio  which  should  guard  such  an  outlying  mission.  This  being 
arranged,  an  expedition  under  the  lead  of  Moraga  set  forth  in  1776,  and  in  Septem- 
ber of  that  year  formally  installed  the  presidio,  the  mission  being  dedicated  in 
October.  The  mission  lay  south  of  the  fort,  and  is  now  included  in  the  Umits  of 
the  city,  where  the  church  (dedicated  in  1795)  still  stands.  It  was  never  a  pros- 
perous mission,  owing  partly  to  the  climate,  and  partly  to  the  character  of  the 
Indians.  Moraga  continued  as  commandant  of  the  presidio  until  his  death  in 
1785.  Fort  San  Joaquin  was  finished  in  1794,  when  there  was  a  total  population 
of  about  one  thousand.  The  United  States  flag  was  raised  on  the  plaza  in  1846. 
Under  the  Spaniards,  San  Francisco  was  always  an  outpost  maintained  for  defense; 
its  importance  began  with  the  discovery  of  gold  in  1848. —  Ed. 

^^'  The  Russian  Fur  Company,  having  under  Rezanof  explored  the  coast  in 
1806,  desired  to  erect  thereon  a  trading  post,  and  in  181 2  Baranof  dispatched  an 
expedition  to  Bodega  Bay.  A  site  for  the  settlement  was  selected  about  eighteen 
miles  above  the  bay,  and  a  fort  with  ten  cannons  was  erected,  named  Ross.  Although 
the  Spanish  officials  protested  against  this  occupation  of  their  territory  there  was 
never  an  open  coUision,  and  the  trade  was  profitable  to  the  CaUfomians.  The 
Russian  settlement  was  therefore  maintained  until  1841,  being  then  voluntarily 
abandoned. —  Ed. 


284  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

the  killing  of  sea  otters  for  the  Russians,  who  hire  them  into 
their  service.  Those  who  pursue  this  employment,  have 
water  crafts  made  of  the  sea  lions'  skins,  in  the  shape  of  a 
canoe.  Over  this  spreads  a  top,  completely  covered  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  the  entrance  of  any 
water.  An  opening  is  left  at  the  bow  and  stern,  over  which 
the  person  who  has  entered  draws  a  covering  of  the  same 
material  with  that  of  the  boat,  which  fastens  firmly  over  the 
aperture  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  make  this  part  entirely 
water  proof,  as  any  other  portion  of  the  boat.  Two  persons 
generally  occupy  it.  No  position  can  be  more  secure  than 
theirs,  from  all  the  dangers  of  the  sea.  The  waves  dash 
over  them  harmless.  The  occupants  are  stationed,  one  at 
the  bow,  and  the  other  at  the  stern;  the  latter  guides 
the  boat,  while  the  other  is  provided  with  a  [218]  spear, 
which  he  darts  into  the  otter  whenever  he  comes  within  its 
reach.     Great  numbers  are  thus  taken. 

But  to  return  to  myself:  We  crossed  the  bay,  which  is 
about  three  miles  in  width.  It  is  made  by  the  entrance  of 
a  considerable  river,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Rio  de  San 
Francisco.  After  we  reached  the  north  shore,  we  travelled 
through  a  beautiful  country,  with  a  rich  soil,  well  watered 
and  timbered,  and  reached  the  Russian  settlement  in  the 
night,  having  come  a  distance  of  thirty  miles.  As  our 
journey  had  been  made  on  foot,  and  we  had  eaten  nothing, 
I  was  exceedingly  fatigued  and  hungry.  I  accompanied 
my  fellow  travellers,  who  belonged  here,  to  their  wigwams, 
where  I  obtained  some  food,  and  a  seal  skin  to  sleep  upon. 
Early  in  the  morning  I  arose,  and  learning  from  one  of  my 
late  companions  where  was  the  dwelling  of  the  commander 
of  the  place,  I  proceeded  towards  it.  I  had  become  ac- 
quainted with  this  person  while  I  was  vaccinating  the  inhab- 
itants of  San  Diego.  He  came  there  in  a  brig,  and  insisted 
upon  my  promising  him  that  I  would  come  and  communicate 
the  remedy  to  the  people  of  his  establishments,  offering  to 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  285 

recompense  me  for  my  services.  I  agreed  to  do  what  he 
wished,  should  it  be  in  my  power.  Accordingly,  finding  that 
the  Spaniard  did  not  intend  to  keep  a  strict  guard  over  my 
movements,  I  availed  myself  of  this  opportunity  of  fulfilling 
the  expressed  wish  of  Don  Seraldo,  for  so  was  he  called.  I 
reached  the  place  pointed  out  to  me  by  the  friendly  Indian, 
and  was  received  by  the  above  mentioned  gentleman  with 
the  warmest  expressions  of  kindness  and  friendship.  He 
said  that  so  long  a  time  had  elapsed  since  he  saw  me,  he  was 
afraid  I  had  forgotten  our  conversation  together,  and  that 
circumstances  had  rendered  my  coming  to  him  impossible. 
He  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  fear  that  the  small  pox 
would  spread  among  his  people,  before  he  should  be  enabled 
to  prevent  danger  from  it,  through  the  means  of  the  kine  pox. 

After  breakfast,  he  circulated  an  order  among  the  people, 
for  all  who  wished  to  be  provided  with  a  safe  guard  against 
the  terrible  malady  that  had  approached  them  so  near,  to 
come  to  [219]  his  door.  In  a  few  hours  I  began  my  opera- 
tions; and  continued  to  be  constantly  occupied  for  three 
days,  vaccinating  during  this  period  fifteen  hundred  indi- 
viduals. I  reminded  them  all  that  they  must  return  on  the 
fourth  day,  provided  no  signs  of  the  complaint  appeared; 
and  that  they  were  not  to  rub,  or  roughly  touch  the  spot, 
should  the  vaccine  matter  have  proper  effect. 

This  done,  Don  Seraldo  offered  to  accompany  me  through 
the  fort  and  around  the  settlement,  in  order  to  show  me  the 
position,  and  every  thing  which  might  be  new  and  inter- 
esting to  me.  Its  situation  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  that 
I  ever  beheld,  or  that  the  imagination  can  conceive.  The 
fort  stands  on  the  brow  of  a  handsome  hill,  about  two  hun- 
dred feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  This  hill  is  surrounded 
on  all  sides  for  two  miles  with  a  charming  plain.  A  lofty 
mountain  whose  sides  present  the  noblest  depth  of  forest, 
raises  a  summit,  glittering  with  perpetual  ice  and  snow  on 
one  hand,  and  on  the  other  the  level  surface  is  lost  in  the 


286  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

waves  of  the  sea.  Clear  cold  streams  pour  down  the  moun- 
tain, unceasingly  from  different  points,  and  glide  through 
the  plain,  imparting  moisture  and  verdure.  The  same 
multitudes  of  domestic  animals,  that  are  every  where  seen 
in  this  country,  graze  around  in  the  pastures.  They  find 
abundant  pasturage  in  the  wild  oats,  which  grow  spon- 
taneously upon  this  coast.  Very  little  attention  is  paid  to 
cultivation,  where  so  many  advantages  are  united  to  favor 
it.  The  amount  of  produce  of  any  kind  raised  is  small, 
and  the  inhabitants  depend  for  bread  entirely  upon  the 
Spaniards. 

I  remained  in  this  delightful  place  one  week.  At  the 
expiration  of  this  time  Don  Seraldo  gave  me  one  hundred 
dollars,  as  payment  for  my  services,  and  then  mounted  me 
upon  a  horse  and  conducted  me  back  to  the  bay  himself, 
and  remained  on  the  shore,  until  he  saw  me  safe  upon  the 
other  side. 

I  soon  saw  myself  again  in  the  presence  of  the  Spanish 
priest,  from  whom  I  was  to  receive  my  recompense  for  the 
services  performed  on  my  long  tour.  He  was  not  aware 
where  I  had  been,  until  I  informed  him.  When  I  had  told 
him,  he  asked  [220]  me  what  Don  Seraldo  had  paid  me?  I 
stated  this  matter  as  it  was.  He  then  demanded  of  me, 
how  I  liked  the  coast  of  California  ?  I  answered,  that  I  very 
much  admired  the  appearance  of  the  country.  His  next 
question  was,  how  I  would  like  the  idea  of  living  in  it  ?  It 
would  be  agreeable  to  me,  I  returned,  were  it  subject  to  any 
other  form  of  government.  He  proceeded  to  question  me 
upon  the  ground  of  my  objections  to  the  present  form  of 
government?  I  was  careful  not  to  satisfy  him  on  this 
point. 

He  then  handed  me  a  written  piece  of  paper,  the  transla- 
tion of  which  is  as  follows : 

I  certify,  that  James  O.  Pattie  has  vaccinated  all  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  287 

Indians  and  whites  on  this  coast,  and  to  recompense  him 
for  the  same,  I  give  the  said  James  O.  Pattie  my  obligation 
for  one  thousand  head  of  cattle,  and  land  to  pasture  them; 
that  is,  500  cows  and  500  mules.  This  he  is  to  receive  after 
he  becomes  a  Catholic,  and  a  subject  of  this  government. 
Given  in  the  mission  of  St.  Francisco  on  the  8th  of  July,  in 
the  year  1829. 

JOHN  CABORTES 

When  I  had  read  this,  without  making  use  of  any  figure 
of  speech,  I  was  struck  dumb.  My  anger  choked  me.  As  I 
was  well  aware  of  the  fact,  that  this  man  had  it  in  his  power 
to  hang  me  if  I  insulted  him,  and  that  here  there  was  no 
law  to  give  me  redress,  and  compel  him  to  pay  me  justly  for 
my  services,  I  said  nothing  for  some  time,  but  stood  looking 
him  full  in  the  face.  I  cannot  judge  whether  he  read  my 
displeasure,  and  burning  feelings  in  my  countenance,  as  I 
thus  eyed  him,  and  would  have  sought  to  pacify  me,  or  not; 
but  before  I  made  a  movement  of  any  kind,  he  spoke, 
saying,  'you  look  displeased,  sir.'  Prudential  considerations 
were  sufficient  to  withhold  me  no  longer,  and  I  answered  in 
a  short  manner,  that  I  felt  at  that  moment  as  though  I  should 
rejoice  to  find  myself  once  more  in  a  country  where  I  should 
be  justly  dealt  by.  He  asked  me,  what  I  meant  when  I 
spoke  of  being  justly  dealt  by?  I  told  him  [221]  what  my 
meaning  was,  and  wished  to  be  in  my  own  country,  where 
there  are  laws  to  compel  a  man  to  pay  another  what  he  justly 
owes  him,  without  his  having  the  power  to  attach  to  the 
debt,  as  a  condition  upon  which  the  pajmient  is  to  depend, 
the  submission  to,  and  gratification  of,  any  of  his  whimsical 
desires.  Upon  this  the  priest's  tone  became  loud  and 
angry  as  he  said,  'then  you  regard  my  proposing  that  you 
should  become  a  Catholic,  as  the  expression  of  an  unjust 
and  whimsical  desire!'  I  told  him  'yes,  that  I  did;  and 
that  I  would  not  change  my  present  opinions  for  all  the  money 


288  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

his  mission  was  worth;  and  moreover,  that  before  I  would 
consent  to  be  adopted  into  the  society  and  companionship 
of  such  a  band  of  murderers  and  robbers,  as  I  deemed  were 
to  be  found  along  this  coast,  for  the  pitiful  amount  of  one 
thousand  head  of  cattle,  I  would  suffer  death.' 

When  I  had  thus  given  honest  and  plain  utterance  to  the 
feelings,  which  swelled  within  me,  the  priest  ordered  me  to 
leave  his  house.  I  walked  out  quickly,  and  possessed  myself 
of  my  rifle,  as  I  did  not  know,  but  some  of  his  attendants  at 
hand  might  be  set  upon  me;  for  if  the  comparison  be 
allowable  the  priests  of  this  country  have  the  people  as  much 
and  entirely  under  their  control  and  command,  as  the  people 
of  our  own  country  have  a  good  bidable  dog.  For  fear  they 
should  come  barking  at  me,  I  hastened  away,  and  proceeded 
to  a  ranch,  where  I  procured  a  horse  for  three  dollars,  which 
I  mounted,  and  took  the  route  for  Monte  El  Rey.  I  did  not 
stop,  nor  stay  on  my  journey  to  this  place.  I  found  upon 
my  arrival  there,  an  American  vessel  in  port,  just  ready  to 
sail,  and  on  the  point  of  departure. 

Meeting  the  Captain  on  shore,  I  made  the  necessary 
arrangements  with  him  for  accompanying  him,  and  we  went 
on  board  together.  The  anchor  was  now  weighed,  and  we 
set  sail.  In  the  course  of  an  hour,  I  was  thoroughly  sick,  and 
so  continued  for  one  week.  I  do  not  know  any  word,  that 
explains  my  feelings  in  this  case  so  well  as  that  of  heart 
sickness.  I  ate  nothing,  or  little  all  this  time;  but  after  I 
recovered,  my  appetite  [222]  returned  in  tenfold  strength,  and 
I  never  enjoyed  better  health  in  my  life.  We  continued  at 
sea  for  several  months,  sailing  from  one  port  to  another,  and 
finally  returned  to  that  of  Monte  El  Rey,  from  which  we  had 
set  sail. 

It  was  now  the  6th  of  January,  1830,  and  I  felt  anxious 
to  hear  something  in  relation  to  my  companions,  from  whom 
I  had  so  long  been  separated.  I  accordingly  went  on  shore, 
where  I  met  with  a  great  number  of  acquaintances,  both 


1824-1830]  Pattie*s  Personal  Narrative  289 

Americans  and  English.  The  latter  informed  me,  that 
there  was  a  revolution  in  the  country,  a  part  of  the  inhab- 
itants having  revolted  against  the  constituted  authorities. 
The  revolted  party  seemed  at  present  likely  to  gain  the 
ascendency.  They  had  promised  the  English  and  Amer- 
icans the  same  privileges,  and  liberty  in  regard  to  the  trade 
on  the  coast,  that  belonged  to  the  native  citizens,  upon  the 
condition,  that  these  people  aided  them  in  their  attempt  to 
gain  their  freedom,  by  imparting  advice  and  funds. 

This  information  gladdened  my  very  heart.  I  do  not 
know,  if  the  feeling  be  not  wrong;  but  I  instantly  thought 
of  the  unspeakable  pleasure  I  should  enjoy  at  seeing  the  gen- 
eral, who  had  imprisoned  me,  and  treated  me  so  little  like  a 
man  and  a  Christian,  in  fetters  himself.  Under  the  influ- 
ence of  these  feelings,  I  readily  and  cheerfully  appropriated 
a  part  of  my  little  store  to  their  use,  I  would  fain  have  accom- 
panied them  in  hopes  to  have  one  shot  at  the  general  with 
my  rifle.  But  the  persuasions  of  my  countrymen  to  the 
contrary  prevailed  with  me.  They  assigned,  as  reasons  for 
their  advice,  that  it  was  enough  to  give  counsel  and  funds  at 
first,  and  that  the  better  plan  would  be,  to  see  how  they 
managed  their  own  affairs,  before  we  committed  ourselves, 
by  taking  an  active  part  in  them,  as  they  had  been  found 
to  be  a  treacherous  people  to  deal  with. 

On  the  8th  of  the  month.  Gen.  Joachim  Solis  placed  him- 
self at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  well  armed, 
and  began  his  march  from  Monte  El  Rey  to  the  fort  of  St. 
Francisco.^"  He  was  accompanied  by  two  cannon,  which, 
he  said,  he  should  make  thunder,  if  the  fort  was  not  quietly 
given  up  to  him.     Gen.  Solis  had  been  transferred  from  a 


'"  Joaquin  Solis  was  a  convict  ranchero,  living  near  Monterey.  He  had  served 
in  the  war  of  independence  from  Spain,  and  had  been  sentenced  to  California  for 
brutal  crimes  which  were  thus  lightly  punished  because  of  his  military  services  to 
the  republic.  For  an  account  of  this  revolt,  from  manuscript  sources,  see  Bancroft, 
California,  iii,  pp.  67-86.  Pattie's  dates  are  erroneous,  Solis  having  left  Monte- 
rey for  San  Francisco  in  November,  1829. —  Ed. 


290  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

command  in  the  city  of  Mexico  [223]  to  take  command  of 
the  insurgents,  as  soon  as  they  should  have  formed  them- 
selves into  something  like  an  organized  party,  and  have  come 
to  a  head.  He  had  left  Monte  El  Rey  with  such  a  force  as 
circumstances  enabled  him  to  collect,  recruiting  upon  his 
route,  and  inducing  all  to  join  him,  whom  he  could  influence 
by  fair  words  and  promises.  As  has  been  said,  he  threat- 
ened the  fort  of  St.  Francisco  with  a  bloody  contest,  in  case 
they  resisted  his  wishes.  He  carried  with  him  written  ad- 
dresses to  the  inhabitants,  in  which  those,  who  would  range 
themselves  under  his  standard,  were  offered  every  thing  that 
renders  life  desirable.  They  all  flocked  round  him,  giving 
in  their  adhesion.  When  he  reached  the  fort,  he  sent  in 
his  propositions,  which  were  acceded  to,  as  soon  as  read 
by  the  majority.  The  minority  were  principally  officers. 
They  were  all  imprisoned  by  General  Solis,  as  soon  as  he 
obtained  possession  of  the  place.  He  then  proceeded  to 
make  laws,  by  which  the  inhabitants  were  to  be  governed, 
and  placed  the  fort  in  the  hands  of  those,  upon  whom,  he 
thought  he  could  depend. —  These  arrangements  being  all 
made,  he  began  his  return  to  Monte  El  Rey,  highly  delighted 
with  his  success. 

There  now  seemed  little  doubt  of  his  obtaining  possession 
of  the  whole  coast  in  the  course  of  a  few  months.  He 
remained  at  Monte  El  Rey  increasing  his  force,  and  drilling 
the  new  recruits,  until  the  28th  of  March,  when  he  again 
marched  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  soldiers.  The  present 
object  of  attack  was  Santa  Barbara,  where  the  commander 
under  the  old  regime  was  stationed.  The  latter  was  Gen. 
Echedio,  my  old  acquaintance  of  San  Diego,  for  whom  I 
bore  such  good  will.^^^    He  was  not  in  the  least  aware  of 

'^  Jose  Maria  de  Echeandia  was  the  first  governor  of  California  after  it  passed 
under  the  Mexican  government.  A  heutenant-colonel  in  the  army,  he  had  been 
director  of  the  college  of  engineers  at  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego 
in  October,  1825,  to  assume  his  new  oflScial  duties.  By  establishing  his  ofl&cial 
residence  at  San  Diego,  he  gave  offense  to  the  Montereyans,  and  thus  promoted  the 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  291 

the  visit  intended  him  by  Gen.  Sohs;  the  latter  having  pre- 
vented any  tidings,  upon  the  subject  reaching  him,  by  posting 
sentinels  thickly  for  some  distance  upon  the  road,  that  lay 
between  them,  to  intercept  and  stop  any  one  passing  up  or 
down.  The  insurgent  General  had  as  yet  succeeded  in  his 
plans;  and  was  so  elated  with  the  prospect  of  surprising 
Gen.  Echedio,  and  completely  dispossessing  him  of  his 
power,  and  consequently  having  all  in  his  own  hands,  that 
he  [224]  did  not  consider  it  necessary  any  longer  to  conceal 
his  real  character.  The  professions  of  the  kind  purposes  of 
the  insurgent  towards  the  English  and  Americans  will  be 
recollected ;  and  also,  that  it  was  at  a  time  when  application 
was  made  by  these  Spaniards  to  them  for  aid.  The  tone 
was  now  changed.  Threats  were  now  made,  with  regard  to 
the  future  treatment,  which  we,  unfortunate  foreigners,  might 
expect,  as  soon  as  Gen.  Solis  became  master  of  the  coast. 
We  learned  this  through  a  Mexican  Spaniard,  whose 
daughter  Captain  Cooper  had  married. ^^^    This  old  gentle- 


Solis  revolt.  His  successor  was  appointed  in  1830,  but  did  not  assume  office  until 
January,  183 1.  The  same  year,  Echeandia  himself  became  concerned  in  a  revolt 
which  placed  him  practically  at  the  head  of  the  government  in  California  until 
January  14,  1833,  when  a  new  appointee  arrived  from  Mexico,  bearing  orders  to 
Echeandia  to  proceed  thither.  The  latter  thereupon  sailed  from  San  Diego,  May 
14,  1833,  never  again  to  visit  California.  He  thereafter  devoted  his  time  to  engi- 
neering duties,  and  is  known  to  have  been  so  occupied  in  1856,  and  to  have  died 
before  1871.  A  somewhat  indolent  man,  of  infirm  temper,  he  was  nevertheless 
popular  with  the  Mexican  party  in  CaUfomia. —  Ed. 

"*  Captain  John  Roger  Cooper  was  an  American  who  in  1823  arrived  in  Cali- 
fornia from  Boston,  master  of  the  ship  "  Rover."  Selling  his  vessel  to  the  governor, 
he  continued  his  trading  voyages  until  1826,  when  he  settled  at  Monterey  and 
turned  merchant.  Being  naturahzed  in  1830,  he  became  one  of  the  well-knovra 
characters  of  the  Mexican  capital.  In  1839,  he  returned  to  sea-faring,  and  con- 
tinued therein  for  ten  or  eleven  years  more,  returning  to  Monterey  as  harbor-master 
in  185 1.     He  died  at  San  Francisco  in  1872. 

Cooper's  father-in-law  was  Ignacio  Vallejo,  one  of  the  earliest  and  best  known 
of  the  Mexican  residents.  Vallejo  was  bom  in  Guadalaxara  (1748),  of  pure  Span- 
ish descent,  and  went  to  Cahfornia  with  the  first  expedition  (1769);  he  died  at 
Monterey  in  1831.  Being  the  only  civil  engineer  of  the  province,  he  devoted  much 
time  to  irrigating  works.  See  Shinn,  "Pioneer  Spanish  Families  in  California,"  in 
Century  Magazine,  xix,  pp.  377-389- — Ed. 


292  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

man  was  told  by  the  General,  that  he  intended  either  to 
compel  every  American  and  Englishman  to  swear  allegiance 
to  the  government,  which  should  be  established,  or  drive 
them  from  the  country.  This  information  was,  however, 
not  communicated  to  us,  until  the  General  had  departed. 
We  held  a  consultation  upon  the  subject,  to  devise  some 
means,  which  should  render  him  incapable  of  carrying  his 
good  intentions  towards^  us  into  efifect.  No  other  expedient 
suggested  itself  to  us,  but  that  of  sending  General  Echedio 
information  of  the  proposed  attack,  in  time  to  enable  him 
to  be  prepared  for  it.  We  agreed  upon  this,  and  a  letter 
was  written,  stating  what  we  deemed  the  points  most  neces- 
sary for  him  to  know.  The  signatures  of  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  the  place  were  affixed  to  it;  for  those  who 
think  alike  upon  important  points  soon  understand  one 
another;  and  the  character  of  Solis  had  not  been  unveiled 
to  us  alone.  It  was  important,  that  General  Echedio 
should  attach  consequence  to  our  letter,  and  the  information, 
it  contained,  would  come  upon  him  so  entirely  by  surprize, 
that  he  might  very  naturally  entertain  doubts  of  its  correct- 
ness. I  added  my  name  to  those  of  the  party  to  which  I 
belonged.  The  object  now  was  to  have  our  document  con- 
veyed safely  into  the  hands  of  Gen.  Echedio.  We  sent  a 
runner  with  two  good  horses  and  instructions,  how  to  pass 
the  army  of  Solis  in  the  night  undiscovered.  All  proceedings 
had  been  conducted  with  so  much  secrecy  and  caution,  that 
the  matter  so  far  rested  entirely  with  ourselves.  We  occa- 
sionally heard  the  citizens  around  [225]  us  express  dislike 
towards  the  insurgent  General;  but  as  they  did  not  seem 
inclined  to  carry  their  opinions  into  action,  we  concluded 
these  were  only  remarks  made  to  draw  out  our  thoughts,  and 
took  no  notice  of  them.  From  after  circumstances  I  believe, 
that  the  number  of  his  enemies  exceeded  that  of  his  friends; 
and  that  the  remarks,  of  which  I  have  spoken,  were  made  in 
truth  and  sincerity.     Mean  while  we  impatiently  awaited 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  293 

some  opportunity  of  operating  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
General,  and  to  hear  what  had  taken  place  between  him 
and  Gen.  Echedio.  A  messenger  arrived  on  the  12th  of 
April  with  the  information,  that  the  commander  of  the  in- 
surgents had  ranged  his  men  for  three  days  in  succession 
before  the  fort  upon  the  plain.  A  continual  firing  had  been 
kept  up  on  both  sides,  during  the  three  days,  at  the  expiration 
of  which  Gen.  Solis,  having  expended  his  ammunition,  and 
consumed  his  provisions,  was  compelled  to  withdraw,  having 
sustained  no  loss,  except  that  of  one  horse  from  a  sustained 
action  of  three  days!  The  spirit  with  which  the  contest 
was  conducted  may  be  inferred  from  a  fact,  related  to  me. 
The  cannon  balls  discharged  from  the  fort  upon  the  enemy 
were  discharged  with  so  little  force,  that  persons  arrested 
them  in  their  course,  without  sustaining  any  injury  by  so 
doing,  at  the  point,  where  in  the  common  order  of  things, 
they  must  have  inflicted  death. 

Upon  the  reception  of  this  news,  we  joined  in  the  prev- 
alent expression  of  opinion  around  us.  The  name  and 
fame  of  Gen.  Solis  was  exalted  to  the  skies.  All  the  florid 
comparisons,  usual  upon  such  occasions,  were  put  in  requisi- 
tion, and  all  the  changes  were  sung  upon  his  various  char- 
acteristics wit,  honor  and  courage.  The  point  was  carried 
so  far  as  to  bring  him  within  some  degrees  of  relationship  to 
a  supernatural  being.  Then  the  unbounded  skill  he  displayed 
in  marshalling  his  force,  and  his  extreme  care  to  prevent  the 
useless  waste  of  his  men's  lives  were  expatiated  upon,  and 
placed  in  the  strongest  light.  The  climax  of  his  excellence 
was  his  having  retreated  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  This 
was  the  burden  of  our  theme  to  his  friends,  that  is,  the  fifty 
soldiers,  in  whose  charge  he  had  left  the  command  of  the 
[226]  fort.  The  Captain  Cooper,  of  whom  I  have  spoken, 
looked  rather  deeper  into  things,  than  those  around  him; 
and  consequently  knew  the  most  effectual  means  of  operating 
upon  the  inefficient  machines,  in  the  form  of  men,  which  it 


294  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

was  necessary  for  our  present  purpose,  to  remove  out  of  the 
way  for  a  time.  Accordingly  he  rolled  out  a  barrel  of  good 
old  rum,  inviting  all  the  friends  of  the  good  and  great  Gen. 
Solis  to  come,  and  drink  his  health.  The  summons  was 
readily  obeyed  by  them.  Being  somewhat  elevated  in  spirit 
by  the  proceedings  of  their  noble  general,  previous  to  swallow- 
ing the  genuine  inspiration  of  joy,  the  feeling  afterwards 
swelled  to  an  extent,  that  burst  all  bounds,  and  finally  left 
them  prostrate  and  powerless.  We,  like  good  Christians, 
with  the  help  of  some  of  the  inhabitants,  conveyed  them 
into  some  strong  houses,  which  stood  near,  while  they  re- 
mained in  their  helpless  condition,  locking  the  doors  safely, 
that  no  harm  might  come  to  them.  In  our  pity  and  care 
for  them,  we  proposed,  that  they  should  remain,  until  they 
felt  that  violent  excitements  are  injurious,  from  the  natural 
re-action  of  things.  We  now  proceeded  to  circulate  another 
set  of  views,  and  opinions  among  the  inhabitants  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  fort ;  and  such  was  our  success  in  the  business 
of  indoctrination,  that  we  soon  counted  all  their  votes  on 
our  side. 

General  Solis  was  now  pitched  down  the  depths,  as  heartily 
as  he  had  before  been  exalted  to  the  heights.  Huzza  for 
Gen.  Echedio  and  the  Americans!  was  the  prevailing  cry. 

The  next  movement  was  to  make  out  a  list  of  our  names, 
and  appoint  officers.  Our  number  including  Scotch,  Irish, 
English,  Dutch  and  Americans,  amounted  to  thirty-nine. 
The  number  of  Americans,  however,  being  the  greatest,  our 
party  received  the  designation  of  American.  Captain  Cooper 
was  our  commanding  officer.  We  now  marched  up  to  the 
castle,  which  is  situated  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice,  over- 
looking the  sea,  and  found  four  brass  field  pieces,  mounted 
on  carriages.  These  we  concluded  to  carry  with  us  to  the 
fort.  The  remainder  placed  so  as  to  command  a  sweep  of 
the  surface  of  water  below,  and  the  surrounding  ground,  we 
spiked  fearing,  if  they  fell  into  the  [227]  hands  of  Solis,  that 


1824-1830]  Puttie's  Personal  Narrative  295 

he  might  break  down  our  walls  with  them.  This  done, 
we  went  to  the  magazine,  and  broke  it  open,  taking  what 
powder  and  ball  we  wanted.  We  then  posted  sentinels  for 
miles  along  the  road,  to  which  we  knew  Solis  was  hastening 
in  order  to  prevent  news  of  our  proceedings  from  reaching 
him,  before  it  was  convenient  for  us,  that  he  should  know 
them.  We  were  aware  of  his  intention  to  return  here  to 
recruit  again,  and  it  was  our  wish  to  surprize  him  by  an 
unexpected  reception,  and  thus  obtain  an  advantage,  which 
should  counterbalance  his  superiority  of  numbers.  In  so 
doing,  we  only  availed  ourselves  of  the  precedent,  he  had 
given  us,  in  his  management  with  regard  to  Gen.  Echedio. 
He  had  not  derived  benefit  from  his  plan,  in  consequence  of 
his  too  great  confidence  of  success,  which  led  him  to  discover 
his  real  feelings  towards  our  people. 

We  hoped  to  avail  ourselves  of  what  was  wise  in  his  plan, 
and  profit  by  his  mistakes.  We  shut  up  all  the  people,  both 
men  and  women,  in  the  fort  at  night,  that  it  might  be  out  of 
their  power  to  attempt  to  make  their  way,  under  the  cover 
of  darkness,  through  our  line  of  sentinels,  to  give  information, 
should  the  inclination  be  felt.  Our  precautions  were  not 
taken  through  fear  of  him,  should  he  even  come  upon  us, 
prepared  to  encounter  us  as  enemies:  but  from  the  wish  to 
take  both  himself  and  army  prisoners.  Should  they  learn 
what  we  had  done,  we  feared,  they  would  pass  on  to  St. 
Francisco,  to  recruit,  and  thus  escape  us. 

Our  designs  were  successful ;  for  in  a  few  days  General 
Solis  and  his  men  appeared  in  sight  of  the  first  of  our  senti- 
nels, who  quickly  transmitted  this  information  to  us.  Our 
preparations  for  receiving  him  were  soon  made,  with  a 
proper  regard  to  politeness.  A  regale  of  music  from  air 
instruments,  called  cannons,  was  in  readiness  to  incline 
him  to  the  right  view  of  the  scene  before  him,  should  he  seem 
not  likely  to  conform  to  our  wish,  which  was,  simply,  that  he 
should  surrender  to  us  without  making  any  difiiculty. 


296  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

Our  fortification  was  in  the  form  of  a  square,  with  only  one 
entrance.  From  each  side  of  this  entrance  a  wall  pro- 
jected at  [228]  right  angles  from  it  fifty  yards.  The  Spaniards 
call  them  wings;  and  it  seems  to  me  a  significant  and  fitting 
name  for  them.  We  intended  to  allow  the  approaching 
party  to  advance  between  these  walls,  before  we  began  our 
part.  Our  cannons  were  charged  with  grape  and  balls, 
and  placed  in  a  position  to  produce  an  effect  between  the 
walls.  Every  man  was  now  at  his  post,  and  General  Solis 
approaching  within  sight  of  the  fort,  a  small  cannon  which 
accompanied  him  was  discharged  by  way  of  salute.  No 
answer  was  returned  to  him.  The  piece  was  reloaded,  and 
his  fife  and  drum  began  a  lively  air,  and  the  whole  body 
moved  in  a  quick  step  towards  the  fort,  entering  the  space 
between  the  wings,  of  which  I  have  spoken.  This  was  no 
sooner  done  than  our  matches  were  in  readiness  for  instant 
operation.  Captain  Cooper  commanded  them  to  surrender. 
He  was  immediately  obeyed  by  the  soldiers,  who  threw  down 
their  arms,  aware  that  death  would  be  the  penalty  of  their 
refusal.  The  General  and  six  of  his  mounted  officers  fled, 
directing  their  course  to  St.  Francisco.  Six  of  our  party 
were  soon  on  horseback  with  our  rifles,  and  in  pursuit  of 
them.  I  had  been  appointed  orderly  sergeant,  and  was  one 
of  the  six.  We  carried  orders  from  the  principal  Spanish 
civil  officer,  who  was  in  the  fort,  and  had  taken  an  active 
part  in  all  our  proceedings,  to  bring  the  General  back  with 
us,  either  dead  or  alive.  The  commands  of  our  military 
commander.  Captain  Cooper,  spoke  the  same  language. 

I  confess  that  I  wanted  to  have  a  shot  at  the  fugitive,  and 
took  pleasure  in  the  pursuit.  We  went  at  full  speed,  for  our 
horses  were  good  and  fresh.  Those  belonging  to  the  party 
we  were  so  desirous  to  overtake,  would  of  course  be  some- 
what weary,  and  jaded  by  their  long  journey.  We  had  not 
galloped  many  miles,  before  we  perceived  them  in  advance 
of  us.    As  soon  as  we  were  within  hearing  distance  of  each 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  297 

other,  I  called  upon  them  to  surrender.  They  replied  by 
wheelmg  their  horses  and  firing  at  us,  and  then  striking 
their  spurs  into  their  horses'  sides,  to  urge  them  onward. 
We  followed,  producing  more  effect  with  our  spurs  than  they 
had  done,  and  calling  upon  [229]  them  again  to  surrender, 
or  we  should  fire,  and  give  no  quarter.  They  at  length  reined 
up,  and  six  dismounted  and  laid  down  their  arms.  The 
seventh  remained  on  horse  back,  and  as  we  came  up,  fired, 
wounding  one  of  our  number  slightly  in  the  right  arm.  He 
then  turned  to  resume  his  flight ;  but  his  horse  had  not  made 
the  second  spring,  before  our  guns  brought  the  hero  from  his 
saddle.  Four  of  our  balls  had  passed  through  his  body. 
The  whole  number  being  now  assembled  together,  victors 
and  vanquished.  General  Solis  offered  me  his  sword.  I 
refused  it,  but  told  him,  that  himself  and  his  officers  must 
accompany  me  in  my  return  to  the  fort.  He  consented  to 
this  with  a  countenance  so  expressive  of  dejection,  that  I 
pitied  him,  notwithstanding  I  knew  him  to  be  a  bad  man, 
and  destitute  of  all  principle. 

The  man  who  had  lost  his  life  through  his  obstinacy,  was 
bound  upon  his  horse,  and  the  others  having  remounted 
theirs,  we  set  out  upon  our  return.  Our  captives  were  all 
disarmed  except  General  Solis,  who  was  allowed  to  retain 
his  sword.  We  reached  the  fort  three  hours  before  sunset. 
The  General  and  his  men  were  dismounted,  and  irons  put 
upon  their  legs,  after  which  they  were  locked  up  with  those 
who  had  forgotten  themselves  in  their  joy  at  the  good  fortune 
of  their  poor  general. 

These  events  occurred  on  the  i8th  of  March.  On  the  20th 
the  civil  officer  of  whom  I  have  before  spoken,  together  with 
Captain  Cooper,  despatched  a  messenger  to  General  Echedio, 
who  was  still  in  Santa  Barbara  with  written  intelligence  of 
what  we  had  accomplished.  It  was  stated  that  the  Ameri- 
cans were  the  originators  of  the  whole  matter,  and  that  their 
flag  was  waving  in  the  breeze  over  Monte  El  Rey,  where  it 


298  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

would  remain,  until  his  excellency  came  himself  to  take 
charge  of  the  place;  and  he  was  requested  to  hasten  his 
departure,  as  they  who  had  obtained  possession  were  anxious 
to  be  relieved  from  the  care  and  responsibility  they  found 
imposed  upon  them. 

We  were  very  well  aware  that  he  would  receive  our  in- 
formation with  unmingled  pleasure,  as  he  expected  Solis 
would  return  in  a  short  time  to  Santa  Barbara,  to  give  him 
another  battle.  [230]  It  was  said,  that  upon  the  reception 
of  the  letter  he  was  as  much  rejoiced  as  though  he  had  been 
requested  to  come  and  take  charge  of  a  kingdom.  As  soon  as 
he  could  make  the  necessary  arrangements  he  came  to  Monte 
El  Rey,  where  he  arrived  on  the  29th.  We  gave  the  com- 
mand of  the  place  up  to  him;  but  before  he  would  suffer  our 
flag  to  be  taken  down,  he  had  thirty  guns  discharged  in  honor 
of  it.  He  then  requested  a  list  of  our  names,  saying,  that  if 
we  would  accept  it,  he  would  give  each  one  of  us  the  right 
of  citizenship  in  his  country."^  A  splendid  dinner  was  made 
by  him  for  our  party.  On  the  night  of  the  29th  a  vessel 
arrived  in  the  port.  In  the  morning  it  was  found  to  be  a 
brig  belonging  to  the  American  consul  at  Macho,  John  W. 
Jones,  esq.,  who  was  on  board  of  it.  This  was  the  same 
person  to  whom  I  wrote  when  in  prison  at  San  Diego  by  Mr. 
Perkins.  I  met  with  him,  and  had  the  melancholy  pleasure 
of  relating  to  him  in  person  my  sufferings  and  imprisonment, 
and  every  thing,  in  short,  that  had  happened  to  me  during 
my  stay  in  this  country.  This  took  place  in  my  first  inter- 
view with  him.  He  advised  me  to  make  out  a  correct  state- 
ment of  the  value  of  the  furs  I  had  lost  by  the  General's 
detention  of  me,  and  also  of  the  length  of  time  I  had  been 
imprisoned,  and  to  take  it  with  me  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 


^^  Pattie's  account  of  this  interesting  historical  event  seems  in  the  main  to  be 
accurate,  except  in  the  matter  of  dates,  in  which  his  own  narrative  is  inconsistent. 
Bancroft  appears  to  think  that  he  deliberately  falsified  the  account  of  the  capture 
of  Solis,  in  order  to  exalt  his  own  part  therein. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  299 

where  the  American  minister  resided,  and  place  it  in  his 
hands.  It  was  probable,  the  consul  continued,  that  he 
would  be  able  to  compel  the  Mexican  government  to  indem- 
nify me  for  the  loss  of  property  I  had  sustained,  and  for  the 
injustice  of  my  imprisonment. 

The  probability  of  my  success  was  not  slight,  provided  I 
could  establish  the  truth  of  my  statement,  by  obtaining  the 
testimony  of  those  who  were  eye  witnesses  of  the  facts.  I 
informed  the  consul  that  I  had  not  means  to  enable  me  to 
reach  the  city  of  Mexico.  A  gentleman  who  was  present 
during  this  conversation,  after  hearing  my  last  remark, 
mentioned  that  he  was  then  on  his  way  to  that  place,  and 
that  if  I  would  accompany  him  he  would  pay  my  expenses; 
and  if  circumstances  should  happen  to  induce  me  to  think 
of  returning  thence  to  the  United  States,  I  should  do  so  free 
of  expense.  I  expressed  my  thanks  [231]  for  this  offer,  and 
said  that  if  I  succeeded  in  recovering  only  a  portion  of 
what  I  had  lost  I  would  repay  the  money  thus  kindly  ex- 
pended in  my  behalf;  but  the  obligation  of  gratitude  imposed 
by  such  an  act,  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  repay. 

In  conformity  to  Mr.  Jones'  advice  and  instruction,  I  sat 
myself  down  to  make  out  an  account  for  the  inspection  of 
the  American  minister.  When  I  had  completed  it,  I  obtained 
the  signatures,  of  some  of  the  first  among  the  inhabitants  of 
Monte  El  Rey,  and  that  of  the  civil  officer  before  mentioned, 
testifying  as  to  the  truth  of  what  I  said,  so  far  as  the  circum- 
stances narrated  had  come  under  their  observation.  The 
General  having  received  the  list  of  our  names,  which  he 
had  requested,  he  now  desired,  that  we  might  all  come  to 
his  office,  and  receive  the  right  of  citizenship  from  his  hand, 
as  a  reward  for  what  we  had  done.  I  put  my  paper  in  my 
pocket,  and  proceeded  with  my  companions  and  Mr.  Jones 
to  the  indicated  place.  The  General  had  been  much  sur- 
prized to  find  my  name  in  the  list  furnished  him;  but  as  I 
entered  the  room,  he  arose  hastily  from  his  seat  and  shook 


ooo  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

my  hand  in  a  friendly  manner,  after  which  I  introduced  him 
to  the  consul.  He  seemed  surprised  as  he  heard  the  name 
of  this  gentleman,  but  said  nothing.  After  pointing  us  to 
seats,  he  walked  out  of  the  room,  saying  he  should  return  in 
a  few  moments.  I  concluded,  that  he  thought,  I  had  brought 
the  consul,  or  that  he  had  accompanied  me  for  the  purpose 
of  questioning  him  on  the  subject  of  my  imprisonment  and 
that  of  my  companions.  He  returned,  as  soon  as  he  had 
promised,  having  some  papers  in  his  hand.  After  he  had 
seated  himself,  he  began  to  interrogate  me  with  regard  to 
what  had  happened  to  me,  during  the  long  time  that  had 
elapsed  since  he  had  last  seen  me,  adding,  that  he  did 
not  expect  ever  to  have  met  me  again;  but  was  happy  to 
see  me  a  citizen  of  his  country.  My  answer  in  reply  to  the 
last  part  of  his  remarks  was  short.  I  told  him,  he  had  not 
yet  enjoyed  any  thing  from  that  source,  and  with  my  consent 
never  should. 

He  looked  very  serious  upon  this  manifestation  of  firmness, 
or  [232]  whatever  it  may  be  called  on  my  part,  and  requested 
to  know  my  objections  to  being  a  citizen  of  the  country? 

I  replied  that  it  was  simply  having  been  reared  in  a 
country  where  I  could  pass  from  one  town  to  another,  with- 
out the  protection  of  a  passport,  which  instead  of  affording 
real  protection,  subjected  me  to  the  examination  of  every 
petty  officer,  near  whom  I  passed,  and  that  I  should  not 
willingly  remain,  where  such  was  the  order  of  things.  Be- 
sides, I  added,  I  was  liable  to  be  thrown  into  prison  like  a 
criminal,  at  the  caprice  of  one  clothed  with  a  little  authority, 
if  I  failed  to  show  a  passport,  which  I  might  either  lose 
accidentally,  or  in  some  way,  for  which  I  might  not  have 
been  in  the  least  in  fault. 

The  General,  in  reply,  asked  me  if  in  my  country  a  for- 
eigner was  permitted  to  travel  to  and  fro,  without  first 
presenting  to  the  properly  constituted  authorities  of  our  gov- 
ernment, proof  from  those  among  the  officers  of  his  own 


1824-1830]  Puttie's  Personal  Narrative  301 

government  appointed  for  that  purpose,  of  his  being  a  person 
of  good  character^  who  might  safely  be  allowed  to  traverse  the 
country?  I  told  him  I  had  once  attempted  to  satisfy  him 
on  that  head,  and  he  very  abruptly  and  decidedly  contra- 
dicted my  account;  and  that  now  I  did  not  feel  in  the  least 
compelled,  or  inclined  to  enter  upon  the  matter  a  second 
time.  All  which  I  desired  of  him,  and  that  I  did  not  earnestly 
desire,  was,  that  he  would  give  me  a  passport  to  travel  into 
my  own  country  by  the  way  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  If  I 
could  once  more  place  my  foot  upon  its  free  soil,  and  enjoy 
the  priceless  blessings  of  its  liberty,  which  my  unfortunate 
father,  of  whom  I  could  never  cease  to  think,  and  who  had 
died  in  his  prison,  assisted  in  maintaining,  I  should  be 
satisfied. 

While  I  thus  spoke,  he  gazed  steadily  in  my  face.  His 
swarthy  complexion  grew  pale.  He  read  in  my  countenance 
a  strong  expression  of  deep  feeling,  awakened  by  the  nature 
of  the  remembrances  associated  with  him.  He  felt  that  there 
was  something  fearful  in  the  harvest  of  bitterness  which  the 
oppressor  reaps  in  return  for  his  injuries  and  cruelties.  I 
thought,  he  [233]  feared,  if  he  did  not  grant  my  request  for 
a  pass,  that  I  might  carry  into  execution  the  purposes  of 
vengeance ;  to  which  I  used  to  give  utterance  in  my  burning 
indignation  at  his  conduct  at  the  time  of  my  father's  death. 
Whenever  I  saw  him  pass  my  prison  I  seized  the  opportunity 
to  tell  him,  that  if  my  time  for  redress  ever  came,  he  would 
find  me  as  unflinching  in  my  vengeance  as  he  had  been  in  his 
injuries.  I  only  expressed  the  truth  with  regard  to  my  feel- 
ings at  the  time,  and  even  now  I  owe  it  to  candor  and  honesty 
to  acknowledge,  that  I  could  have  seen  him  at  the  moment 
of  this  conversation  suffer  any  infliction  without  pity. 

He  did  not  hesitate  to  give  the  pass  I  desired;  but  asked 
me  what  business  led  me  out  of  my  way  to  the  United  States 
around  by  the  city  of  Mexico?  My  direct  course,  he  re- 
marked, lay  in  a  straight  direction  through  New  Mexico.    For 


302  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

eply,  I  drew  out  of  my  pocket  the  paper  I  had  written  beforet 
coming  to  his  office,  and  read  it  to  him,  telling  him  that  was 
the  business  which  led  me  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  I  then 
asked  him  if  all  the  facts  there  stated  were  not  true?  His 
answer  was  in  the  affirmative;  'but,'  added  he,  'you  will  not 
be  able  to  recover  any  thing,  as  I  acted  in  conformity  to  the 
laws  of  my  country.  If  you  will  remain  in  this  country  I 
will  give  you  something  handsome  to  begin  with.'  I  assured 
him  that  I  would  not  stay,  but  I  wished  him  to  show  me 
the  laws  which  allowed,  or  justified  him  in  imprisoning  my- 
self and  my  companions  for  entering  a  country  as  we  did, 
compelled  by  misfortunes  such  as  ours.  In  return,  he  said 
he  had  no  laws  to  show,  but  those  which  recommended  him 
to  take  up  and  imprison  those  whom  he  deemed  conspirators 
against  his  country.  'What  marks  of  our  being  conspirators 
did  you  discover  in  us,'  rejoined  I,  'which  warranted  your 
imprisoning  us?  I  am  aware  of  none,  unless  it  be  the 
evidence  furnished  by  our  countenances  and  apparel,  tha 
we  had  undergone  the  extreme  of  misfortune  and  distress, 
which  had  come  upon  us  without  any  agency  on  our  part, 
and  as  inevitable  evils  to  which  every  human  being  is  liable. 
We  were  led  by  the  hope  of  obtaining  relief,  to  seek  refuge 
in  your  protection.  [234]  In  confirmation  of  our  own 
relation,  did  not  our  papers  prove  that  we  were  Americans, 
and  that  we  had  received  legal  permission  from  the  very 
government  under  which  we  then  were,  to  trade  in  the 
country?  The  printed  declaration  to  this  effect,  given  us 
by  the  governor  of  Santa  Fe,  which  we  showed  you,  you  tore 
in  pieces  before  us,  declaring  it  was  neither  a  license  nor  a 
passport.'  The  General  replied,  that  he  did  tear  up  a  paper 
given  him  by  us,  but  that  in  fact  it  was  neither  a  passport 
nor  a  license. 

'  'Now  sir,"  said  I,  "I  am  happy  that  it  is  in  my  power  to 
prove,  in  the  presence  of  the  American  consul,  the  truth  of 
what  I  have  said  with  regard  to  the  license."     I  then  pro- 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  303 

duced  another  copy  of  the  paper  torn  up  by  him,  which  had 
been  given  my  father  by  the  governor  of  Santa  Fe,  at  the 
same  time  with  the  former.  He  looked  at  it,  and  said  nothing 
more,  except  that  I  might  go  on,  and  try  what  I  could  do  in 
the  way  of  recovering  what  I  had  lost. 

The  consul  and  myself  now  left  him,  and  returned  to  Capt. 
Cooper's.  The  consul  laughed  at  me  about  my  quarrel  with 
the  General.  In  a  few  moments  the  latter  appeared  among 
us,  and  the  remainder  of  the  day  passed  away  cheerfully  in 
drinking  toasts.  When  the  General  rose  to  take  leave  of 
us,  he  requested  the  consul  to  call  upon  him  at  his  office ;  as 
he  wanted  to  converse  with  him  upon  business.  The  consul 
went,  according  to  request,  and  the  General  contracted  with 
him  for  the  transportation  of  Gen.  Solis,  and  sixteen  other 
prisoners  to  San  Bias,  on  board  his  vessel,  whence  they  were 
to  be  carried  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  The  7th  of  May  was 
fixed  for  the  departure  of  the  brig,  as  the  General  required 
some  time  for  making  necessary  arrangements,  and  pre- 
paring documents  to  accompany  the  transmission  of  the 
prisoners.  When  I  heard  that  this  delay  was  unavoidable, 
I  went  to  the  General  and  returned  my  passport,  telling  him 
I  should  want  another,  when  the  vessel  was  ready  to  sail,  as 
I  intended  to  proceed  in  it  as  far  as  San  Bias.  He  con- 
sented to  give  me  one,  and  then  joked  with  me  about  the 
[235]  honor,  I  should  enjoy,  of  accompanying  Gen.  Solis. 
I  replied  in  the  same  strain,  and  left  him. 

Captain  William  H.  Hinkley  and  myself  went  to  the 
mission  of  San  Carlos,  where  we  spent  three  days.*^^  During 
the  whole  time,  we  did  little  beside  express  our  astonish- 
ment at  what  we  saw.     We  had  fallen  upon  the  festival  days 

'^  Captain  William  S.  Hinckley  was  well  known  to  the  California  coast,  appear- 
ing there  as  master  of  a  trading  vessel  in  1830.  He  visited  the  same  ports  in  1833-34, 
and  aided  Alvarado  in  his  revolution  of  1836.  For  several  years  thereafter  he  was 
in  trouble  with  the  revenue  agents  at  San  Francisco,  charged  with  smugghng. 
Becoming  a  permanent  resident  of  that  place  in  1840,  he  was  naturalized,  married, 
and  made  an  alcalde,  as  well  as  captain  of  the  port.  He  died  just  previous  to  the 
advent  of  the  Americans  in  1846. —  Ed. 


304  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

of  some  saint,  and  the  services  performed  in  his  honor  all 
passed  under  our  eyes.  They  were  not  a  few,  nor  wanting 
in  variety,  as  this  was  a  noted  festival.  Our  admiration, 
however,  was  principally  excited  by  the  contest  between 
grizzly  bears  and  bulls,  which  constitutes  one  of  the  exhibi- 
tions of  these  people. 

Five  large  grey  bears  had  been  caught,  and  fastened  in  a 
pen  built  for  the  purpose  of  confining  the  bulls,  during  a 
bullbaiting.  One  of  the  latter  animals,  held  by  ropes,  was 
brought  to  the  spot  by  men  on  horseback,  and  thrown  down. 
A  bear  was  then  drawn  up  to  him,  and  they  were  fastened 
together  by  a  rope  about  fifteen  feet  in  length,  in  such  a 
manner,  that  they  could  not  separate  from  each  other.  One 
end  of  it  is  tied  around  one  of  the  forefeet  of  the  bull,  and 
the  other  around  one  of  the  hind  feet  of  the  bear.  The  two 
were  then  left  to  spring  upon  their  feet.  As  soon  as  this 
movement  is  made,  the  bull  makes  at  the  bear,  very  often 
deciding  the  fate  of  the  ferocious  animal  in  this  first  act.  If 
the  bull  fails  in  goring  the  bear,  the  fierce  animal  seizes  him 
and  tears  him  to  death.  Fourteen  of  the  latter  lost  their 
lives,  before  the  five  bears  were  destroyed.  To  Captain 
Hinkley  this  was  a  sight  of  novel  and  absorbing  interest.  It 
had  less  of  novelty  for  me,  as  since  I  had  been  on  the  coast, 
I  had  often  seen  similar  combats,  and  in  fact  worse,  having 
been  present  when  men  entered  the  enclosure  to  encounter 
the  powerful  bull  in  his  wild  and  untamed  fierceness.  These 
unfortunate  persons  are  armed  with  a  small  sword,  with 
which  they  sometimes  succeed  in  saving  their  own  lives  at  the 
expense  of  that  of  the  animal. 

I  once  saw  the  man  fall  in  one  of  these  horrible  shows; 
they  are  conducted  in  the  following  manner :  the  man  enters 
to  the  buU  with  the  weapon,  of  which  he  avails  himself,  in 
the  right  [236]  hand,  and  in  the  left  a  small  red  flag,  fastened 
to  a  staff  about  three  feet  in  length.  He  whistles,  or  makes 
some  other  noise,  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  animal,  upon 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  305 

hearing  which  the  bull  comes  towards  him  with  the  speed  of 
fury.  The  man  stands  firm,  with  the  flag  dangling  before 
him,  to  receive  this  terrible  onset.  When  the  bull  makes  the 
last  spring  towards  him,  he  dexterously  evades  it,  by  throw- 
ing his  body  from  behind  the  flag  to  one  side,  at  the  same 
time  thrusting  his  sword  into  the  animal's  side.  If  this  blow 
is  properly  directed,  blood  gushes  from  the  mouth  and  nostrils 
of  the  buU,  and  he  falls  dead.  A  second  blow  in  this  case 
is  seldom  required. 

Another  mode  of  kflling  these  animals  is  by  men  on  horse- 
back, with  a  spear,  which  they  dart  into  his  neck,  immediately 
behind  the  horns.  The  horse  is  often  killed  by  the  bull. 
When  the  animal  chances  to  prefer  running  from  the  fight 
to  engaging  in  it,  he  is  killed  by  the  horseman,  by  being 
thrown  heels  over  head.  This  is  accomplished  by  catching 
hold  of  the  tail  of  the  buU  in  the  full  speed  of  pursuit,  and 
giving  a  turn  around  the  head  of  the  saddle,  in  such  a  manner, 
that  they  are  enabled  to  throw  the  animal  into  any  posture 
they  choose.*" 

After  we  returned  to  the  fort,  it  took  us  some  time  to 
relate  what  we  had  seen,  to  the  consul.  Feeling  it  necessary 
to  do  something  towards  supporting  myself,  during  the 
remaining  time  of  my  stay  in  this  part  of  the  country,  I  took 
my  rifle,  and  joined  a  Portuguese  in  the  attempt  to  kill 
otters  along  the  coast.  We  hunted  up  and  down  the  coast, 
a  distance  of  forty  miles,  killing  sixteen  otters  in  ten  days. 
We  sold  their  skins,  some  as  high  as  seventy-five  dollars, 
and  none  under  twenty-five.  Three  hundred  dollars  fell  to 
my  share  from  the  avails  of  our  trip.  Captain  Cooper  was 
exceedingly  desirous  to  purchase  my  rifle,  now  that  I  should 
not  be  likely  to  make  use  of  it,  as  I  was  soon  to  proceed  on 
my  journey  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  I  presented  it  to  him, 
for  I  could  not  think  of  bartering  for  money,  what  I  regarded, 

"'  For  another  description  of  these  fights,  consult  Bidwell,  "  Life  in  California 
before  the  Gold  Discovery,"  in  Century  Magazine,  xix,  pp.  163-182. —  Ed. 


306  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

as  a  tried  friend,  that  had  afforded  me  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence and  protection  for  so  long  a  time.  My  [237]  con- 
science would  have  reproached  me,  as  though  I  had  been 
guilty  of  an  act  of  ingratitude. 

The  period  of  my  departure  from  this  coast  was  now  close 
at  hand,  and  my  thoughts  naturally  took  a  retrospect  of  the 
whole  time,  I  had  spent  upon  it.  The  misery  and  suffering 
of  various  kinds,  that  I  had  endured  in  some  portions  of  it, 
had  not  been  able  to  prevent  me  from  feeling,  and  acknowl- 
edging, that  this  country  is  more  calculated  to  charm  the 
eye,  than  any  one  I  have  ever  seen.  Those,  who  traverse  it, 
if  they  have  any  capability  whatever  of  perceiving,  and 
admiring  the  beautiful  and  sublime  in  scenery,  must  be 
constantly  excited  to  wonder  and  praise.  It  is  no  less 
remarkable  for  uniting  the  advantages  of  healthfulness,  a 
good  soil,  a  temperate  climate,  and  yet  one  of  exceeding 
mildness,  a  happy  mixture  of  level  and  elevated  ground,  and 
vicinity  to  the  sea.  Its  inhabitants  are  equally  calculated 
to  excite  dislike,  and  even  the  stronger  feelings  of  disgust 
and  hatred.  The  priests  are  omnipotent,  and  all  things  are 
subject  to  their  power.  Two  thirds  of  the  population  are 
native  Indians  under  the  immediate  charge  of  these  spiritual 
rulers  in  the  numerous  missions.  It  is  a  well  known  fact, 
that  nothing  is  more  entirely  opposite  to  the  nature  of  a 
savage,  than  labor.  In  order  to  keep  them  at  their  daily 
tasks,  the  most  rigid  and  unremitting  supervision  is  exercised. 
No  bondage  can  be  more  complete,  than  that  under  which 
they  live.  The  compulsion  laid  upon  them  has,  however, 
led  them  at  times  to  rebel,  and  endeavor  to  escape  from 
their  yoke.  They  have  seized  upon  arms,  murdered  the 
priests,  and  destroyed  the  buildings  of  the  missions,  by  pre- 
concerted stratagem,  in  several  instances.  When  their  work 
of  destruction  and  retribution  was  accomplished,  they  fled 
to  the  mountains,  and  subsisted  on  the  flesh  of  wild  horses 
which  are  there  found  in  innumerable  droves.     To  prevent 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  307 

the  recui'rence  of  similar  events,  the  priests  have  passed  laws, 
prohibiting  an  Indian  the  use  or  possession  of  any  weapon 
whatever,  under  the  penalty  of  a  severe  punishment. 

On  the  25th  I  addressed  the  companions  of  my  former 
journeyings  and  imprisonment  in  San  Diego  by  letter. 
They  had  [238]  remained  in  the  town  of  Angels,  during  the 
months  which  had  elapsed  since  my  separation  from  them, 
after  our  receiving  liberty  upon  parole.  I  had  kept  up  a 
constant  correspondence  with  them  in  this  interval.  My 
objects  at  present  were  to  inform  them  of  my  proposed 
departure  for  my  native  country,  and  request  them,  if  they 
should  be  called  upon  so  to  do,  to  state  every  thing  relative 
to  our  imprisonment  and  loss  of  property,  exactly  as  it  took 
place.  I  closed,  by  telling  them,  they  might  expect  a  letter 
from  me  upon  my  arrival  in  the  city  of  Mexico."* 

On  the  8th  of  May  I  applied  for  my  passport,  which  was 
readily  given  me,  and  taking  leave  of  the  General  and  my 
friends,  I  entered  the  vessel,  in  which  I  was  to  proceed  to 
San  Bias,  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  sails  of  the  brig, 
which  was  called  the  Volunteer,  were  soon  set,  and  speeding 
us  upon  our  way.  The  green  water  turned  white,  as  it  met 
the  advance  of  our  prow,  and  behind  us  we  left  a  smooth 
belt  of  water,  affording  a  singular  contrast  to  the  waves 
around.  I  watched  the  disappearance  of  this  single  smooth 
spot,  as  it  was  lost  in  the  surrounding  billows,  when  the 
influence  of  the  movement  of  our  vessel  ceased,  as  a  spec- 
tacle to  be  contemplated  by  a  land's  man  with  interest.  But 
no  feeling  of  gratification  operated  in  the  minds  of  the  poor 
prisoners  in  the  hold.  They  were  ironed  separately,  and 
then  all  fastened  to  a  long  bar  of  iron.  They  were  soon 
heard  mingling  prayers  and  groans,  interrupted  only  by  the 
violent  vomiting  produced  by  sea  sickness.     In  addition  to 


"*  For  the  later  history  of  Pattie's  companions,  see  Vallejo,  "  Ranch  and  Mission 
Days  in  Alta  California,"  ihid.,  pp.  183-192.  Bancroft  possessed  his  letter  written 
from  Mexico,  June  14,  1830;   see  his  California,  iii,  p.  170. —  Ed. 


-7  08  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

this  misery,  when  fear  found  entrance  into  their  thoughts 
during  the  intervals  of  the  cessation  of  extreme  sickness,  it 
seemed  to  them,  as  if  every  surge  the  vessel  made  must  be 
its  last.  In  this  miserable  condition  they  remained,  until 
the  19th,  when  we  arrived  at  San  Bias.  The  prisoners  here 
were  delivered  into  the  charge  of  the  commanding  ofl&cer  of 
the  place. 

Captain  Hinkley,  his  mate,  Henry  Vinal,  and  myself 
disembarked  at  this  place,  in  order  to  commence  our  jour- 
ney over  land  to  Mexico.  The  necessary  arrangements  for 
our  undertaking  occupied  us  three  days.  We  found  the 
season  warm  on  our  arrival  here.  Watermelons  were  abun- 
dant, and  also  green  [239]  corn,  and  a  great  variety  of  ripe 
fruit.  Two  crops  of  corn  and  wheat  are  raised  in  the  year. 
A  precipice  was  shown  me,  over  which,  I  was  told,  the  Mexi- 
cans threw  three  old  priests  at  the  commencement  of  the 
revolt  against  the  king  of  Spain. —  This  port  is  the  centre  of 
considerable  business  in  the  seasons  of  spring  and  fall.  Dur- 
ing the  summer,  the  inhabitants  are  compelled  to  leave  it, 
as  the  air  becomes  infected  by  the  exhalations,  arising  from 
the  surrounding  swamps.  Myriads  of  musquitos  and  other 
small  insects  fill  the  air  at  the  same  time,  uniting  with  the 
former  cause  to  render  the  place  uninhabitable. 

Great  quantities  of  salt  are  made  upon  the  flats  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  San  Bias.  I  did  not  inform  myself  accurately,  with 
regard  to  the  manner,  in  which  it  is  made ;  but  as  I  was  pass- 
ing by  one  day,  where  the  preparation  of  it  was  carried  on, 
I  observed  what  struck  me  as  being  both  curious  and  novel. 
The  earth  was  laid  off  in  square  beds.  Around  their  edges 
dirt  was  heaped  up,  as  though  the  bed,  which  I  have  men- 
tioned, was  intended  to  be  covered  with  water. 

We  began  our  journey  well  armed,  as  we  had  been  informed 
that  we  should,  in  all  probability,  find  abundant  occasion 
to  use  our  arms,  as  we  advanced.  Our  progress  was  slow, 
as  we  conformed  to  the  directions  given  us,  and  kept  a  con- 


1824-1830]  Fatties  Personal  Narrative  309 

stant  look  out  for  robbers,  of  whom  there  are  said  to  be 
thousands  upon  this  route. 

On  the  25th  we  reached  a  small  town  called  Tipi,  where 
we  remained  one  day  to  rest  from  our  fatigue,  and  then  set 
off  again  for  Guadalaxara,  distant  eight  days'  journey.  Our 
path  led  us  through  a  beautiful  country,  a  great  portion 
of  which  was  under  cultivation.  Occasionally  we  passed 
through  small  villages.  Beggars  were  to  be  seen  standing 
at  the  corners  of  all  the  streets,  and  along  the  highways. 
They  take  a  station  by  the  road  side,  having  a  dog  or  child 
by  them,  to  lead  them  into  the  road  when  they  see  a  traveller 
approaching.  They  stand  until  the  person  reaches  the  spot 
upon  which  they  are,  when  they  ask  alms  for  the  sake  of  a 
saint,  whose  image  is  worn  suspended  around  their  neck, 
or  tied  around  the  wrist.  [240]  This  circumstance  of  begging 
for  the  saint,  and  not  for  themselves,  struck  me  as  a  new 
expedient  in  the  art  of  begging.  At  first  we  gave  a  trifle  to 
the  poor  saint.  As  we  went  on  we  found  them  so  numerous 
that  it  became  necessary  for  us  to  husband  our  alms,  and 
we  finally  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  large  brotherhood 
of  beggars  could  occasionally  diversify  their  mode  of  life  by 
a  dexterous  management  of  their  fingers,  and  shut  our 
purses  to  the  demands  of  the  saints.  The  country  for  some 
time  before  we  drew  near  Guadalaxara,  was  rather  barren, 
although  its  immediate  vicinity  is  delightful. 

We  reached  that  city  on  the  2d  of  June,  and  spent  three 
days  in  it.  It  is  situated  upon  a  fine  plain,  which  is  over- 
spread by  the  same  numbers  of  domestic  animals  that  I  had 
seen  in  New  Mexico  and  California.  The  city  is  walled  in, 
with  gates  at  the  different  entrances.  These  gates  are 
strongly  guarded,  and  no  one  is  allowed  to  enter  them  until 
they  have  been  searched,  in  order  to  ascertain  if  they  carry 
any  smuggled  goods  about  them.  The  same  precaution  is 
used  when  any  one  passes  out  of  the  city.  A  passport  must 
be  shown  for  the  person,  his  horse,  and  arms,  and  a  state- 


o  I  o  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

ment  from  the  principal  peace  officer,  of  the  number  of 
trunks  with  which  he  set  out  upon  his  journey,  and  their 
contents.  This  caution  is  to  prevent  smuggling;  but  it 
does  not  effect  the  purpose,  as  there  is  more  contraband 
trade  here,  than  in  any  place  I  was  ever  in  before.  I  was 
not  able  to  ascertain  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  this  city. 
The  silver  mines  of  Guanaxuato  are  near  Guadalaxara. 
They  are  carried  on  at  present  by  an  English  company. 
The  evening  before  our  departure  we  went  to  the  theatre. 
The  actresses  appeared  young  and  beautiful,  and  danced 
and  sung  charmingly. 

The  5th  day  of  June  we  resumed  our  journey  to  the  city 
of  Mexico.  Again  we  travelled  through  a  charming  country, 
tolerably  thickly  settled.  On  our  way  we  fell  in  company 
with  an  officer  belonging  to  the  service  of  the  country.  He 
had  ten  soldiers  with  him.  Upon  his  demanding  to  see  our 
passports  we  showed  them  to  him,  though  he  had  no  authority 
to  make  [241]  such  a  demand.  After  he  had  finished  their 
perusal  he  returned  them  with  such  an  indifferent  air,  that  I 
could  not  resist  an  inclination  to  ask  him  some  questions 
that  might  perhaps  have  seemed  rude.  I  first  asked  him 
what  post  he  filled  in  the  army?  He  answered,  with  great 
civility,  he  was  first  lieutenant.  I  then  requested  to  know, 
to  what  part  of  the  country  he  was  travelling?  He  said, 
still  in  a  very  civil  manner,  that  he  had  had  the  command 
of  some  troops  in  Guanaxuato,  but  was  now  on  his  way  to 
the  city  of  Mexico,  to  take  charge  of  the  6th  regiment,  which 
was  ordered  to  the  province  of  Texas,  to  find  out  among  the 
Americans  there,  those  who  had  refused  obedience  to  the 
Mexican  laws.  He  added,  that  when  he  succeeded  in  find- 
ing them,  he  would  soon  learn  them  to  behave  well.  The 
last  remark  was  made  in  rather  a  contemptuous  tone  of 
voice,  and  with  something  like  an  implied  insult  to  me.  This 
warmed  my  blood,  and  I  replied  in  a  tone  not  so  gentle  as 
prudence  might  have  counselled  a  stranger  in  a  foreign  land 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  3 1  1 

to  have  adopted,  that  if  himself  and  his  men  did  not  conduct 
themselves  properly  when  they  were  among  the  Americans, 
the  latter  would  soon  despatch  them  to  another  country, 
which  they  had  not  yet  seen;  as  the  Americans  were  not 
Mexicans,  to  stand  at  the  corner  of  a  house,  and  hide  their 
guns  behind  the  side  of  it,  whUe  they  looked  another  way, 
and  pulled  the  trigger.  At  this  he  flew  into  a  passion.  I 
did  not  try  to  irritate  him  any  further,  and  he  rode  on  and 
left  us.  We  pursued  our  way  slowly,  and  stopped  for  the 
night  at  Aguabuena,  a  small  town  on  the  way.  We  put  up 
at  a  house,  a  sort  of  posada,  built  for  lodging  travellers. — 
Twenty-five  cents  is  the  price  for  the  use  of  a  room  for  one 
night.  It  is  seldom  that  any  person  is  found  about  such  an 
establishment  to  take  charge  of  it  but  an  old  key  bearer. 
Provisions  must  be  sought  elsewhere.  It  is  not  often  neces- 
sary to  go  further  than  the  street,  where,  at  any  hour  in  the 
day  until  ten  o'clock  at  night,  men  and  women  are  engaged 
in  crying  different  kinds  of  eatables.  We  generally  pur- 
chased our  food  of  them.  After  we  had  finished  our  supper 
two  English  gentlemen  entered,  who  were  on  their  way  to 
the  city  of  Mexico.  [242]  We  concluded  to  travel  together, 
as  our  point  of  destination  was  the  same,  and  we  should  be 
more  able  to  resist  any  adversaries  we  might  encounter;  this 
country  being,  as  I  have  before  mentioned,  infested  with 
robbers  and  thieves,  although  we  had  not  yet  fallen  in  with 
any. 

These  gentlemen  informed  us  that  the  greatest  catholic 
festival  of  the  whole  year  was  close  at  hand.  If  we  could 
reach  the  city  of  Mexico  before  its  celebration,  we  should 
see  something  that  would  repay  us  for  hastening  our  jour- 
ney. As  we  were  desirous  to  lose  the  sight  of  nothing  curious, 
we  proceeded  as  fast  as  circumstances  would  permit,  and 
reached  the  city  on  the  loth,  late  in  the  evening,  and  put  up 
at  an  inn  kept  by  an  Englishman,  although,  as  in  the  other 
towns  in  which  we  had  been,  we  were  obliged  to  seek  food 


2 1  2  Ear/y  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

elsewhere,  the  only  accommodation  at  the  inn  being  beds 
to  sleep  in,  and  liquors  to  drink.  We  found  supper  in  a 
coffee  house. 

We  were  awakened  early  in  the  morning  by  the  ringing  of 
bells.  As  we  stepped  into  the  street  we  met  three  biers  car- 
ried by  some  men  guarded  by  soldiers.  Blood  was  dropping 
from  each  bier.  The  bearers  begged  money  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  burying  the  bodies.  I  afterwards  learned  that 
these  persons  were  murdered  on  the  night  of  our  arrival, 
upon  the  Alameda,  a  promenade  north  of  the  city,  in  one  of 
the  suburbs.  We  visited  this  place,  and  found  it  covered 
with  thousands  of  people,  some  walking,  and  others  sitting 
on  the  seats  placed  around  this  public  pleasure  ground. 
Small  parties  are  sheltered  from  view  by  thickets  of  a  growth, 
like  that  in  our  country,  used  for  hedges.  The  open  sur- 
face is  surrounded  by  a  hedge  of  the  same  shrub.  These 
partially  concealed  parties  are  usually  composed  of  men  and 
women  of  the  lowest  orders,  engaged  in  card  playing.  Such 
are  to  be  seen  at  any  hour  of  the  day,  occupied  in  a  way 
which  is  most  likely  to  terminate  the  meeting  in  an  affray, 
and  perhaps  murder.  Blood  is  frequently  shed,  and  I  judged 
from  what  I  saw  of  the  order  of  things,  that  the  accounts  of  the 
numerous  assassinations  committed  among  this  populace, 
were  not  exaggerated.  One  of  the  characteristics  of  this 
people  [243]  is  jealousy.  Notwithstanding  the  danger  really 
to  be  apprehended  from  visiting  this  place  after  certain  hours, 
my  two  companions  and  myself  spent  several  evenings  in 
it  without  being  molested  in  the  slightest  degree.  But  one 
evening  as  we  were  returning  to  our  lodgings,  we  were  com- 
pelled to  kneel  with  our  white  pantaloons  upon  the  dirty 
street,  while  the  host  was  passing.  We  took  care  afterwards 
to  step  into  a  house  in  time  to  avoid  the  troublesome  necessity. 

We  attended  a  bull  baiting,  and  some  other  exhibitions  for 
the  amusement  of  the  people.  Being  one  evening  at  the 
theatre,  I  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  my  watch  from  my 


1 824- 1 830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  313 

pocket,  without  being  aware  when  it  was  taken.  It  would 
have  been  useless  for  me  to  have  thought  of  looking  around 
for  it,  as  I  stood  in  the  midst  of  such  a  crowd  that  it  was  al- 
most an  impossibility  to  move. 

The  accounts  of  this  city  which  I  had  met  with  in  books 
led  me  to  expect  to  find  it  placed  in  the  midst  of  a  lake,  or 
surrounded  by  a  sheet  of  water.  To  satisfy  myself  with 
regard  to  the  truth  of  this  representation,  I  mounted  a  horse, 
and  made  the  circuit  of  the  city,  visiting  some  villages  that 
lay  within  a  league  of  it.  I  found  no  lake ;  but  the  land  is 
low  and  flat.  A  canal  is  cut  through  it,  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  off  the  water  that  descends  from  the  mountains 
upon  the  level  surface,  which  has  the  appearance  of  having 
been  formerly  covered  with  water.  A  mountain  which  is 
visible  from  the  city,  presents  a  circular  summit,  one  part 
of  which  is  covered  with  snow  throughout  the  year:  upon 
the  other  is  the  crater  of  a  volcano,  which  is  continually 
sending  up  proof  of  the  existence  of  an  unceasing  fire  within. 

Early  upon  the  first  day  of  my  arrival  in  this  city,  I  waited 
upon  Mr.  Butler,  the  American  charge  d'affairs.*"  After 
I  had  made  myself  known  to  him  he  showed  me  a  commu- 
nication from  President  Jackson  to  the  President  of  this 
country,  the  purport  of  which  was,  to  request  the  latter  to 
set  at  liberty  some  Americans,  imprisoned  upon  the  coast 
of  California.  I  then  handed  him  the  statement  I  had  made 
according  to  the  advice  [244]  of  Mr.  Jones.     He  asked  me 


^**  Anthony  Butier  was  a  native  of  South  Carohna,  who  early  in  the  nineteenth 
century  removed  to  Logan  County,  Kentucky.  In  the  War  of  1812-15,  he  served 
first  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  28th  infantry,  then  as  colonel  of  the  2nd  rifle  corps, 
and  was  at  New  Orleans  with  Jackson,  a  warm  personal  friend.  In  1818-19  he 
served  in  his  state  legislature.  Upon  Jackson's  accession  to  power,  Butler  was 
appointed  (1829)  charge  d'affaires  at  Mexico,  where,  already  deeply  involved  in 
speculation  in  Texan  land-scrip,  he  attempted  to  secure  annexation  by  various 
means  not  wholly  reputable.  Having  deceived  Jackson,  and  attempted  to  outwit 
the  Mexican  ministers,  his  recall  was  demanded  by  Santa  Anna  (1836),  but  Jackson 
had  already  dismissed  him.  See  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  xi,  pp.  359, 
360. —  Ed. 


0  14  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

many  questions  relative  to  the  losses  I  had  sustained,  which 

1  answered,  and  then  took  my  leave. 

A  number  of  coaches  were  to  leave  the  city  for  Vera  Cruz 
on  the  1 8th  of  June.  My  companions  and  myself  took 
places  in  one  of  them.  On  the  15th  I  again  called  upon  Mr. 
Butler  to  obtain  a  passport  to  Vera  Cruz,  where  I  intended 
to  embark  for  America.  He  took  me  to  the  palace  of  the 
President,  in  order  that  I  might  get  my  passport.  This 
circumstance  was  agreeable  to  me,  as  I  was  desirous  to  see 
this  person,  of  whom  I  had  heard  so  much.  Upon  arriving 
at  the  palace  I  found  it  a  splendid  building,  although  much 
shattered  by  the  balls  discharged  at  it  by  the  former  Presi- 
dent Guerero,  who  is  now  flying  from  one  place  to  another 
with  a  few  followers,  spreading  destruction  to  the  extent  of 
his  power.  A  soldier  led  me  into  the  presence  of  the  Presi- 
dent."" He  was  walking  to  and  fro  when  I  entered  the  room, 
apparently  in  deep  meditation.  Several  clerks  were  present, 
engaged  in  writing.  He  received  me  politely,  bowing  as  I 
advanced,  and  bade  me  sit  down.  In  answer  to  his  inquiry 
what  I  wished  of  him?  I  told  my  errand.  He  then  asked 
me  from  what  direction  I  came  ?  I  replied,  from  California. 
California !  said  he,  repeating  the  word  with  an  air  of  interest. 
I  answered  again,  that  I  left  that  part  of  the  country  when 
I  began  my  present  journey.  You  must  have  been  there 
then,  rejoined  he,  when  the  late  revolution  took  place,  of 
which  I  have  but  a  short  time  since  received  information. 
I  remarked,  that  I  was  upon  the  spot  where  it  occurred,  and 
that  I  took  my  departure  from  the  coast  in  the  same  vessel 
that  brought  sixteen  of  the  captives  taken  in  the  course  of 


''"  Vicente  Guerrero  was  installed  president  of  the  Mexican  Republic  in  1829. 
In  the  summer  of  that  year  the  Spanish  sent  an'expedition  to  retake  Mexico,  and 
he,  espousing  their  cause,  was  granted  dictatorial  powers.  The  vice-president, 
Anastasio  Bustamante,  thereupon  styled  himself  preserver  of  the  constitution,  and 
in  December  organized  a  revolt.  Guerrero  fled  from  the  capital,  and  in  183 1  was 
captured  and  shot.  Bustamante  remained  president  until  1832,  when  a  counter 
revolution,  led  by  Santa  Anna,  drove  him  from  power. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  3 1 5 

its  progress,  and  that  I  disembarked  at  St.  Bias  at  the  same 
time  that  they  were  taken  from  the  vessel.  He  resumed  the 
conversation  by  saying,  you  were  probably  one  of  the  Amer- 
icans who,  I  am  told,  assisted  in  subduing  the  revolted  party. 
I  told  him,  he  was  correct  in  his  opinion ;  and  by  so  doing  I 
had  had  the  good  fortune  to  gain  my  liberty.  His  coun- 
tenance expressed  surprise  at  the  conclusion  of  my  remark; 
and  he  proceeded  [245]  to  ask  me,  what  meaning  I  had,  in 
saying  that  I  had  thus  regained  my  own  liberty?  I  then 
related  my  story;  upon  which  he  said  he  had  understood 
that  General  Echedio  had  acted  contrary  to  the  laws,  in 
several  instances,  and  that,  in  consequence,  he  had  ordered 
him  to  Mexico  to  answer  for  his  conduct.'"  I  was  surprised 
at  the  condescension  of  the  President  in  thus  expressing  to 
me  any  part  of  his  intentions  with  regard  to  such  a  person. 
I  accounted  for  it  by  supposing  that  he  wished  to  have  it 
generally  understood,  that  he  did  not  approve  of  the  unjust 
and  cruel  treatment  which  the  Americans  had  received. 
The  president  appeared  to  me  to  be  a  man  of  plain  and 
gentlemanly  manners,  possessing  great  talent.  In  this  I 
express  no  more  than  my  individual  opinion;  to  which  I 
must  add  that  I  do  not  consider  myself  competent  to  judge 
of  such  points,  only  for  myself.  He  gave  me  a  passport,  and 
I  returned  to  Mr.  Butler's  office,  who  informed  me  that  he 
wished  me  to  take  a  very  fine  horse  to  Vera  Cruz,  for  the 
American  consul  at  that  place.  He  said  that  I  would  find 
it  pleasant  to  vary  my  mode  of  travelling,  by  occasionally 
riding  the  horse.  I  readily  consented  to  his  wish,  requesting 
him  to  have  the  horse  taken  to  the  place  from  which  the 
coach  would  set  off,  early  in  the  morning,  when  I  would  take 
charge  of  it.  I  now  took  leave  of  Mr.  Butler  and  proceeded 
to  my  lodgings. 

I  found  both  my  companions  busily  engaged  in  packing, 

*^^  Although  Governor  Echeandia's  successor  was  appointed  in  1830,  he  did  not 
return  to  Mexico  until  three  years  later.     See  note  123,  ante. —  Ed. 


qi6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

and  arranging  for  departure.  I  immediately  entered  upon 
the  same  employment.  I  had  two  trunks;  one  I  filled  with 
such  articles  as  I  should  require  upon  my  journey;  and  in 
another  I  placed  such  as  I  should  not  be  likely  to  use,  and 
a  great  many  curiosities  which  I  had  collected  during  my 
long  wanderings.  The  latter  trunk  I  did  not  calculate  to 
open  until  I  reached  my  native  land. 

At  8  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th  our  coach  left  the 
city,  in  company  with  two  others.  We  were  eight  in  num- 
ber, including  the  coachman.  Three  of  the  party  were 
ladies.  One  was  a  Frenchwoman,  a  married  lady  travelling 
without  her  husband.  Another  was  a  Spanishwoman,  who 
had  married  [246]  a  wealthy  Irishman,  and  was  accom- 
panied by  her  husband.  The  third  was  the  wife  of  a  Mexi- 
can officer,  also  one  of  the  eight.  This  gentleman  was  an 
inveterate  enemy  of  the  displaced  President  General  Guerero. 
We  journeyed  on  very  amicably  together,  without  meeting 
with  the  slightest  disturbance,  until  the  second  day,  when, 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  we  were  met  by  a  com- 
pany of  fifty  men,  all  well  mounted  and  armed.  At  first 
sight  of  them  we  had  supposed  them  to  be  a  party  which 
had  been  sent  from  the  city  in  search  of  some  highwaymen 
who  had  committed  murder  and  robbery  upon  the  road  on 
which  we  were  travelling,  a  few  days  previous  to  our  depart- 
ure. A  few  minutes  served  to  show  us  our  mistake. —  They 
surrounded  the  coaches,  commanding  the  drivers  to  halt, 
and  announcing  themselves  as  followers  of  General  Guerero. 
They  demanded  money,  of  which  they  stated  that  they  were 
in  great  need.  The  tone  of  this  demand  was,  however, 
humble,  such  as  beggars  would  use.  While  they  addressed 
us  in  this  manner,  they  contrived  to  place  themselves  among 
and  around  the  persons  of  our  party  in  such  a  way  as  to 
obtain  entire  command  of  us.  The  instant  they  had  com- 
pleted this  purpose,  they  presented  their  spears  and  muskets, 
and    demanded    our    arms.     We    resigned    them    without 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  3 1 7 

offering  an  objection,  as  we  saw  clearly,  that  opposition 
would  be  unavailing.  They  now  proceeded  to  take  from 
us  what  they  thought  proper.  I  was  allowed  to  retain  my 
trunk  of  clothing  for  my  journey.  The  Mexican  officer 
was  sitting  by  his  wife  in  the  coach.  Some  of  the  soldiers 
seized  him,  and  dragged  him  from  his  almost  distracted  wife 
out  of  the  carriage.  His  fate  was  summarily  decided,  and 
he  was  hung  upon  a  tree.  When  this  dreadful  business  was 
terminated,  we  were  ordered  to  drive  on.  We  gladly  has- 
tened from  such  a  scene  of  horror.  But  the  agony  of  the 
unfortunate  wife  was  an  impressive  memorial  to  remind  us 
of  the  nature  of  the  late  occurrence,  had  we  needed  any 
other  than  our  own  remembrances.  We  left  this  afflicted 
lady  at  Xalapa,  in  the  care  of  her  relations.  A  great  quan- 
tity of  jalap,  which  is  so  much  used  in  medicine,  is  obtained 
from  this  place.  [247]  After  leaving  Xalapa,  we  advanced 
through  a  beautiful  country.  We  passed  many  small 
towns  on  this  part  of  our  route. 

Our  course  had  been  a  continued  descent,  after  crossing 
the  mountain  sixteen  miles  from  the  city  of  Mexico.  The 
road  is  excellent,  bemg  paved  for  the  most  part.  It  is  cut 
through  points  of  mountains  in  several  places.  This  work 
must  have  been  attended  with  immense  labor  and  expense. 

We  reached  Vera  Cruz  on  the  24th.  On  the  27th  Captain 
Hinkley  and  his  mate  embarked  for  New  York.  I  remained 
with  the  consul  Mr.  Stone,  until  the  i8th  of  July.  A  vessel 
being  in  readiness  to  sail  for  New  Orleans  at  this  time,  I 
was  desirous  to  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  to  return  to 
the  United  States.  Mr.  Stone  and  some  others  presented 
me  money  sufficient  to  pay  my  passage  to  the  point  to  which 
the  vessel  was  bound.  It  was  very  painful  to  me  to  incur 
this  debt  of  gratitude,  as  I  could  not  even  venture  to  hope 
that  it  would  be  in  my  power  to  repay  it,  either  in  money 
or  benefits  of  any  kind.  The  prospect,  which  the  future 
offered  me,  was  dark.     It  seemed  as  if  misfortune  had  set 


2  1 8  Earfy  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

her  seal  upon  all  that  concerned  my  destiny.  I  accepted 
this  offering  of  kindness  and  benevolence  with  thanks  direct 
from  my  heart,  and  went  on  board  the  vessel. 

It  would  be  idle  for  me  to  attempt  to  describe  the  feelings 
that  swelled  my  heart,  as  the  sails  filled  to  bear  me  from  the 
shores  of  a  country,  where  I  had  seen  and  suffered  so  much. 
My  dreams  of  success  in  those  points  considered  most  im- 
portant by  my  fellow  men,  were  vanished  forever.  After  all 
my  endurance  of  toil,  hunger,  thirst  and  imprisonment,  after 
encountering  the  fiercest  wild  beasts  in  their  deserts,  and 
fiercer  men,  after  tracing  streams  before  unmeasured  and 
unvisited  by  any  of  my  own  race  to  their  source,  over  rugged 
and  pathless  mountains,  subject  to  every  species  of  danger, 
want  and  misery  for  seven  years,  it  seemed  hard  to  be 
indebted  to  charity,  however  kind  and  considerate  it  might 
be,  for  the  means  of  returning  to  my  native  land. 

[248]  As  we  sped  on  our  way,  I  turned  to  look  at  the  land 
I  was  leaving,  and  endeavored  to  withdraw  my  thoughts 
from  the  painful  train  into  which  they  had  fallen.  Vera 
Cruz  is  the  best  fortified  port  I  have  ever  seen.  The  town 
is  walled  in,  and  well  guarded  on  every  side  with  heavy 
cannon.  The  part  of  the  wall  extending  along  the  water's 
edge,  is  surmounted  by  guns  pointing  so  as  completely  to 
command  the  shipping  in  the  harbour.  A  reef  of  rocks 
arises  at  the  distance  of  half  a  mile  from  the  shore  opposite 
the  city,  and  continues  visible  for  several  miles  in  a  south 
direction,  joining  the  main  land  seven  or  eight  miles  south- 
west of  Vera  Cruz.  A  fort  stands  upon  that  part  of  the 
reef  which  fronts  the  town.  Ships  in  leaving  or  entering 
the  harbour  are  obliged  to  pass  between  the  fort  and  the 
town. 

We  reached  New  Orleans  on  the  first  of  August,  although 
the  wind  had  not  been  entirely  favorable.  It  blew  a  stiff 
breeze  from  a  direction  which  compelled  us  to  run  within 
five  points  and  a  half  of  the  wind.    As  I  approached  the 


1824-1830]  Fattte  s  Personal  Narrative  3 1 9 

spot  where  my  foot  would  again  press  its  native  soil,  my 
imagination  transported  me  over  the  long  course  of  river 
which  yet  lay  between  me,  and  all  I  had  left  in  the  world  to 
love.  I  cannot  express  the  delight  which  thrilled  and 
softened  my  heart,  as  I  fancied  myself  entering  my  home; 
for  it  was  the  home  I  had  known  and  loved  when  my  mother 
lived,  and  we  were  happy  that  rose  to  my  view.  Fancy  could 
not  present  another  to  me.  There  were  my  brothers  and 
sisters,  as  I  had  been  used  to  see  them.  The  pleasant  shade 
of  the  trees  lay  upon  the  turf  before  the  door  of  our  dwelling. 
The  paths  around  were  the  same,  over  which  I  had  so  often 
bounded  with  the  elastic  step  of  childhood,  enjoying  a  happy 
existence.  Years  and  change  have  no  place  in  such  medi- 
tations. We  landed,  and  I  stood  upon  the  shore.  I  was 
aroused  by  the  approach  of  an  Englishman,  one  of  my 
fellow  passengers,  to  a  sense  of  my  real  position.  He  asked 
me  if  I  had  taken  a  passage  in  a  steamboat  for  Louisville? 
I  immediately  answered  in  the  negative.  He  then  said  he 
had  bespoken  one  in  the  Cora ;  and  as  I  had  [249]  not  chosen 
any  other,  he  would  be  glad  if  I  would  go  on  in  the  same  one 
with  him,  and  thus  continue  our  companionship  as  long  as 
possible.  So  saying  he  took  me  by  the  arm  to  lead  me  in 
the  direction  of  the  boat  of  which  he  spoke,  that  we  might 
choose  our  births.  As  we  advanced  together,  it  occurred 
to  me  to  ask  the  price  of  a  passage  to  Louisville  ?  I  was 
answered,  forty  dollars.  Upon  hearing  this  I  stopped,  and 
told  my  companion  I  could  not  take  a  birth  just  then,  at 
the  same  time  putting  my  hand  in  my  pocket  to  ascertain 
if  the  state  of  my  funds  would  permit  me  to  do  so  at  all. 
The  Englishman  seeing  my  embarrassment,  and  conjectur- 
ing rightly  its  origin,  instantly  remarked,  that  the  passage 
money  was  not  to  be  paid  until  the  boat  arrived  at  Louis- 
ville. I  was  ashamed  to  own  my  poverty,  and  invented 
an  excuse  to  hide  it,  telling  him,  that  I  had  an  engagement 
at  that  time,  but  would  walk  with  him  in  the  evening  to  see 


^20  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

about  the  passage.  He  left  me  in  consequence.  I  then 
discovered,  that  so  far  from  being  able  to  take  a  cabin  passage 
I  had  not  money  enough  to  pay  for  one  on  the  deck. 

I  re-entered  the  vessel  in  which  I  had  arrived.  As  I 
approached  the  captain  I  saw  him  point  me  out  to  a  person 
conversing  with  him,  and  heard  him  say,  'there  is  the  young 
man  I  have  been  mentioning  to  you.  He  speaks  Spanish, 
and  will  probably  engage  with  you.'  When  I  was  near 
enough  he  introduced  me  to  the  stranger,  whom  he  called 
Captain  Vion.  The  latter  addressed  a  few  remarks  to  me, 
and  then  requested  me  to  accompany  him  into  his  vessel. 
I  consented  and  followed  him  on  board.  He  then  told  me, 
that  he  wished  to  engage  a  person  to  accompany  him  to 
Vera  Cruz,  and  aid  in  disposing  of  his  vessel  and  cargo ;  and 
asked  if  I  was  inclined  to  go  with  him  for  such  a  purpose? 
I  said,  in  reply,  that  it  would  depend  entirely  upon  the 
recompense  he  offered  for  the  services  to  be  performed.  He 
remarked,  that  he  would  give  a  certain  per  cent  upon  the 
brig  and  cargo,  in  case  it  was  sold.  I  partly  agreed  to  his 
proposal,  but  told  him  that  I  could  not  decide  finally  upon 
it  until  I  had  considered  the  matter.  He  then  requested 
[250]  me  to  come  to  him  the  next  day  at  12  o'clock,  when  I 
would  find  him  at  dinner. 

I  left  him,  after  promising  to  do  so,  and  wandered  about 
looking  at  the  city  until  evening,  when  I  met  the  Englishman 
from  whom  I  had  parted  in  the  morning.  He  said  he  would 
now  accompany  me  to  the  steam  boat,  that  we  might  choose 
our  births  according  to  our  engagement.  I  had  no  longer 
any  excuse  to  offer,  and  was  compelled  to  acknowledge  that 
the  contents  of  my  purse  were  not  sufficient  to  justify  me  in 
contracting  a  debt  of  forty  dollars.  I  added,  that  I  had  an 
idea  of  returning  to  Vera  Cruz.  He  replied,  that  in  regard 
to  the  passage  money  I  need  have  no  uneasiness,  nor  hesitate 
to  go  on  board,  as  he  would  defray  my  expenses  as  far  as  I 
chose  to  go.     In  respect  to  my  plan  of  returning  to  Vera 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  321 

Cruz,  he  said  that  it  would  be  exceedingly  unwise  for  me  to 
carry  it  into  execution ;  as  the  yellow  fever  would  be  raging 
by  the  time  I  reached  the  city,  and  that  it  was  most  likely 
I  should  fall  a  victim  to  it.  I  had,  however,  determined  in 
my  own  mind  that  I  would  run  the  risk,  rather  than  ask  or 
receive  aid  from  a  person  to  whom  I  was  comparatively 
unknown,  and  accordingly  I  refused  his  kindly  proffered 
assistance,  telling  him  at  the  same  time,  that  I  felt  as  grateful 
to  him  as  though  I  had  accepted  his  offered  kindness,  and 
that  I  would  have  availed  myself  of  his  benevolent  intentions 
towards  me,  had  he  been  a  resident  of  my  country;  but  as 
I  knew  him  to  be  a  traveller  in  a  foreign  land,  who  might 
need  all  his  funds,  he  must  excuse  me.  He  then  asked  me 
if  I  had  no  acquaintance  in  New  Orleans,  of  whom  I  could 
obtain  the  money  as  a  loan  ?  I  replied,  that  I  did  not  know 
an  individual  in  the  city;  but  if  I  carried  my  plan  of  return- 
ing to  Vera  Cruz  into  execution,  I  should  probably  be 
enabled  to  proceed  to  my  friends  without  depending  on  any 
one.  Upon  this  we  separated,  and  each  went  to  his  lodging. 
At  ten  the  succeeding  morning  my  English  friend  came  to 
my  boarding  house,  accompanied  by  Judge  Johnston,  who 
accosted  me  with  a  manner  of  paternal  kindness,  enquiring 
of  me  how  long  I  had  been  absent  from  my  country  and 
relations?  [151]  I  naturally  enquired  in  turn,  if  he  was  in 
any  way  acquainted  with  them?  He  replied,  that  he  was; 
and  advised  me  to  ascend  the  river,  and  visit  them.  I 
expressed  to  him  how  pleasant  it  would  be  to  me  to  visit 
them,  but  assured  him  that  it  was  out  of  my  power  to  enjoy 
that  pleasure  at  present.  He  enquired  why?  I  avoided  a 
direct  answer,  and  remarked,  that  I  proposed  returning  to 
Vera  Cruz.  He  not  only  urged  strong  objections  to  this, 
but  offered  to  pay  my  passage  up  the  river.  It  may  be 
easily  imagined  how  I  felt  in  view  of  such  an  offer  from  this 
generous  and  respectable  stranger.  I  thankfully  accepted 
it,  only  assuring  him  that  I  should  repay  him  as  soon  as  it 


322  Karly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

was  in  my  power.  He  replied  that  it  was  a  matter  of  no 
consequence.  He  advised  me  to  go  on  board  the  steam 
boat  and  choose  my  birth,  alleging,  that  he  had  business  in 
the  city  which  would  not  allow  him  to  accompany  me  on 
board. 

My  English  friend  seemed  highly  gratified  by  this  good 
fortune  of  mine,  and  went  with  me  on  board  the  steam 
boat,  where  I  chose  a  birth.  The  name  of  this  gentleman 
was  Perry,  and  he  was  one  of  the  two  whom  I  have  already 
mentioned,  who  had  travelled  in  company  with  me  from  the 
city  of  Guadalaxara  to  Mexico.  On  the  fourth,  at  nine  in 
the  morning,  the  starting  bell  rung  on  the  steam  boat,  and 
Judge  Johnston,  Mr.  Perry  and  myself  went  on  board.  This 
was  the  first  steam  boat  on  which  I  had  ever  been.  Scarcely 
was  the  interior  of  the  first  ship  I  was  ever  on  board  at  San 
Diego,  a  spectacle  of  more  exciting  interest.  How  much 
more  delighted  was  I  to  see  her  stem  the  mighty  current  of 
the  Mississippi. 

As  I  remarked  the  plantations,  bends  and  forests  sinking 
in  the  distance  behind  me,  I  felt  that  I  was  rapidly  nearing 
home ;  and  at  every  advance  my  anxiety  to  see  my  relations 
once  more,  increased.  To  the  many  enquiries,  made  by 
Judge  Johnston,  touching  the  interior  of  the  continent  where 
I  had  been  wandering,  I  am  sure  I  must  have  given  very 
unsatisfactory  answers,  much  as  I  wished  to  oblige  him. 
My  thoughts  dwelt  with  such  constant  and  intense  solicitude 
upon  home,  that  I  felt  myself  unable  to  frame  answers  to 
questions  upon  any  other  subjects.  [252]  Home  did  I  say? 
I  have  none.  My  father  and  mother  sleep  —  widely  sepa- 
rated from  each  other.  They  left  nine  orphans  without 
resources  to  breast  this  stormy  and  mutable  world.  I,  who 
ought  to  supply  the  place  of  a  parent  to  them,  shall  carry  to 
them  nothing  but  poverty,  and  the  withering  remembrances 
of  an  unhappy  wanderer,  upon  whom  misfortune  seems  to 
have  stamped  her  inexorable  seal. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  323 

I  parted  with  Judge  Johnston  at  Cincinnati,  who  gave  me 
a  line  of  introduction  to  Mr.  Flint,  for  which  I  felt  under 
renewed  obligations  to  him,  hoping  it  would  be  of  service 
to  me.  I  left  Cincinnati;  and  on  the  30th  of  August  arrived 
at  the  end  of  my  journey.  I  have  had  too  much  of  real 
incident  and  affliction  to  be  a  dealer  in  romance;  and  yet  I 
should  do  injustice  to  my  feelings,  if  I  closed  this  journal 
without  a  record  of  my  sensations  on  reaching  home.  I 
have  still  before  me,  unchanged  by  all,  that  I  have  seen,  and 
suffered,  the  picture  of  the  abode  of  my  infant  days  and 
juvenile  remembrances.  But  the  present  reality  is  all  as 
much  changed,  as  my  heart.  I  meet  my  neighbors,  and 
school  fellows,  as  I  approach  the  home  of  my  grandfather. — 
They  neither  recognize  me,  nor  I  them.  I  look  for  the  deep 
grove,  so  faithfully  remaining  in  my  memory,  and  the  stream 
that  murmured  through  it.  The  woods  are  levelled  by  the 
axe.  The  stream,  no  longer  protected  by  the  deep  shade, 
has  almost  run  dry.  A  storm  has  swept  away  the  noble 
trees,  that  had  been  spared  for  shade.  The  fruit  trees  are 
decayed. 

I  was  first  met  by  my  grandmother.  She  is  tottering  under 
the  burden  and  decline  of  old  age,  and  the  sight  of  me  only 
recalls  the  painful  remembrance  of  my  father,  worn  out  by 
the  torture  of  his  oppressors,  and  buried  in  the  distant  land 
of  strangers  and  enemies.  I  could  hardly  have  remembered 
my  grandfather,  the  once  vigorous  and  undaunted  hunter. 
With  a  feeble  and  tremulous  voice,  he  repeats  enquiry  upon 
enquiry,  touching  the  fate  of  my  father?  I  look  round  for 
the  dear  band  of  brothers  and  sisters.  But  one  of  the  numer- 
ous group  remains,  and  he  too  young  to  know  me ;  though  I 
see  enough  to  remind  me,  how  much  he  has  stood  in  need 
of  an  efficient  protector. —  I  hastily  enquire  for  the  rest. 
One  is  here,  and  another  is  there,  and  my  head  is  confused, 
in  listening  to  the  names  of  the  places  of  their  residence,  I 
left  one  sister,  a  child.     She  is  married  to  a  person  I  never 


^24  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

knew;  one,  who,  from  the  laws  of  our  nature,  can  only  regard 
me  with  the  eye  of  a  stranger.  We  call  each  other  brother, 
but  the  affectionate  word  will  not  act  as  a  key,  to  unlock  the 
fountains  of  fraternal  feeling. 

They,  however,  kindly  invite  me  to  their  home.  I  am 
impelled  alike  by  poverty  and  affection,  to  remain  with  them 
for  a  time,  till  I  can  forget  what  has  been,  and  weave  a  new 
web  of  hopes,  and  form  a  new  series  of  plans  for  some  pur- 
suit in  life.  Alas !  disappointments,  such  as  I  have  encoun- 
tered, are  not  the  motives  to  impart  vigor  and  firmness  for 
new  projects.  The  freshness,  the  visions,  the  hopes  of  my 
youthful  days  are  all  vanished,  and  can  never  return.  If 
any  one  of  my  years  has  felt,  that  the  fashion  of  this  world 
passeth  away,  and  that  all  below  the  sun  is  vanity,  it  is  I. 
If  there  is  a  lesson  from  my  wanderings,  it  is  one,  that  incul- 
cates upon  children,  remaining  at  the  paternal  home  in 
peace  and  privacy;  one  that  counsels  the  young  against 
wandering  far  away,  to  see  the  habitations,  and  endure  the 
inhospitality  of  strangers. 

END  OF  THE  NARRATIVE 


NOTE 

The  following  articles  are  given,  as  containing  fresh  and 
important  information  with  regard  to  the  countries,  through 
which  the  Author  passed.  Dr.  Willard's  'Tour'  was  exten- 
sively quoted,  by  the  periodicals  of  the  day,  at  the  time  of 
its  publication."^  Views  taken,  upon  the  spot,  by  an  im- 
partial observer,  of  this  comparatively  unknown  country,  so 
interesting  in  itself,  and  from  its  vicinity  to  our  own  country, 
and  the  increasing  relations,  which  connect  us  with  it  can- 
not fail  to  interest  the  reader.  By  comparing  the  state- 
ments of  individuals  differing  entirely  in  training,  position, 
and  circumstances,  and  the  purpose  for  which  a  country  is 
observed,  such  statements,  in  short  as  are  comprised  in  this 
volume,  the  real  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  a  country, 
its  healthfulness,  fertility,  climate,  beauty  and  the  character 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  institutions  may  be  known. 

These  travellers  note  down  what  passed  under  their  eyes, 
"nothing  extenuating,  nor  setting  down  aught  in  malice." 
It  probably  did  not  occur  to  them,  that  the  imagination 
might  almost  work  at  will,  without  fear  of  being  caught  in 
the  fact,  in  the  desert  and  unvisited  regions  of  which  they 
speak. 

132  Flint,  the  first  editor  of  this  volume,  here  refers  to  the  previous  publication  of 
the  succeeding  article,  entitled  "Inland  Trade  with  New  Mexico,"  in  the  periodical 
of  which  he  was  editor.  Western  Monthly  Review,  ii,  pp.  597,  649  (April  and  May, 
1829).  This  journal  enjoyed  but  three  years  of  life,  the  first  number  appearing  in 
May,  1827,  the  last  in  June,  1830. —  Ed. 


INLAND  TRADE  WITH   NEW  MEXICO 

Into  what  nook  of  our  globe  can  we  penetrate,  and  not 
find  our  citizens  with  their  'trade  and  traffic  ? '  We  not  long 
since  read  in  a  paper,  that  a  Yankee  captain  was  running  a 
steam  boat  in  the  Yellow  sea.  In  farthest  India  —  in  the 
islands  of  the  gentiles  —  along  the  new  countries  recently- 
discovered  in  the  Antarctic  sea,  the  undisputed  throne  of 
winter,  and  the  habitation  of  sea  monsters  —  wherever  winds 
can  waft,  human  foot-step  be  imprinted,  or  the  Argus  ken 
of  industry  and  enterprise  discover  the  most  distant  prospect 
of  a  harvest,  there  we  shall  find  Americans.  We  delight  to 
consort,  as  a  listener,  among  the  crowds  of  American  tars. 
Their  peculiar  dress  and  step,  walking  the  firm  earth  as  if 
'she'  reeled;  their  frank,  reckless  and  manly  port;  their 
voice,  formed  to  its  tones  and  expression  amidst  the  roar  of 
the  winds  and  the  dash  of  the  waves;  their  dialect,  their 
outlandish  phrase,  all  furnish  food  for  imagination.  We 
hear  them  speak  of  China,  of  Japan,  of  Borneo,  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope,  and  Cape  Horn,  as  familiarly  as  the  transit 
from  New  York  to  Greenwich.  Their  language  seems  to 
imply  that  distance  and  space  are  ideas  unknown  to  them. 
Imagination  follows  them  in  their  long  and  dangerous  course 
[256]  through  the  trackless  brine,  and  realizes  how  many 
storms  they  have  encountered,  how  many  hardships  endured, 
and  deaths  dared,  during  these  passages;  of  which  they 
speak  as  familiarly  as  of  their  diurnal  visits  on  shore. 

Though  the  adventures  and  voyages  of  the  mariner  furnish 
most  food  for  the  imagination ;  though  the  immense  distances 
and  the  mysterious  depths,  that  he  traverses,  and  the  indif- 
ferent hardihood,  with  which  he  encounters  his  perils  and 
toils,  naturally  inspire  an  undefined  admiration;  yet  the  real 


328  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

exposure,  toils  and  dangers  of  the  interior  journeys  of  our 
adventurous  landsmen  are,  probably,  quite  as  numerous, 
though  they  elicit  much  less  of  that  feeling  of  romance  and 
homage  to  daring,  which  is  so  readily  called  forth  in  the  case 
of  the  other.  The  sailor  carries  his  home  with  him.  The 
fathomless  and  swelling  cerulean  is  to  him  as  the  scenery  of 
his  birth  place.  No  verdure,  no  enclosures  of  his  paternal 
home  are  more  pleasant,  desired  or  natural,  than  good  sea 
room.  The  winds  and  waves  are  chartered  alike  to  convey 
him  from  danger,  and  to  furnish  him  with  the  spectacles, 
varieties  and  pleasures  of  new  ports.  Not  so  with  the  lands- 
man, far  from  home  in  the  land  of  the  stranger.  Every 
new  object,  every  variety  of  soil,  climate,  vegetation,  strange 
plants  and  trees,  strange  men,  dresses,  religions,  modes  of 
building,  strange  customs,  and,  more  than  all,  strange  speech, 
awaken  every  moment  those  feelings,  which  made  the  Romans 
denominate  the  strange  host  by  a  word,  that  implies  an  enemy. 
At  every  step  nature  puts  on  new  forms  of  hostility,  and  warns 
him  against  uncalled  espionage  of  her  privacy,  and  familiarity 
with  her  secrets.  His  weary  steps,  his  worn  down  horse  or 
mule,  furnish  no  facilities  of  escape  from  those  combinations 
of  danger  that  imagination  so  readily  creates,  where  they  do 
not  really  exist.  A  whole  community,  with  all  their  innate 
and  national  likes  and  dislikes,  are  always  ready  to  yield 
to  the  natural  human  repugnance  to  whatever  is  a  departure 
from  its  own  ways,  and  to  make  a  war  of  extermination  upon 
the  defenceless  and  desolate  strangers.  The  ancient  bard 
admired  the  temerity  of  [257]  those,  who  first  dared,  with  only 
a  thin  plank  to  interpose,  between  them  and  death,  to  com- 
mit themselves  to  the  winds  and  waves.  If  we  viewed  the 
daring  in  all  its  aspects  and  bearings  it  would  furnish  equal 
ground  for  admiration,  to  contemplate  one  or  a  few  solitary 
travellers  setting  forth  on  a  journey  of  a  thousand  leagues, 
through  strange  countries,  among  people  at  war  with  each 
other,  and  in  language,  manners  and  religion  furnished  with 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  329 

a  radical  and  unchangeable  ground  of  jealousy,  dislike  and 
hostility.  How  happens  it,  under  such  circumstances,  that 
men  ever  break  the  tender  ties,  the  natural  and  strong  char- 
ities of  home,  and  go  far  away,  to  enter  askance,  embarrassed 
and  afraid,  the  habitation  of  the  stranger,  knowing  nothing 
of  his  language  and  character,  and  only  knowing  that  the 
stranger  has  a  religion  and  customs,  not  only  different,  but 
hostile  ?  The  love  of  gain,  curiosity,  the  disposition  to  meet 
adventures,  and  the  wandering  protuberance  can  only  fur- 
nish adequate  motives. —  We  believe,  that  Americans,  and 
particularly  the  New  Englanders  have  more  ample  endow- 
ments of  these  combinations,  than  any  other  people.  If  we 
have  ever  for  a  moment  given  place  to  the  traveller's  vanity, 
in  thinking,  that  in  visiting  some  new  and  distant  region,  we 
had  achieved  an  exploit, —  on  reaching  the  desired  point, 
that  vanity  has  been  instantly  corrected  by  finding  compatriots 
there  before  us,  who  seemed  quite  at  home,  and  wholly  uncon- 
scious, that  the  attainment  of  their  new  domicil  had  given 
them  any  claims  to  celebrity. 

We  were  recently  indulged  with  the  reading  of  a  manu- 
script journal  of  an  overland  tour  from  Jackson,  in  Tennessee, 
by  way  of  Memphis,  the  Arkansas,  and  one  of  its  long  and 
undescribed  branches,  over  the  wide  prairies  to  the  moun- 
tains that  separate  between  our  territory  and  that  of  New 
Mexico;  to  Santa  Fe  and  the  towns  in  that  vicinity;  and 
thence  back,  over  the  arid  plains  between  Santa  Fe  and  the 
Council  Bluffs,  on  the  Missouri.  The  caravan  noted  in  their 
journal,  as  a  common  matter,  that  their  trip  had  extended 
between  five  and  six  thousand  miles.  It  was  not  a  little 
amusing,  or  furnishing  moderate  excitement  of  interest  and 
play  of  the  imagination,  to  become  [258]  acquainted  with  the 
thoughts  of  these  hardy  denizens  of  the  forests  of  Tennessee, 
as  they  first  emerged  from  the  dark  woods  upon  the  ocean 
prairies  of  the  Arkansas.  Their  reasonings  upon  the  strange 
country  over  which  they  past,  in  one  place  covered  with 


■7^0  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

countless  buffaloes,  in  another  with  moving  sands,  and  still 
in  another  offering  the  temperature  of  winter  in  sunamer,  in 
parallels  south  of  their  nativity;    upon  the  different  soils, 
temperatures  and   configurations  of  the  country,  have  an 
intrinsic  interest.     They  are  not  the  reasonings  of  cosmogon- 
ists,  or  geologists,  or  chemists,  or  botanists,  or  philosophers; 
but  of  men,  who  reason  from  first  impressions, —  who  make 
short  work  of  knotty  and  debateable  points,  and  where  they 
cannot  untie  the  Gordian  knot,  make  no  ceremony  in  cutting 
it  with  the  hunter's  knife.     Nothing  could  be  more  inter- 
esting, than  to  witness  this  little  caravan  surrounded  by 
hordes  of  the  ruthless  red  Tartars  of  the  desert,  brandish- 
ing their  lances  on  horseback,  and  scenting  the  plunder 
with  panther  keenness  of  instinct.     Forewarned  by  the  fate 
of  caravans  that  had  preceded  them,  how  little  they  had  to 
hope,  except  from  the  fears  of  these  Ishmaelites,  they  poise 
themselves  on  their  native  intrepidity,  arrange  their  little 
phalanx,  and  remind  the  classical  reader  of  the  deportment 
of  the  ten  thousand  amidst  the  strange  and  innumerable 
hordes  of  barbarians,  through  which,  partly  by  battle,  and 
partly  by  policy,  they  made  their  way.     The  interest  does 
not  diminish,  when  we  see  them  intermix  with  the  Spanish 
strangers,  equally  ignorant  and  bigoted;   the  one  calling  in 
act  cupidity  and  cunning,  to  countervail  the  cupidity  and 
cunning  of  the  other.    What  a  spectacle  must  be  furnished 
by  the  encounter  of  such  a  band  with  countless  thousands 
of  buffaloes!    What  scenes  are  witnessed  in  their  encamp- 
ments for  a  month,  with  no  other  itinerary,  than  the  windings 
of  an  unknown  river,  the  course  of  the  planets,  or  the  dis- 
tant blue  mountains,  whose  peaks  yet  want  a  name!   How 
different  their  incidents,  thoughts,  views,  food  and  rest  — 
their  nightly  encamping  and  morning  departure  along  the 
grass  plains,  that  vision  cannot  measure,  from  the  pursuits 
and  themes  of  us,  who  dwell  in  towns!  Yet  painful  [259]  and 
laborious  and  hazardous  as  are  these  distant  excursions. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  331 

those  who  engage  in  them,  soon  acquire  an  invincible  attach- 
ment to  them,  that  renders  all  other  pursuits  in  comparison 
stale  and  tedious! 

After  wandering  six  or  eight  weeks  over  these  prairies, 
living  on  buffalo  meat  without  bread  or  salt,  and  begrimmed 
with  grease,  smoke  and  the  fine  dust  of  the  prairies  to  a 
brotherly  resemblance  with  the  red  men,  and  not  at  all 
particular  about  making  their  toilet  of  a  dress,  which  in 
the  first  instance  smacked  nothing  of  dandyism,  nothing 
can  be  more  amusing,  than  their  ablutions,  and  beauti- 
fyings,  and  conversations,  as,  in  a  mountain-bounded  vale, 
with  a  rivulet  for  mirror,  they  talk  of  the  Spanish  beauties, 
and  lustrate  and  prepare  for  entering  upon  the  scene  of  their 
profits  and  conquests. 

In  an  article  before  us,  we  propose  to  take  a  brief  survey 
of  the  journal  of  Dr.  Willard,  an  amiable  and  very  correct 
young  man,  now  residing  in  our  city,  and  calculating  to 
become  a  permanent  inhabitant,  of  a  journey  to  the  interior 
of  New  Mexico,  and  a  residence  for  some  years  in  the  interior, 
and,  more  than  all,  a  descent  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  from  its 
head  springs  to  Matamoras,  at  its  mouth, —  an  immense 
extent  of  interesting  country,  as  far  as  our  reading  extends, 
wholly  unexplored.  Our  regret  is  equal  to  his  own,  that 
while  passing  down  this  long,  interesting  and  undescribed 
river,  he  had  not  been  more  particular  in  noting  the  physical 
aspect  of  the  country,  the  character  of  the  soil  and  produc- 
tions, animal  and  vegetable,  on  his  route.  But,  not  con- 
templating any  thing  beyond  refreshing  his  own  recollections, 
by  noting  down  obvious  and  diurnal  facts  and  incidents, 
the  journal  wants  that  fulness  and  variety,  which  he  would 
probably  give  to  it,  were  he  privileged  to  travel  over  the  same 
ground  again.  How  much  it  is  to  be  desired,  that  travellers 
should  remember,  while  traversing  new  and  unexplored 
regions,  that  what  may  seem  trivial  and  common,  while 
under  the  eye,  will  assume  a  different  interest  and  impor- 


222  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

tance,  when  surveyed  anew  by  memory.  No  journal  of 
travels  in  a  new  country  can  be  uninteresting,  so  that  the 
traveller  is  full  and  faithful  in  noting  [260]  down,  in  the 
freshness  of  vision  and  actual  occurrence,  what  is  passing 
and  spread  under  his  eye. 

Dr.  Willard  was  a  citizen  of  St.  Charles,  on  the  Missouri; 
and  joined  a  Missouri  caravan  to  New  Mexico,  as  it  appears, 
with  mixed  inducements.  He  had  something  of  the  common 
American  propensity  to  seek  his  fortune;  and  seems  to  have 
been  disposed  to  make  his  debut  and  perform  his  first  quar- 
antine among  the  Spaniards,  choosing  to  make  his  first 
experiment  in  spoiling  the  tents  of  the  Philistine,  rather 
than  the  children  of  his  own  people. 

Dr.  Willard  left  St.  Charles,  May  6,  1825.  The  caravan 
consisted  of  thirty-three  persons.  He  had  not  journeyed 
beyond  the  settlements  of  the  Missouri  until  the  i6th,  when 
he  records  in  his  tablets,  that  he  slept  under  a  tent  for  the 
first  time  in  his  life.  The  greater  part  of  the  long  distance 
between  St.  Charles  and  the  mountains  at  the  sources  of  the 
Arkansas,  is  a  country  of  rolling  prairies,  until  we  reach  the 
great  plains  of  the  Arkansas,  generally  covered  with  grass, 
and  of  but  moderate  fertility.  A  narrow  belt  of  the  last 
portion  of  the  distance  is  not  unlike  the  deserts  of  Arabia, 
—  a  sterile  plain  of  sand  heaps,  with  but  here  and  there  a 
few  of  the  hardier  weeds  and  plants,  which  seem  to  have 
settled  here,  as  outcasts  from  more  fertile  and  genial  regions. 
The  route,  laying  across  the  head  sources  of  the  larger  rivers 
of  the  Missouri  and  Arkansas,  traverses  but  few  rivers  or 
creeks,  that  are  not  fordable."^  Although  it  has  the  repu- 
tation of  being  an  exceedingly  arid  region,  one  of  the  most 
frequent  occurrences  noted  in  his  journal,  is  being  drenched 
with  rains.  On  the  2 2d,  he  remarks,  that  the  earth,  over 
which  they  travelled,  was  completely  saturated  with  rain; 

*^  For  an  account  of  the  Santa  F^  trail,  along  which  this  caravan  passed,  see 
Gregg,  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  in  our  volumes  xix  and  xx. —  Ed. 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  333 

it  having  rained  every  day,  save  two,  since  their  departure. 
Another  occurrence,  which  we  have  noted  in  all  similar 
journals,  and  one  of  the  most  unpleasant  character,  is  the 
escape,  or  what  is  called  the  breaking  away  of  the  horses. 
One  mode  of  securing  them  on  these  boundless  grass  plains 
is  technically  called  'hoppling' — we  imagine  a  corruption 
of  the  word  'hobbling.'  The  fore  and  hind  legs  of  the  horse 
are  fastened  by  a  kind  of  fetter,  generally  [261]  of  leather. 
Horses  accustomed  to  this  kind  of  impediment  can  travel 
with  ease  far  enough  to  feed ;  but  with  not  sufficient  facility 
to  evade  the  owner.  But  the  more  general  security  is  the 
feeling  of  companionship  with  each  other,  and  with  their 
owners,  which  these  generous  animals  soon  acquire;  and 
which  has  so  much  influence,  that  affright,  or  the  calls  of 
wild  horses,  or  some  extraneous  circumstance,  is  necessary 
to  overcome  it.  But  these  circumstances  frequently  occur; 
and  though  the  caravans  have,  or  should  have  a  guard  of 
one  eighth  of  the  company,  of  sleepless  vigilance,  to  guard 
against  such  disasters,  it  often  happens,  that  the  horses 
break  away;  and  we  can  imagine  few  employments,  except 
dunning  and  borrowing,  more  irksome  and  hopeless,  than 
that  of  turning  out  upon  the  great  buffalo  pasture  a  thousand 
leagues  by  five  hundred  in  extent,  in  pursuit  of  horses, 
which  after  all  make  it  a  matter  of  choice,  even  if  discovered, 
whether  they  will  be  taken  or  not.  But  it  so  happens,  that 
these  animals,  with  the  municipal  habits  of  settled  life,  and 
certain  remembrances  of  country  and  home,  start  back  on 
the  track  of  their  outward  march,  and  with  their  heads 
towards  the  natal  spot ;  and  from  this  circumstance  it  seldom 
happens,  that,  when  overtaken  by  their  owners,  they  are 
not  persuaded  to  be  retaken. 

On  the  2 2d  they  see  droves  of  elk,  antelopes  and  deer; 
and  of  the  latter  kill  two.  Here  is  the  view  of  prairies  bound- 
less to  vision,  of  only  moderate  fertility,  but  covered  with 
grass,  and  adorned  with  a  great  variety  of  flowering  plants. 


•^34  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

A  number  of  ravines,  filled  with  water,  are  crossed  with 
difficulty.  It  is  mentioned  as  a  difficulty  of  frequent  occur- 
rence, that  they  could  not  find  sufficient  wood  for  cooking. 
24th,  see  two  droves  of  elk  —  20  in  each.  Some  deer  among 
them;  of  which  one  is  killed.  At  night  they  encamp  on  the 
banks  of  a  creek,  supposed  to  be  a  branch  of  the  Verdigris 
of  the  Arkansas.  Friday,  27th,  depending  on  their  guns, 
and  game  having  failed,  they  start  without  breakfast.  Be- 
tween 10  and  II,  a  fine  buck  is  killed;  and  they  feast 
high  again.  This  night  encamped  on  the  waters  of 
the  main  Verdigris."*  Here  they  find  a  skirt  [262]  of 
timber.  Among  the  plants  are  noted  wild  onion,  hog 
potatoe,  wild  tansy,  prickly  pears,  and  a  great  variety  of 
flowering  plants  and  shrubs.  It  is  recorded  on  the  28th, 
that  they  went  three  miles  out  of  their  way,  to  arrive  at  wood 
and  water.  On  the  29th  they  encamped  by  a  little  cotton 
wood  tree,  the  only  one  in  sight  on  the  plain.  They  cut  it 
down  for  fuel.  Every  one  knows  the  difficulty  of  burning 
green  cottonwood.  The  rains  are  still  frequent.  On  the 
30th  they  see  the  first  signs  of  buffaloes.  Delighted  with 
the  fragrance  of  the  flowering  prairies  over  which  they  pass 
On  the  31st  they  passed  mounds,  composed  of  rocks  re- 
sembling lumps  of  iron  ore.  They  encamped  on  a  small 
creek,  skirted  with  a  few  lonely  trees. 

June  ist,  they  discover  buffaloes.  He  thinks  that  they 
could  not  have  been  less  than  100,000  before  noon.  Killed 
eight  or  ten.  Dine  upon  buffalo  soup  and  steaks;  which, 
although  eaten  without  bread  or  salt,  he  considers  delicious. 
Continual  exercise  on  horseback,  and  associations  with  the 
sterility  and  desolation  of  the  desert,  would  probably  render 
any  food  such.  This  day  they  passed  a  very  large  town,  or 
community  of  the  animals  called  prairie  dogs  {arctomys 
ludoviciana.)     Dr.  Willard  describes  them,  as  larger  than 

"*  For  the  Verdigris  River,  see  Nuttall's  Journal,  in  our  volume  xiii,  p.  234, 
note  193. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie' s  Personal  Narrative  335 

they  have  been  commonly  represented,  and  of  the  size  of  a 
domestic  cat.  They  considerably  resemble  a  dog  in  appear- 
ance, except  about  the  head,  which  bears  a  close  analogy  to 
that  of  the  squirrel.  Their  community  contains  some  hun- 
dred burrows;  the  surface  of  their  town  being  kept  perfectly 
clean  and  smooth.  On  the  eminences  made  by  the  dirt  car- 
ried out  of  their  burrows,  they  sit,  and  fiercely  bark  defiance 
at  the  approaching  traveller.  Their  form  seems  rather 
clumsy;  and  their  hair  is  short,  and  of  a  light  red  color. 

In  crossing  the  creek  before  them  they  found  two  buffaloes 
mired  in  the  mud.  They  humanely  endeavored  to  assist  one 
of  the  unfortunate  animals  out,  and  restore  him  to  his  free 
plains;  but  he  was  spent;  and  drowned  notwithstanding 
their  efforts  to  disengage  him.  On  the  opposite  shore  of 
the  creek,  the  buffaloes  covered  the  plains,  as  far  as  their 
eyes  could  reach.  Wolves  and  antelopes  were  bounding 
among  them  in  all  directions.  [263]  In  the  distance  were 
red  sand  hills,  which  reflected  the  sun's  rays,  and  seemed 
like  a  burning  wall,  bounding  this  magnificent  park  of 
nature.  On  the  7th  they  passed  several  dog  towns;  fed  upon 
buffaloe  flesh;  and  found  no  other  material  for  fuel,  but  the 
dried  manure  of  the  animal.  On  the  8th  they  reached  the 
main  Arkansas;  which  they  found  nearly  half  a  mile  wide, 
although  it  must  have  been,  by  its  meanders,  1,200  miles  from 
its  mouth.  The  velocity  of  the  river  at  this  point  was  from 
three  to  three  and  a  half  miles  an  hour.  The  western 
reader  will  not  need  to  be  informed,  that  this  is  the  full  width, 
and  more  than  the  velocity  of  the  river  at  its  mouth.  He 
found  the  waters  potable;  which  it  is  well  known,  they  are 
not  in  its  lower  courses. 

An  unpleasant  accident  occurred  here.  In  firing  upon 
droves  of  buffaloes,  they  turned  them  out  of  their  direction 
upon  the  course  of  the  caravan.  Six  pack  horses  broke  from 
their  ranks,  probably  in  affright.  After  pursuing  them  ten 
miles,  three  were  recovered.     The  other  three,  loaded  with 


336  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

goods  to  the  amount  of  three  hundred  dollars,  and  with  cloth- 
ing and  provisions,  were  never  recovered.  A  Mr.  Andrews, 
of  their  company,  who  had  gone  out  to  hunt,  was  captured 
by  the  Indians;  and  after  being  detained  unharmed  eight 
days,  escaped  from  them,  and  overtook  his  company. 

On  the  15th  they  crossed  the  Arkansas,  to  hunt,  and  lay  in 
a  stock  of  provisions,  on  the  opposite  shore.  On  the  i8th  they 
left  the  Arkansas;  having  thus  far  accomplished  something 
more  than  twenty  miles  a  day,  on  an  average.  Hence  they 
travelled,  part  of  the  way  over  sand  hills,  forty-five  miles;  in 
which  distance  they  found  some  water,  though  it  is  commonly 
destitute.  This  brought  them  to  the  small  river  called  theSem- 
irone.^'^  The  23d  brought  them  to  a  fine  spring,  surrounded 
with  huge  rocky  knobs,  on  which  were  interesting,  ancient, 
Indian  fortifications.  Small  timber,  wild  plumbs,  grapes 
and  currants  skirt  the  borders;  affordmg  a  charming  variety 
to  the  eye,  after  the  long  and  dreary  expanse  of  prairie,  which 
they  had  traversed.  They  inhaled  the  fragrance  of  various 
aromatic  flowers,  and  [264]  listened  to  the  singing  of  birds. 
They  here  left  the  small  creek,  called  the  Semirone,  upon 
which  they  had  been  travelling  since  they  left  the  Arkansas, 
and  took  their  direction  for  the  mountains.  On  the  24th 
the  summits  of  the  Rocky  mountains  visible  in  the  distance. 
On  the  29th,  mountains  in  view,  white  with  snow,  and  sup- 
posed to  be  distant  100  miles.  Passed  a  creek,  which  they 
judged  to  be  a  water  of  Red  river. 

The  last  day  of  June,  they  began  to  ascend  the  mountains. 
The  latitude  of  their  point  of  ascent  is  not  laid  down.  But 
we  should  suppose  their  general  course  to  have  been  west 
from  the  point,  whence  they  started.  This  was  an  interesting 
point  of  their  journey.  From  a  vast  expanse  of  naked  plains 
they  now  began  to  ascend  high  mountains.  Alpine  scenery 
surrounds  them.  They  inhale  a  highly  oxygenated  atmos- 
phere.    The  sighing  of  the  wind  in  mountain  pines  and 

"^  This  is  the  Cimarron  River,  see  note  43,  ante. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie' s  Personal  Narrative  337 

evergreens  is  heard,  and  they  rapidly  pass  from  the  domin- 
ions of  scorching  summer  to  the  cool  and  brisk  spring  breeze. 
The  atmosphere  is  that  of  March,  and  the  strawberries,  and 
vegetation  of  a  similar  character,  are  in  blossom. 

They  here  perform  a  lustration,  preparatory  to  entering 
into  the  Spanish  settlements.  They  wash  away  the  dirt  and 
grease  coated  on  them,  during  their  long  march  over  the  hot 
and  dusty  plains,  and  put  themselves  in  trim  to  show  them- 
selves in  presence  of  people  of  a  certain  degree  of  civiliza- 
tion. Here  they  met  a  party  of  ten  or  twelve  Spaniards, 
who  had  come  out  from  Taos  to  prevent  them  from  smug- 
gling their  goods. 

Their  reception  by  the  people  would  not  furnish  much 
interest  in  the  description.  We  presume  the  chief  effort  be- 
tween the  parties  was,  to  determine  which  should  be  most 
dextrous  in  circumventing  the  other.  Dr.  Willard  boarded 
with  a  Spaniard  of  the  name  of  Pablo  Sucero,  at  twelve  dol- 
lars a  month.  The  country  hilly,  mainly  destitute  of  timber, 
and  by  no  means  fertile.  The  church  is  a  large  mud  build- 
ing; and  the  people  do  not  seem  to  him  to  be  very  attentive 
to  the  ceremonial  and  duties  of  their  religion. 

We  think,  the  article  would  not  be  destitute  of  interest,  if 
we  [265]  were  able  to  enter  into  ample  details  of  Dr.  Wil- 
lard's  residence  among  this  people,  where  he  remained  two 
months,  in  the  practice  of  physic.  On  the  fourth  of  July, 
the  American  traders  in  that  region,  who  then  made  a  con- 
siderable of  a  showy  concourse,  turned  out  to  celebrate  the 
great  festival  of  the  natal  day  of  their  liberties.  Dr.  Willard 
prepared  a  flag  with  the  American  eagle.  They  went 
through  their  evolutions  and  firings  much  to  the  credit  of 
their  own  patriotism;  and  no  doubt,  to  the  edification  and 
delight  of  the  good  people,  men,  women  and  children,  of 
Taos.  The  people  received  them  in  the  different  quarters 
of  the  town  with  shouts  of  'Viva  la  RepublicaV  Much  of 
the  journal  is  occupied  with  accounts  of  difficulties  with  the 


338  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.18 

officers  of  the  customs,  in  relation  to  the  duties  demanded 
by  the  Spaniards  upon  their  goods. 

Dr.  Willard  manifested  a  prudent  regard  to  the  observ- 
ances of  the  Catholic  ceremonial;  and  was  soon  in  full  prac- 
tice of  physic  among  the  people.  Among  some  hundreds 
of  cases,  which  he  records,  there  were  all  sorts  of  complaints, 
that  flesh  is  heir  to ;  and  not  a  few  bore  evidence,  that  deprav- 
ity had  found  its  way,  with  its  attendant  penalties,  to  these 
remote  recesses  of  the  interior  mountains,  and  among  this 
simple  and  pastoral  people,  where  such  results  ought  not  to 
have  been  expected.  Among  other  patients,  he  prescribes 
for  the  acknowledged  concubine  of  a  priest;  and  in  another 
case,  a  reverend  personage,  sworn  of  course  to  celibacy, 
hesitated  not  to  admit  the  claims  of  his  offspring.  Some  of 
his  patients,  as  would  be  the  case  among  us,  disputed  his 
charges.  Others  in  gratitude  repaid  him  far  beyond  his 
claims.  He  seems  to  us  to  have  been  a  very  discreet  and 
sober  faced  young  gentleman,  prudently  disposed  to  consult 
Our  Lady  0]  good  counsel;  in  other  words,  to  keep  professional 
secrets;  for  the  ladies  trusted  him.  The  old  ladies,  in  par- 
ticular, gave  him  the  masonic  and  confidential  grip,  advised 
him  to  shrive  and  take  a  conversion,  marry  a  young  lady  of 
the  country  and  become  one  of  them.  These  amiable  old 
Christians  thought,  no  doubt,  that  a  man  can  take  a  conver- 
sion when  he  chooses;  and  that  nothing  more  is  necessary, 
as  many  [266]  of  our  enlightened  friends  here  believe,  than 
to  feel,  that  it  was  a  point  of  interest  to  become  a  good  Catho- 
lic, really  to  become  so.  He  very  frequently  attends  fandan- 
goes, which  appear  to  be  of  a  character  similar  to  our  country 
balls.  His  practice  seems  to  have  been  constant  and  exten- 
sive. Among  his  patients,  he  numbers  priests,  the  governor, 
the  military;  young  and  old,  male  and  female;  and  not  a  few 
Indians,  and  among  them  some  chiefs.  He  notes  in  his 
tablets  very  frequent  attendance  upon  religious  festivals; 
and  they  seemed  to  him  poor  and  cheap  shows,  only  capable 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  339 

of  furnishing  interest  and  curiosity  for  a  people  a  little  above 
the  Indians  in  point  of  refinement.  Though  decent  and 
respectful  in  his  deportment,  while  among  the  people,  and  in 
view  of  the  solemnities,  he  speaks  of  them  with  sufficient  in- 
difference, when  away,  and  in  communion  with  his  own 
thoughts.  He  probably  was  not  sufficiently  aware  of  the 
influence  of  such  a  religion  of  forms  and  observances,  in  keep- 
ing in  order  a  rude  and  ignorant  people,  who  were  incapable 
of  a  more  spiritual  service.  However  immoral  they  may 
have  been  with  this  superstition  and  these  observances,  we 
have  no  doubt,  they  would  have  been  still  more  so  without 
them. 

While  Dr.  Willard  shows  an  evident  disposition  to  think 
kindly  and  respectfully  of  the  people,  among  whom  he  so- 
journed, it  is  obvious  from  various  incidental  circumstances, 
noted  in  the  journal,  that  the  fandangoes  and  evening  amuse- 
ments were  conducted  in  a  style  of  the  coarsest  simplicity, — 
removed,  it  is  true  far  above  the  intercourse  of  their  red 
neighbors,  but  probably  quite  as  far  from  that  of  our  people 
in  the  same  condition.  Very  few  of  the  ladies  were  even 
tolerably  pretty;  and  most  of  them  were  coarse,  sufficiently 
forward,  and  not  at  all  remarkable  for  attractions  either  of 
persons  or  manners.  Some  few  were  delicate,  and  some 
even  beautiful. 

From  his  recorded  intercourse  with  the  priests,  it  would 
seem,  that  he  was  almost  uniformly  treated  with  kindness 
and  liberality.  In  fact,  they  evinced,  so  far  as  can  be  in- 
ferred from  their  deportment,  a  good  degree  of  liberality. 
There  can  be  little  doubt,  that  the  superstition  of  the  people 
reacts  upon  them,  [267]  and  compels  them  to  a  seeming  de- 
votion to  the  formal  and  ceremonial  part  of  their  worship, 
from  which  they  would  gladly  escape.  With  the  progress 
of  free  inquiry,  we  confidently  anticipate  a  consequent  grad- 
ual triumph  over  the  influence  of  bigotry. 

One  trait  among  them  is  worthy  of  all  praise  —  a  simple, 


340  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

unostentatious  and  noble  hospitality.  It  is  recorded  in  Dr. 
Willard's  tablets,  that  one  day  he  dined  with  the  governor; 
and  on  another  was  invited  to  spend  the  evening  with  some 
donna,  or  family  of  respectability;  that  his  patients  and 
friends  often  called  upon  him,  to  invite  him  to  ride  with  them 
to  this  point  and  to  that;  and  that  a  horse  or  carriage  was 
always  provided  on  such  occasions.  Such  hospitalities,  it 
is  true,  are  unexpensive  in  a  country,  where  farmers  have 
six  or  eight  thousand  horses  or  mules,  forty  thousand  cattle, 
and  twice  as  many  sheep.  But  curlish  and  boorish  people 
will  always  be  inhospitable,  cost  the  efforts  to  be  otherwise 
little  or  much.  This  single  trait  in  their  character  went  far 
with  us  to  conciliate  kind  feeling  and  good  will  towards 
them. 

Writers  on  this  country  have  generally  represented  its 
climate  as  variable  and  unequal.  Dr.  Willard  found  Taos, 
Sante  Fe  and  Chihuahua  to  possess  a  very  agreeable  climate. 
It  was  never  so  warm  there,  as  in  some  days  of  our  summer. 
The  temperature  seemed  to  him  equable,  and  seldom  falling 
much  below,  or  rising  far  above  our  temperate  summer  heat. 
The  country  suffers  much  from  aridity,  and  the  want  of  the 
shelter  of  our  trees  and  noble  forests.  A  few  miserable, 
stinted  shrubberies  of  a  diminutive  growth,  like  that  which 
covers  our  shrub-oak  plains,  called  musqueto  wood,  is  only 
found  at  intervals.  These  countries  are  so  elevated,  that 
beyond  28°  north  latitude,  the  ground  is  sometimes  whitened 
with  snow  and  frost.  Muriates  of  soda  and  lime,  and  nitrate 
of  potash,  and  other  saline  substances,  abound  on  the  sur- 
face, and  often  so  encrust  the  soil,  as  to  bid  defiance  to  culti- 
vation. The  mountains  at  the  sources  of  the  Arkansas  are 
sublime  elevations.  There  are  sometimes  cultivable  table 
summits  on  their  peaks.  That  the  soil  is  underlaid  with 
strata  of  calcareous  rock,  is  manifest  from  a  very  astonishing 
[268]  recorded  phenomenon.  In  1752  the  Rio  del  Norte  be- 
came dry  for  an  extent  of  150  leagues.     The  water  had  sunk. 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  341 

and  passed  through  subterranean  channels,  and  so  continued 
to  flow  for  some  weeks;  when,  no  doubt,  the  chasm  became 
choked,  and  the  river  resumed  its  former  bed.  Among  the 
most  hnportant  Indian  tribes  are  the  Commanche,  Appache 
and  Navijo.  They  Hve  on  horseback,  and  keep  the  inhab- 
itants constantly  on  the  alert  and  alarm.  They  are  the 
Ishmaelites  and  Tartars  of  these  deserts.  It  seldom  rains; 
and  when  rains  happen,  the  spring  of  that  country  may  be 
said  to  have  commenced.  The  naked,  red  and  rolling  sur- 
face of  the  wide  prairies,  only  limited  by  rude  and  rugged 
mountains,  become  at  once  covered  with  a  tender  and  deep 
verdure.  This  spring  happens  in  September.  The  whole 
country  becomes  as  an  ocean  of  verdure.  Few  frosts  occur. 
When  the  dry  season  returns,  this  grass  may  be  said  to  be 
cured  standing.  The  cattle  feed  and  fatten  upon  it,  when 
in  its  state  of  verdant  tenderness.  It  afterwards  sustains 
them  as  substantial  hay.  Hence,  and  from  the  mildness  and 
salubrity  of  the  climate,  and  its  destitution  of  storms,  its  ad- 
vantages for  a  grazing  and  a  shepherd's  country.  Hence  its 
infinite  numbers  of  fine  mules,  horses,  cattle  and  sheep ;  and 
hence,  also,  its  innumerable  droves  of  antelopes,  deer  and 
buffaloes. 

All  cultivation  is  carried  on  only  by  artificial  irrigation; 
and  it  seems  wonderful,  how  providence  has  adapted  a  coun- 
try, which  could  produce  but  few  of  the  edible  cerealia  with- 
out it,  for  irrigation.  Abundant  rams  fall  on  the  mountains; 
and  the  flush  waters  are  collected  in  the  Rio  del  Norte,  which 
rolls  down  these  arid  plains  in  such  a  channel,  and  by  such 
a  gentle  slope,  that  each  of  the  inhabitants  along  this  water 
course  can  command  just  as  much  water  as  his  necessities  of 
cultivation  require.  Where  the  soil  is  fertile,  it  will  natur- 
aUy  be  imagined,  how  delightful  and  luxuriant  those  fields 
and  gardens  will  be,  when  the  owners  can  command  just  as 
frequent  waterings  as  they  choose.  Art  works  a  miniature 
sample ;  but  it  has  a  neatness  and  finish,  which  we  look  for  in 


2^2  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

vain  in  the  great  scale  of  nature's  rough  operations.  In 
Chihuahua,  their  trees,  planted  for  ornament  and  shade,  re- 
quire to  be  irrigated;  and  a  person  [269]  is  appointed  by  a 
municipality,  whose  business  it  is  to  take  care  of  the  trees, 
and  see  that  they  want  not  for  water.  Of  course,  native 
trees  can  only  be  expected  on  the  misty  and  cool  tops  of  the 
hills,  and  near  the  constant  moisture  of  streams  and  ponds. 
It  will  not  be  difficult  to  imagine,  that  in  a  very  windy  climate 
—  and  this  is  such, —  where,  too,  it  rains  moderately  only  a 
few  days  in  the  year,  they  will  have  ample  opportunities  to 
know  what  dust  means.  But  it  so  happens,  that  there  is 
little  travel, —  little  cause  to  break  the  sward,  or  disturb  the 
tranquil  monotony  of  nature;  and  the  people  have  become 
accustomed  to  look  on  the  brown-yellow  and  sear  surface, 
during  a  great  portion  of  the  year,  with  the  same  patient 
composure  of  endurance,  with  which  we  regard  the  mud, 
desolation  and  frost  of  winter. 

These  people  live,  as  the  honest  Irishman  said  of  his  farm 
on  Lake  Erie,  '  'a  thousand  miles  from  home,  and  five  hun- 
dred from  any  place!"  They  are  nearly  a  thousand  miles 
from  Matamoras,  still  farther  from  Mexico;  and  as  far  from 
the  settled  parts  of  our  country.  The  mail  goes  and  returns, 
so  as  that  an  answer  can  be  had  from  Mexico  in  about  two 
months.  Our  municipal  arts  are  almost  unknown  to  them. 
They  make  whiskey  it  is  true;  but  all  the  saw  they  know, 
and  all  the  water  or  steam  power,  for  making  building  plank, 
is  the  human  steam  power  of  a  broadaxe,  or  an  awkward 
hatchet,  applied  to  the  cloven  sections  of  a  log.  It  seems 
incredible,  that  such  can  be  the  state  of  the  mechanic  arts 
among  a  policed  people,  living  under  a  government;  but 
such  is  the  fact.  Not  a  word  need  be  said  about  the  external 
improvement,  the  buildings,  and  finishings  of  dwellings, 
exterior  and  interior,  when  the  plank  are  made  with  a  broad- 
axe. Yet  Dr.  Willard  mentions  a  splendid  stone  church  at 
Chihuahua,  which  cost  300,000  dollars,  was  supported  by 


1824-1830]  Pattte' s  Personal  Narrative  343 

Corinthian  pillars,  and  glittered  with  gilding.  The  houses 
in  the  towns  are  generally  built  of  unburnt  bricks;  in  many 
instances  in  the  form  of  a  parallelogram,  or  hollow  square, 
making  the  fronts  at  once  mural  defences,  and  the  fronts  of 
dwellings.  The  floors  are,  for  the  most  part,  brick  or  com- 
position,—  that  is  [270]  to  say,  clay,  lime,  &c.  pulverized, 
and  cemented  with  blood,  or  other  glutinous  and  sizy  liquids. 

Dr.  Willard's  narrative  incidentally  brings  to  light,  with  a 
great  degree  of  naivete,  many  of  the  interior  lights  and  shades 
of  their  social  intercourse  and  manners.  Nothing  can  well 
be  imagined,  more  unlike  ours;  and  yet  there  are  many  points 
of  resemblance,  in  which  all  civilized  people  must  possess  a 
similarity  of  manners.  It  is  wonderful,  how,  with  their  ex- 
treme bigotry,  they  could  so  readily  have  admitted  an  un- 
known stranger  to  their  intimacy  and  confidence.  They 
evidently  are  a  dancing  generation;  for  fandangoes  are  mat- 
ters of  very  frequent  occurrence.  Our  young  physician  gen- 
erally noted  the  presence  of  the  minister  at  these  places, 
which  a  reverend  gentleman  here  has  denominated  'squeezes,' 
—  a  word  which,  however,  seems  more  vulgar  and  less  re- 
spectable than  fandango. 

Upon  surveying  the  state  of  society,  and  the  progress  of 
improvement,  cultivation  and  refinement  in  these  countries, 
we  can  hardly  forbear  something  like  a  feeling  of  exultation, 
on  comparing  our  condition  with  theirs.  What  an  immense 
distance  between  the  state  of  society  in  this  place  and  Chi- 
huahua, a  place  of  nearly  half  the  size,  and  thrice  the  age,  and 
the  same  distance  from  the  sea !  What  would  a  Cincinnatian 
think  of  building  a  house,  if  the  planks  were  to  be  hewed 
from  our  oaks  by  a  broadaxe  ?  What  a  spectacle  would  be 
the  state  of  things  here  to  a  citizen  of  that  place !  What  sur- 
prise and  astonishment  would  the  don  Creole  of  that  country 
experience,  if  transported  to  Lowell  in  Massachusetts,  with 
its  million  wheels  flying  in  dizzying,  and  at  first  view,  inex- 
plicable confusion !    Yet  they  have  mines  innumerable,  and 


344  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

ingots  of  silver;  and  one  farmer  owns  ten  thousand  horses 
and  mules, —  and  still  sleeps  under  the  puncture  of  fleas,  on 
a  wretched  bed,  supported  upon  an  earth  floor  —  without 
chairs,  without  hearths,  and  chimneys  and  fire  places;  in 
short,  the  lower  classes  dwell  in  habitations  like  the  comfort- 
less dens  of  Indians. 

They  want  freedom.  They  want  the  collision  of  rival 
minds.  They  want  liberty,  that  cannot  be  supplied  either 
by  constitutions,  [271]  or  laws,  or  enactments.  So  long  as 
bigotry  reigns,  so  long  as  the  terrors  of  perdition  are  held  up 
as  determents  from  all  freedom  of  thinking,  and  all  mental 
elasticity,  their  condition  cannot  ameliorate.  Let  a  miser- 
able, ignorant  priest  lay  down  the  law,  and  prescribe  just 
how  men  may  think  and  act  —  when  they  shall  go  to  church, 
and  when  stay  at  home  —  when  they  must  stand,  kneel,  or 
sit,  and  we  should  soon  be  here  the  same  mischievous  grown 
up  infants,  that  they  seem  to  be,  with  all  the  appetites  and 
passions  and  stubbornness  of  men,  and  all  the  mental  lazi- 
ness and  imbecility  of  children.  Our  free  institutions  are, 
no  doubt, attended  with  their  disadvantages;  and  there  maybe 
some  peculiar  pleasures  belonging  to  such  a  state  of  society 
as  exists  at  Chihuahua.  But  with  all  the  licentiousness  of  our 
press,  with  all  the  bitterness  of  the  hundred  tongues  of  cal- 
umny, with  all  our  rivalry  and  competition,  and  disposition 
to  pull  each  other  down,  that  we  may  fill  the  vacancy,  give 
us  our  free  institutions,  with  all  their  scourges  and  all  their 
curses;  where  men  may  be  truly  men;  where  the  mind  need 
not  feel  itself  shut  up  between  two  adamantine  walls;  where 
no  one  need  fear  to  think  because  a  stupid  doctor  in  divinity 
assures  him  he  will  be  damned,  if  he  dares  to  think.  Give 
us  freedom,  with  all  its  appendant  drawbacks.  Deliver  us 
from  the  abominations  of  a  dominant  church  establishment. 
Deliver  us  from  a  submission,  and  a  cringing  conformity, 
which  is  not  enjoined  by  the  voluntary  movement  of  a  free 
mind,  but  which  is  extorted  by  a  creed  maker,  armed  with  a 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  345 

little  brief  and  bad  authority.  It  seems  to  us,  as  if  even  the 
sincere  prayers  of  the  people,  who  are  compelled  by  law  to 
pray,  could  not  ascend  acceptably  to  Him,  whose  only  tem- 
ple is  the  free  heart.  It  is  evident,  that  the  hierarchy  of 
New  Spain  has  received  an  incurable  shock  from  the  revolu- 
tion there.  But  it  has  been  grafted  on  the  ignorance  and 
bigotry  of  centuries.  It  operates  as  cause  and  effect,  acting 
and  reacting  for  its  own  benefit;  and  it  will  be  ages  to  come, 
before  its  bad  predominance  will  pass  away.  We  would 
not  be  understood  to  object  to  the  Catholic  church,  as  such. 
We  believe  it  at  present  [272]  among  the  most  tolerant  and 
liberal  churches;  and  they  are  wretchedly  mistaken,  who 
think,  that  bigotry  belongs  exclusively  to  that  profession. 
It  is  a  cheering  consideration  in  our  country,  that  the  bigotry 
of  one  denomination  neutralizes  that  of  another;  so  that  ''all 
nature's  discord  makes  all  nature's  peace."  Heaven  de- 
fend us  from  a  dominant  religion,  or  a  worship  enforced  by 
law! 

Various  Spanish  writers,  Malte  Brun,  Humboldt,  Gen. 
Pike,  and  others,  have  described  this  country  superficially; 
Gen.  Pike,  perhaps,  more  satisfactorily,  and  more  to  the 
common  apprehension,  than  any  who  preceded  him.  Baron 
Humboldt,  only  travelled  it,  and  rapidly,  in  one  direction.*^" 
Pike  was  a  kind  of  a  state  prisoner,  while  in  it,  and  was  neces- 


*^  Flint  here  refers  to  the  most  available  authorities  on  Mexico.  Conrad 
Malte-Brun  was  a  Danish  geographer  (1775-1826),  banished  from  his  native  coun- 
try because  of  zeal  for  French  revolutionary  ideas.  Settling  in  Paris,  he  devoted 
himself  to  geographical  sciences,  and  issued  Precis  de  la  geographic  universelle 
(Paris,  1810-29),  w^hich  went  through  many  editions  and  was  long  accepted  as  a 
standard  authority.  Alexander,  Baron  von  Humboldt  (i  769-1859),  was  the  most 
distinguished  geographer  of  his  time.  His  famous  journey  to  South  America  and 
Mexico  (i 799-1804)  first  made  Spanish  America  known  to  the  world.  Armed  with 
official  permission  from  Madrid  his  Mexican  journey  lasted  about  a  year,  in  which 
he  made  a  large  collection  of  historical  and  scientific  facts.  The  journals  of  his 
travels  were  published  as  part  of  his  thirty-volume  work  on  New  Spain.  He  also 
published  Essai  Politique  sur  le  Royaume  du  Nouveau  Espagnc  (Paris,  181 1).  For 
Pike's  work,  see  Brackenridge's  Journal,  in  our  volume  vi,  p.  155,  note  56;  also 
note  46,  ante. —  Ed. 


2^6  Earfy  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

sarily,  much  restricted  in  his  means  for  making  observations. 
Perhaps  no  person  has  had  more  ample  chances  of  this  kind, 
than  Dr.  Willard.  Unfortunately,  he  was  there  with  the 
feeling  and  temperament,  which  are  usually  appended  to  the 
people  from  his  section  of  the  country,  and  whose  principle 
object  is  to  secure,  what  the  New  Englander  calls  the  main 
chance.  He  now  bitterly  regrets,  that  he  did  not  more  high- 
ly appreciate,  while  he  was  in  that  interesting,  and  in  a  great 
measure  unde scribed  and  unexplored  country,  his  opportu- 
nities to  have  made  a  book  of  travels  of  very  high  interest. 
As  it  was,  he  remained  in  the  country  nearly  three  years, 
made  his  first  essays  at  operating  on  the  living  fibre  among 
the  New-Mexicans,  traversed  the  whole  extent  of  country 
from  Taos  to  Matamoras,  a  distance  by  the  travelled  line,  of 
more  than  2000  miles.  He  travelled  leisurely,  and  at  inter- 
vals, through  the  country,  practising  physic  at  the  more  im- 
portant towns,  making  some  stay  at  Santa  Fe,  Chihuahua, 
Monterey,  Saltilleo,  Maspimi,  Matamoras,  &c.  We  note  in 
his  journal,  which  details  the  events  and  journeyings  of  each 
day,  proofs  of  the  hospitality  of  the  higher  classes  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  of  the  readiness  of  the  people  to  trust  themselves 
to  an  American  stranger,  who  appears  among  them  in  the 
character  of  a  physician,  [273]  although  they  consider  him 
a  heretic.  This  is  evidence  conclusive  of  their  deep  respect 
for  the  supposed  learning,  acuteness  and  talents  of  the  people 
from  our  division  of  the  continent.  He  made  money  rapid- 
ly, as  a  physician  among  them.  But  it  seems,  he  looked 
from  the  'leeks  and  fleshpots'  of  this  distant  and  strange 
country,  with  a  filial  remembrance,  towards  the  common 
mother  of  us  all,  the  land  of  his  birth;  and  preferred  to  re- 
turn, and  encounter  the  scramble  and  competition  of  an  over 
crowded  profession,  certainly  with  inferior  prospects  of 
present  pecuniary  advantage.  We  admire  that  feeling,  in 
our  countrymen,  which  prompts  them,  in  remote  and  foreign 
lands,  still  to  turn  their  thoughts  towards  home,  as  the  place 
of  the  charities,  views  and  motives,  that  render  life  desirable. 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  347 

A  true  hearted  American,  living  or  dying,  as  long  as  pulsation 
lasts,  dukes  reminiscitur  Argos.  It  will  gratify  the  reader 
to  learn,  that  our  enterprising,  modest  and  amiable  traveller 
spoiled  the  Philistines,  in  an  honorable  and  honest  way,  of  a 
sum  of  dollars,  which  to  a  young,  sober  and  calculating  New- 
Englander,  may  be  considered  the  embryo  germ  of  a  future 
fortune. 

We  left  him  last  at  Chihuahua.  He  left  this  place,  August 
5,  1827.  Unfrequent  as  rains  are,  he  records  being  wet 
with  a  shower  on  the  way  to  San  Pablo.  On  the  nth, 
another  shower  is  recorded.  From  these  casual  records,  we 
should  infer,  that  the  aridity  of  the  country  has  been  over- 
stated, as  the  records  of  rains  occur  in  this  journal  almost  as 
frequently,  as  they  would  in  our  country  at  the  same  period. 
The  loss  of  four  mules  is  mentioned  on  the  night  of  the  12th. 
The  loss  of  horses  stolen  is  also  mentioned,  as  a  frequent  oc- 
currence. Once  or  twice  all  his  clothes,  save  those  he  wore, 
were  taken  off,  during  his  sleep,  at  his  place  of  encampment. 
It  is  noted  often,  as  a  circumstance  of  hardship,  that  he  en- 
camps at  night  without  water;  and,  once  or  twice,  that  the 
beasts  travel  all  day,  without  finding  either  grass,  or  other 
feed.  Frequent  mention  is  made  of  haciendas,  ranchos,  and 
small  villages.  Among  them  are  noted  Vera  Cruz,  San  Bias 
and  San  Bernardo.  He  arrives  at  Mapimi,  September  7th. 
The  night  before  his  arrival  his  [274]  best  horse  was  stolen. 
He  stays  on  the  14th  at  San  Lorenzo,  where  the  grape  is 
cultivated  to  a  considerable  extent;  wine,  brandy,  and  dried 
fruit  being  important  articles  of  their  commerce.  The 
large  establishment  here  occupies  from  150  to  200  hands. 
The  whole  of  this  magnificent  and  expensive  establishment 
is  owned  by  a  young  widow.  He  thinks  the  wine  rich,  and  of 
a  fine  flavor,  describing  it,  as  having  the  sweetness  of  a  Greek 
wine.     On  the  19th  he  arrives  at  Saltillio.^"    This  town  he 

^''  Saltillo  was  founded  in  1586.  During  the  war  for  independence  this  place 
suffered  considerably,  a  battle  being  fought  here  in  181 1;  later,  the  town  served 
as  headquarters  for  the  insurgents  under  Jiminez.  In  1846  General  Zachary 
Taylor  occupied  the  place  without  opposition. —  Ed. 


348  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

supposes  to  contain  10,000  souls;  a  great  proportion  of  them 
Indians.  The  valley,  in  which  it  is  situated,  he  describes,  as 
one  great  beauty;  deeply  verdant,  and  productive  of  rich 
fruits.  It  is  surrounded  by  rugged  and  lofty  mountains. 
Great  part  of  Baring's  famous  purchase  lies  between  Paras 
and  this  place,  a  distance  of  88  miles.  He  considers  the 
intermediate  country  by  no  means  a  fertile  one.  In  all  these 
places  he  meets  Americans,  whom  he  names;  and  notes  the 
places  of  their  birth.  On  the  21st  he  records  passing  many 
fine  farms,  and  in  one  instance  a  line  of  stone  wall,  laid  per- 
fectly regular  and  straight  three  miles  in  length,  and  enclos- 
ing a  rich  wheat  field. 

There  is  little  in  the  subsequent  notes  of  the  journal, 
which  would  so  much  interest  the  general  reader,  as  the  mass 
of  information,  thrown  together  in  the  notes  upon  the  coun- 
try, which  follow.  We  recommend  them  to  the  attentive 
perusal  of  the  reader,  as  we  give  them  substantially  in  the 
author's  own  words.  The  reader  will  not  find  in  them  the 
manner  of  Baron  Humboldt,  or  Malte  Brun.  They  have 
no  resemblance,  either,  to  the  remarks  of  Gen.  Pike.  But 
they  have  the  piquancy  and  freshness  of  being  the  views  of 
a  shrewd,  and  intelligent  young  man,  who  had  his  eyes  open, 
and  was  accustomed  to  make  observations,  although  to  make 
money  was  his  first  vocation.  It  is,  perhaps,  from  views  like 
the  following,  that  we  form  more  definite  and  adequate  con- 
ceptions of  a  country,  than  from  the  scientific  and  ambitious 
writings  of  practised  scholars,  and  travellers,  who  commence 
their  career  with  the  professed  purpose  to  make  a  book. 

[275]  General  aspect  of  the  country  embraced  in  a  tour 
from  Council  Bluffs,  Mo.  to  Santa  Fe,  New-Mexico, 
thence  down  the  general  course  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  to  its 
mouth,  comprising  a  distance  of  2000  miles. 

The  physical  appearance  of  that  part  of  the  country,  lying 
between  the  limits  of  Missouri  and  the  Rocky  mountains,  is 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  349 

generally  well  known  to  be,  comparatively  speaking,  an 
illimitable  expanse  of  prairie.  That  portion  of  country, 
situated  between  the  Missouri  and  the  head  waters  of  the 
Osage  rivers,  is  considerably  undulating;  the  lower  situations 
of  which  abound,  more  or  less,  with  timber,  grass  and  small 
streams;  the  higher  portions  are  usually  covered  with  grass 
only. 

When  arriving  at  the  termination  of  this  immense  valley, 
we  meet  abruptly  the  Rocky  mountains,  or  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  that  chain  so  celebrated  for  eternal  snows  and 
rocks.  These  mountains  are  mostly  covered  with  pines, 
some  spruce,  hemlock  and  white  birch.  On  the  top  of  the 
mountain  we  found  several  vallies  abounding  with  natural 
meadow,  and  having  the  appearance  of  receiving  daily 
showers  and  heavy  dews.  Here  the  atmosphere  was  delight- 
fully cool,  while  the  plains  on  each  side  were  so  destitute  of 
rain,  as  to  render  the  air  sultry,  and  to  require  irrigation  for 
all  the  common  products  of  agriculture. 

The  province  of  New  Mexico  is  rather  more  mountainous, 
than  that  part  formerly  called  New  Biscay,  now  state  of 
Chihuahua;  but  is  interspersed  with  some  rich  vallies,  par- 
ticularly those  bordering  on  the  Rio  del  Norte.  The  city  of 
Santa  Fe  is  situated  25  miles  from  the  river,  at  the  barren 
foot  of  a  mountain.  It  was  established  about  the  beginning 
of  the  1 7th  century,  and  seems  to  have  been  formerly  a  place 
of  considerable  importance,  as  a  rendezvous  for  troops.  It 
now  contains  perhaps  not  far  from  two  thousand  souls,  the 
most  of  whom  have  the  appearance  of  penury.  The  mmes 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Fe  were  formerly  worked,  but 
are  now  abandoned.  The  principal  articles  of  commerce 
are  sheep,  blankets,  buffalo  hides,  and  sometimes  their  meat 
and  tallow,  peltry,  salt,  and  [276]  the  common  production  of 
agriculture,  as  com,  wheat,  beans,  onions,  &c. 

At  the  Passo  del  Norte,  an  important  village,  the  grape  is 
cultivated  to  a  very  considerable  extent,  of  which  they  pre- 


n^o  Earfy  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

pare  excellent  wine  and  brandy,  making  use  of  hides  for 
mashing  vats.  For  these  articles  they  find  market  at  Santa 
Fe  and  Chihuahua.  Dried  grapes,  apples,  onions,  &c.  are 
taken  down  in  great  abundance.  Chihuahua  and  its  vicin- 
ity, with  all  the  territory  north  of  it,  is  supplied  with  salt  from 
a  lake  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Passo.  There  is,  also, 
about  two  day's  ride  west  of  this  place,  an  exceedingly  rich 
copper  mine,  which  was  worked  for  many  years  by  Pablo 
Guerra,  an  European  Spaniard,  who  realized  some  hundred 
tale  gas  [a  bag  of  looo  dollars]  from  its  proceeds.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  late  law  of  expulsion,  he  was  obliged  to  re- 
linquish it.^^^  It  is  now  worked  by  two  Americans,  Mr. 
Andrew  Curcier,  a  merchant  in  Chihuahua,  from  Philadel- 
phia, and  Robt.  McKnight,  from  St.  Louis,  Mo.  A  con- 
siderable amount  of  gold  is  found  in  this  same  mine;  but,  I 
believe,  not  incorporated  with  the  copper. 

That  part  of  the  republic  called  Sonora,  bounded  by  the 
gulf  of  California,  is  celebrated  for  its  rich  mines  of  silver  and 
gold.  These  metals,  together  with  mules,  horses,  beeves, 
hides,  and  peltry,  are  exchanged  for  articles  of  merchandize, 
which  are  mostly  supplied  by  the  Americans  from  Missouri. 
They,  however,  procure  some  part  by  arrivals  by  sea  in  the 
port  of  Guimus,  situated  on  the  Gulf.  It  was  in  this  part  of 
the  country  that  the  Indians  were  most  troublesome,  during 
my  residence  there. 

The  tribe  then  hostile  belonged  to  the  Yacqui  nation, 
united,  I  believe,  to  some  of  the  Navajo  tribe;  both  of  which 
are  exceedingly  numerous  and  rapacious.  Pitica,  Arrispe, 
and  Guimus  are  the  principal  towns  or  villages  within  that 
state.     Upper  California  apparently  has  but   little  corre- 

"*  After  the  Spanish  attempt  to  recover  Mexico  in  1829,  a  law  was  passed  by 
the  republic,  according  to  which  all  persons  resident  in  the  country,  but  born  in 
Spain,  were  expelled  from  Mexican  dominions. 

The  mines  were  those  of  Santa  Rita;  see  pp.  86,  110-119,  178-180,  ante. 
The  Spanish  owner  there  referred  to  as  Don  Francisco  Pablo  de  Lagera,  is  the 
same  person  here  mentioned. —  Ed. 


1 8 24- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  351 

spondence  with  that,  or  any  other  country;  as  brave  Indian 
tribes  inhabit  the  head  of  the  Gulf,  the  Rio  Colorado  and 
adjacent  country,  so  [277]  that  the  inhabitants  are  in  a  meas- 
ure cut  off  from  correspondence  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Chihuahua  is  an  incorporated  city  of  about  nine  thousand 
souls,  and  the  largest  north  of  Durango.  It  is  regularly 
laid  out,  but  indifferently  built ;  containing  five  or  six  churches, 
of  which  the  Paroque  is  splendid,  it  being  constructed  of 
hewn  stone,  from  base  to  spire.  The  temple  of  Guada- 
loupe,  is  also  elegant  but  smaller.  The  numerous  paintings, 
of  course  religious,  which  are  suspended  within,  do  honor 
to  the  nation  in  the  art  of  painting;  they  being  according  to 
my  taste,  better  executed,  than  the  celebrated  painting  of 
Mr.  West  at  Philadelphia.  This  town  seems  to  have  been 
established  by  the  Jesuits,  at  an  early  day;  and  located  to 
suit  the  convenience  of  the  mining  country.  There  is  yet 
remaining  abundant  evidence  of  their  superior  skill  and  per- 
severance, in  the  arts  of  building,  mining,  &c.  The  place 
now  contains  about  thirty  smelting  furnaces,  the  most  of 
which  are  generally  in  blast,  and  which,  in  the  course  of  the 
year  separate  a  great  quantity  of  the  precious  metals.  The 
most  part  of  the  ore  smelted  at  this  place  is  brought  from 
La  Roche,  some  150  miles,  over  an  exceedingly  mountainous 
country.  Their  only  mode  of  transportation  is  on  the  back 
of  mules,  which  are  made  to  carry  300  lbs.  each.  These 
loads  produce  from  25  to  50  and  $100  each,  according  to 
their  quality.  Price  of  smelting  per  load  is  $14;  freight  from 
6  to  $7.  This  mineral  is  bought  and  sold  at  the  mines,  as 
an  article  of  merchandise,  according  to  its  purity.  In  regard 
to  manufactures,  there  are  few  in  Chihuahua;  and,  I  believe, 
not  many  north  of  the  city  of  Mexico;  though  in  this  place 
there  is  no  lack  of  carpenters,  shoemakers,  hatters,  tailors, 
blacksmiths,  jewellers  and  painters.  But  they  are  of  the 
most  ordinary  kind.  The  city  is  under  municipal  regula- 
tion.    A   board   of  twelve  Alcaldes,   constituting  a  junta, 


2^2  Ear/y  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

execute  justice,  according  to  common  sense,  and  their  notion 
of  right  and  wrong,  provided  interest  or  partiality  do  not 
happen  to  preside. —  Law,  I  believe,  is  seldom  consulted  in 
matters  of  common  place  litigation.  They,  however,  have 
higher  tribunals  to  which  appeals  [278]  can  be  taken,  and  by 
which  criminal  causes  are  tried ;  but  an  appeal  is  almost  an 
unheard  of  issue.  The  carcel  or  jail,  abounds  with  old  and 
young,  male  and  female,  mostly  committed  under  charges 
of  theft,  assassination  and  murder.  The  court  recently 
ventured  to  pass  sentence  of  death  on  a  man  between  25  and 
30  years  of  age,  after  having  acknowledged  that  he  had  com- 
mitted ten  murders;  yet  a  great  deal  of  commiseration  was 
excited  for  his  case  by  the  priests  and  lower  orders  of  society. 
They  have  now  a  workhouse,  where  all  the  lower  classes  of 
criminals  are  made  to  labor. 

The  lawyers  are  few,  as  likewise  the  physicians;  the  for- 
mer are  commissioned  by  the  general  government,  and  al- 
lowed a  salary  of  $2000.  Their  province  seems  to  be  to  ex- 
pound the  law,  or  rather  decide,  as  judges  of  it.  All  bonds, 
notes,  agreements,  &c.  have  to  be  passed  under  the  official 
seal;  and  cost,  according  to  the  value,  from  61-4  cents  to 
eleven  dollars,  and  the  proceeds  go  to  support  the  revenue. 
Every  village  or  settlement  has  its  priest  and  alcalde.  The 
former  presides  over  their  morals,  and  arrogates  to  himself 
the  dictatorship  of  their  consciences,  while  the  latter  wields 
the  sceptre  of  civil  justice,  and  decrees,  and  executes  with  all 
the  dignity  of  a  governor.  If  parties  aggrieved  enter  a  com- 
plaint, he  dispatches  a  foot  page  with  his  official  cane,  which 
is  a  process  of  compulsion,  or  forthwith;  and  in  case  of  non- 
compliance the  party  is  made  liable  to  a  discretionary  fine. 

Although  these  modes  of  judicature  may  seem  to  us  des- 
potic yet  they  constitute,  no  doubt,  the  most  salutary  system 
for  that  people.  In  regard  to  their  national  constitution, 
they  have  copied  it  from  ours,  or  nearly  so,  excepting  reli- 
gious intolerance.    This  they  are  aware,  is  anti-republican; 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  353 

and  yet  their  universal  and  bigoted  attachment  to  this  faith, 
and  their  pecuHar  situation  in  a  civil,  religious,  and  military 
point  of  view,  at  the  close  of  the  revolution,  seem  to  have  de- 
manded it. 

The  constitution  may  be  altered  in  the  year  1830,  by  the 
concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  of  congress;  and 
at  which  time,  it  was  expected  by  many,  with  whom  I  con- 
versed, an  attempt  [279]  will  be  made  to  tolerate  all  religious 
denominations."®  Their  sources  of  revenue  are  the  follow- 
ing; on  all  merchandize  they  impose  an  enormous  duty.  I 
think  according  to  their  last  assessment,  this  duty  is  from  15 
to  50  per  cent,  according  to  the  species  of  goods.  Another 
very  considerable  revenue  accrues  from  the  culture  and 
manufacture  of  cigars.  This  business  is  monopolized  by 
the  government,  who  furnish  all  parts  of  the  republic  with 
this  the  greatest  of  their  luxuries.  To  give  an  idea  of  the 
quantity  consumed  in  Chihuahua,  and  the  adjacent  villages, 
I  publish  a  note  made  at  the  time  of  my  residence  there, 
which  states,  that  on  the  i6th  October,  1826,  one  caravan 
of  mules  brought  to  the  custom  house,  cigars  valued  at 
$95,000;  and  that  a  few  days  after,  another  arrived  and 
brought  $25,000  more;  and  at  the  same  time  it  was  remarked 
by  good  judges,  that  it  was  but  about  half  the  quantity  con- 
sumed in  the  year.  This  may  be  well  imagined,  when  we 
consider,  that  all  smoke,  both  old  and  young,  male  and  female. 
The  duties  arising  from  the  precious  metals  smelted,  which 
are  2  per  cent.,  amount  to  something  very  considerable.  All 
monies  removed  from  one  state  to  another  are  liable  to  2  per 
cent;  and  if  taken  out  of  the  government,  another  3  1-2  per 
cent.  Formerly  each  state  claimed  2  or  3  per  cent,  on  all 
merchandize,  sold  within  its  limits;  but  this  tax  was  repealed 
more  than  a  year  ago;  and  was  merged  in  the  international 
duties.     All  produce  of  the  farm,  as  beef,  pork,  grain,  fruit, 

^^'  Religious  toleration  was  finally  secured  in  Mexico  by  the  decree  of  1873 
pronoiincing  separation  between  church  and  state. —  Ed. 


^^4  Rarly  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

vegetables,  &c.  is  subject  to  duty.  And  then  comes  the 
'severest  cut  of  all,'  the  tithes.  Thus  the  poor  farmer  may 
at  once  make  up  his  mind  to  devote  himself  a  willing  slave  to 
the  minions  of  superstition  and  credulity.  But  oppression 
does  not  stop  here.  It  may  be  traced  through  the  minute 
ramnifications  of  all  social  and  religious  intercourse.  To 
explain  these  bearings,  it  would  be  necessary  to  pause  in 
these  remarks,  and  notice  such  characteristics,  as  compose, 
or  help  to  compose,  a  body  politic;  and  which  comprise  a 
variety  of  materials,  which  directly  or  indirectly  influence 
the  happiness  or  prove  the  bane  of  society.  In  illustrating 
this  hint,  it  will  be  necessary  to  pass  in  review  a  subject, 
which,  though  variously  [280]  understood,  is  nevertheless 
sacred  to  every  christian  believer.  I  shall,  therefore,  aim  at 
due  deference  for  every  religious  sect;  and  particularly  that 
one,  of  which  I  am  about  to  speak.  Its  claim  I  am  assuredly 
not  disposed  to  deny.  But  when  I  reflect  on  the  situation  of 
a  people  by  nature  free,  and  as  a  body,  endowed  with  all  the 
moral  and  physical  advantages  to  make  them  great,  wise, 
and  happy,  I  can  but  enquire  into  the  causes  of  the  great  and 
obvious  distress,  which  pervades  this  fair  portion  of  our  con- 
tinent. 

During  my  residence  with  that  people,  no  situation  could  be 
better  calculated  than  mine,  to  facilitate  the  objects  of  this 
enquiry.  My  profession  naturally  led  me  into  the  sphere  of 
intimacy  and  confidence,  which  brought  into  view,  the  most 
generous  and  noble  traits  of  the  human  mind;  while,  at  the 
same  time,  I  was  obliged  to  witness  with  disgust,  the  thousand 
meannesses  incident  to  human  nature,  which  found  their 
way  through  aU  the  avenues  of  avarice,  prejudice,  interest 
and  power. 

In  the  first  place,  we  find  them  bound  to  observe  all  the 
enjoined  feast  days,  amounting  to  more  than  one  hundred, 
during  which,  they  are  not  permitted  to  labor.  Among 
these,  Sundays  are  included.     About  fifty  days  in  the  year 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  355 

are  devoted  nominally  to  their  patron  saints.  We  will  now 
suppose,  that  out  of  seven  millions  (the  supposed  amount  of 
the  population  in  Mexico,)  three  sevenths  are  laborers,  at 
the  moderate  price  of  twenty-five  cents  per  day,  the  loss 
would  amount  to  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars; 
and  in  the  course  of  a  year,  to  thirty-seven  million  five  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars !  Added  to  this  prodigality  of  time,  no 
doubt  some  12  1-2  cents  at  least  would  be  spent  by  each,  by 
way  of  drinking,  recreation,  or  otherwise,  which  would 
amount  to  thirty  thousand  dollars  per  day,  and  for  the  year, 
one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars;  making  an  aggre- 
gate of  thirty-nine  millions  of  dollars  of  lost  time  in  this  way  to 
the  community.  Added  to  this  sum,  would  be  the  expense  of 
rockets,  illuminations,  artificial  bowers,  church  expenditures, 
civil  and  military  uniforms,  and  a  thousand  other  collateral 
expenses,  that  grow  out  of  this  established  usage. 

[281]  This  of  itself  would  seem  to  be  sufficient  to  impover- 
ish a  nation.  But  we  have  yet  to  consider  a  few  other  items; 
such  as  pertain  to  births,  deaths,  marriages,  &c.  &c.  In 
regard  to  baptisms,  I  have  often  witnessed  them,  but  am 
unacquainted  with  the  expense.  The  ceremonies  of  a  com- 
mon marriage  are  not  considered  decent,  unless  they  cost  one 
hundred  dollars;  burials  about  the  same  price,  though  regu- 
lated by  the  style,  number  of  priests,  musicians,  part  of  the 
campo  sato,  in  which  the  interment  is  made,  and  the  number 
of  masses  subsequently  said,  &c.  The  funeral  rites  of 
infants  usually  cost  from  20  dollars  upwards.  The  high  or 
low  cross  makes  a  great  difference  in  the  expense.  All  chil- 
dren who  die  before  the  age  of  accountability,  are  considered 
(and,  I  think,  very  properly)  to  have  taken  their  departure 
for  a  better  world.  Hence  the  supposed  propriety  of  festiv- 
ity and  rejoicing  at  such  obsequies,  and  a  grave  solemnity  at 
those  of  adults.  The  most  exhilarating  music  is  played  at 
the  house  of  the  little  innocent  sojourner,  and  also  on  the 
way  to  the  potter's  field,  together  with  discharge  of  rockets, 


2^6  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

accompanied  by  a  rabble  of  boys,  paupers,  mendicants  and 
priests. 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  notice  some  few  of  these 
civil  and  religious  customs,  inasmuch  as  they  differ  from  our 
own;  and  border  on  what  our  people  are  apt  to  consider  a 
puerile  superstition. 

The  greatest  personage  of  their  adoration,  is  called  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadaloupe,  whom  they  esteem  their  patroness 
saint.  She  is  said  to  have  appeared  near  the  city  of  Mexico, 
soon  after  the  conquest  of  Cortez;  calling  herself  by  this 
name,  and  at  the  same  time  averring  herself  to  be  the  true 
Mary,  mother  of  Jesus.  Her  appearance  was  made  to  a 
poor  Indian,  who  was  civilized,  and  had  some  office  in  the 
church  ceremonies. 

He  was  by  her  ordered  to  go  to  the  bishop  of  Mexico,  and 
make  known  to  him  the  wonderful  apparition,  and  deliver 
him  the  following  verbal  message :  'That  she  had  descended 
to  the  earth,  the  guardian  protectress  of  that  happy  nation. 
That  a  temple  must  be  built  to  her  name  in  the  vicinity  of 
Mexico,  where  her  [282]  benign  influence  would  be  shed  to 
the  healing  of  the  nation.'  This  command  seems  to  have 
much  surprised  the  poor  native,  who  declined  being  the  mes- 
senger of  this  heavenly  mission,  alleging  his  lowness  of  birth, 
and  the  probability  of  his  being  considered  an  impostor  by 
the  bishop,  when  stating  a  circumstance  so  contrary  to  the 
common  order  of  things.  Whereupon  she  bade  him  not 
fear,  but  do  as  she  should  command  him ;  and  that  she  would 
suitably  reward  him.  She  then  told  him,  that  in  order  to 
convince  the  bishop,  that  the  message  was  from  heaven,  he 
must  go  on  to  a  neighboring  mountain,  where  he  should  find 
in  great  abundance,  a  variety  of  blossoms,  which  at  that  time 
of  the  year,  it  being  winter,  could  not  naturally  exist,  and 
hence  the  evidence  of  a  miracle.  Many  more  mysterious 
circumstances  are  related  in  the  history  of  this  renowned 
personage,  comprising  a  very  considerable  volume.     But  it 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  357 

is  sufficient  to  say,  that  the  message  was  received,  the  temple 
erected  on  the  spot  by  her  pointed  out;  and  that  she  is  now 
the  object  of  devotion,  and  made  the  principal  object  of  their 
mediatorial  rites. 

The  anniversary  of  her  appearance  is  the  12  th  of  Decem- 
ber, when  a  painting  of  her  is  taken  from  the  temple,  and 
carried  to  the  paroguia,  followed  by  a  promiscuous  procession. 
The  next  day  she  is  returned  to  her  temple;  though  there  is 
always  a  duplicate  representative  kept  at  the  church,  which 
is  carried  out  to  visit  the  sick,  and  ward  off  disease.  When 
any  one  falls  sick,  a  greater  or  lesser  catalogue  of  painted  and 
wax  images  surround  the  patient's  bed,  which  they  almost 
incessantly  implore. 

Being  naturally  a  credulous  people,  they  place  the  most 
implicit  confidence  in  all  superiors;  but  more  particularly  in 
the  priests  and  physicians.    All  such  as  are  visited  with  sick- 
ness, usually  meet  with  ample  hospitality  and  commiseration. 
As  it  is  a  generally  received  opinion  that  the  Spanish  char- 
acter is  fraught  with  stealth,  jealousy,  perfidy,  rapine  and 
murder,  I  feel  it  an  incumbent  duty  to  contradict,  or  rather 
palliate  it  in  a  great  measure.     I  grant,  we  find  this  a  pre- 
dominant feature  in  the  lower  ranks  of  society,  and  too  much 
countenanced  by  the  [283]  higher  order.     But  where  is  the 
country  that  is  not  more  or  less  afflicted  in  the  same  way? 
Even  our  own  country  is  not  without  crimes  from  these 
sources.     Though  they  are  not  perpetrated  with  impunity, 
they  are  suffered  to  rankle  in  the  bosom  of  society.     So, 
while  we  there  find  the  suspicious  rabble  of  the  community 
addicted  to  these  vices,  we  oftener  find  them  here  confined 
to  those  who  assume  the  importance  of  gentlemen,  who 
openly  or  covertly  practice  their  crimes  under  the  protection 
of  the  public  countenance.     The  Spanish  Don  is  generally 
a  high  minded,   honorable   and  dignified   character,   who 
would  not  descend  to  meanness.     Like  all  other  nations, 
the  people  here  watch  theu-  interest  with  tenacity.     But  so 


^^8  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

far  as  my  experience  goes,  a  respectable  stranger  meets  with 
a  hospitable  reception,  and  is  often  loaded  with  favour. 
Among  the  wealthy  we  not  unfrequently  find  the  liberal 
heart  and  hand,  to  as  great  an  extent  as  any  other  part  of 
America  can  boast.  Another  beautiful  trait  in  their  char- 
acter is  a  universal  respect  for  seniority.  Thus  you  find  the 
elder  brother  respected  and  obeyed ;  while  the  parents  com- 
mand the  most  profound  reverence  to  the  end  of  their  life. 
Common  salutations  are  exceedingly  cordial  and  polite.  An 
embrace  with  the  head  uncovered,  is  the  usual  ceremony. 
If  a  servant  is  spoken  to,  he  uncovers,  before  he  makes  his 
reply.  Thus  you  find  the  most  illiterate  heathen  looking 
characters  among  them,  well  versed  in  etiquette.  The 
stranger  is  struck  with  the  great  discrepancy  of  dress  be- 
tween the  high  and  low  classes;  as  the  former  abounds  more 
or  less,  with  gold  lace  or  rich  embroidery,  and  the  latter, 
polished  with  smoke  and  grease,  is  little  more  than  a  blanket. 

As  a  people  they  seem  to  me  to  possess  less  versatility  of 
genius,  than  perhaps,  any  other  people.  Such  traditions  as 
their  forefathers  sanctioned,  are  in  no  case  questioned;  but 
remain  incorporated  with  their  religion.  All  their  manual 
labor  appears  to  be  conducted  in  the  ancient  routine  of  al- 
most savage  simplicity;  even  their  women,  to  this  day,  are 
made  the  efficient  instruments  in  reducing  all  their  maize  to 
meal,  of  which  their  [284]  bread  is  mostly  constituted.  Every 
other  process  of  labour  is  conducted  with  equal  embarrass- 
ment and  disadvantage. 

Having  thus  far  hinted  at  their  customs,  I  shall  have  to 
consider  the  country  lying  between  Chihuahua  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  both  in  a  geographical  and  agri- 
cultural point  of  view.  The  reader  will  understand,  that 
there  is  a  great  sameness  in  most  of  the  Mexican  Republic ; 
as  the  general  aspect  is  that  of  alternate  low  plains,  high 
mountains  of  barren  heaths,  interspersed  with  arid  plains, 
that  would  be  productive,  but  for  the  want  of  seasonable 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  359 

rains,  so  necessary  to  fertility. —  Those  mountains  lying  S.  W. 
between  Chihuahua  and  the  Pacific,  are  said  to  be  much  higher 
and  more  productive  of  timber,  having  great  supplies  of  rain. 

But  in  travelling  from  Chihuahua  to  the  Atlantic  coast, 
we  seldom  meet  with  water,  more  than  once  a  day;  and  that 
furnished  by  trifling  streams,  or  springs;  and  frequently 
from  deep  wells,  where  live  a  few  shepherds,  to  water  the 
flocks  and  sell  water  to  passengers. 

On  almost  all  the  streams,  we  find  more  or  less  inhabitants, 
according  to  the  advantages  of  water  and  soil.  On  the 
rivers  St.  Pedro,  Conchez,  Guajaquilla,  Parral,  Napas, 
Parras,  Pattas,  Santa  Catarina,  &c.  which  are  very  small 
streams,  we  find  more  or  less  agriculture,  conducted  by  irri- 
gation, and  for  the  most  part,  sufficient  for  the  consumption 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  immediate  vicinity.  But  the  min- 
ing towns  are  mostly  dependent  on  their  supplies  from 
abroad.  Santa  Cruz  and  St.  Pablo,  sixty  miles  from  Chihua- 
hua, on  the  river  St.  Pedro,  afford  many  good  farms.  Parral, 
containing  perhaps  eight  thousand,  is  altogether  a  mining 
town.  St.  Bartolomeo  and  Guajaquilla,  180  miles  south  of 
Chihuahua,  containing  two  thousand  souls,  are  mining  vil- 
lages, having  some  wealthy  European  Spaniards,  who  were 
the  proprietors  of  the  mmes,  but  who  were  about  to  leave  the 
country  under  the  late  law  of  expulsion. 

In  going  from  Mapimi  to  Parras,  distance  120  miles,  we 
cross  Nassas,  a  small  river  which  soon  loses  itself  in  a  little 
lake.  After  crossing  this  river  we  enter  extensive  plains,  as 
barren  as  [285]  the  deserts  of  Arabia.  It  was  in  these  I 
travelled  three  successive  days,  without  being  able  to  procure 
my  horses  and  mules  a  single  feed,  as  the  country  was  liter- 
ally dried  up.  At  Parras  I  was  delighted  with  the  sudden 
change  of  scene.  I  should  suppose  this  place  and  St.  Lo- 
renzo, which  are  contiguous,  might  contain  six  or  eight  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  who  cultivate  the  grape  in  great  abundance, 
supplying  all  the  adjacent  country  as  far  as  Chihuahua  and 


360  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

Durango  with  the  articles  of  wine,  brandy,  and  all  kinds  of 
dried  fruit.  I  here  noticed  one  vineyard,  of,  I  should  judge, 
250  acres,  owned  by  a  young  widow,  which,  together  with  the 
other  farming  departments,  occupied  200  laborers  the  year 
round.  From  this  place  to  Saltillio,  distance  140  miles,  we 
passed  over  a  broken  and  mostly  sterile  country.  This  is 
the  tract  purchased  by  the  house  of  Baring,  London;  said  to 
contain  140,  by  not  far  from  200  miles  square,  for  which,  I 
was  informed  by  his  principal  overseer,  living  at  Pattas,  he 
was  to  pay  a  little  short  of  one  million  dollars,  but  had  paid 
100,000,  and  refused  further  payment  from  some  dispute 
about  the  title.  The  haciendas  are  all  worked  under  his 
direction.  Saltillio  is  situated  at  the  head  of  a  large  valley, 
affording  a  beautiful  landscape,  it  being  surrounded  by  a 
chain  of  picturesque  mountains,  which  enclose  the  city,  and 
an  expanded  series  of  cultivated  farms.  This  place,  I  think 
something  larger  than  Chihuahua,  and  better  built,  consti- 
tutes the  Parogue,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  best  of  its  size 
within  the  republic. 

A  great  portion  of  the  population  of  Saltillio,  are  civilized 
Indians.  They  occupy  a  large  suburb  of  the  city,  and  merit 
no  small  applause  for  their  industry  and  ingenuity.  I  was 
delighted  while  passing  their  neat  and  even  elegant  cottages. 
Their  little  enclosures  appeared  teeming  with  verdure  and 
fruit  trees,  which  bespoke  the  frugal  husbandman.  I  was 
pleased  to  observe  the  remarkable  difference  between  the 
dress  of  these  natives,  and  those  of  Chihuahua. 

Here  were  similar  fashions,  but  under  an  entirely  different 
aspect;  the  Indian  women  were  all  clad  in  blue  petticoats, 
[286]  a  cotton  camisas,  with  bosom  and  sleeves  ruffled ;  then 
thrown  gracefully  over  a  blue  and  white  striped  revoza  or 
scarf,  all  of  their  own  manufacture.  These  revozas  they  like- 
wise manufacture  of  the  common  sewing  silk,  which  they  so 
variegate,  as  to  throw  their  work,  when  finished,  into  beauti- 
ful uniform,  fancy  figures.     These  are  worth  from  thirty  to 


1 824- 1 830]  Pattie' s  Personal  Narrative  361 

fifty  dollars  each. —  Blankets  are  also  made  in  a  similar  man- 
ner and  with  equal  elegance.  Their  apparatus  for  each 
consists  of  a  little  more  than  a  few  rods  and  strings,  with  one 
end  of  their  piece  fastened  to  a  permanent  stake,  set  in  the 
ground;  while  the  other  is  fastened  by  a  strap,  that  goes 
round  their  waist,  that  they  constitute  at  least  half  of  the 
loom.  Their  position  is  that  of  a  tailor,  in  which  they  sit, 
and  fill  in  the  various  and  beautiful  colors,  according  to  the 
sample  before  them. 

I  here  met  with  several  French  and  American  merchants, 
though  none  permanently  settled.  They  were  about  leaving 
for  Durango  and  Chihuahua.  I  was  also  visited  by  an 
Italian,  by  the  name  of  Don  Jose  Rose,  who  had  resided  here 
for  many  years.  It  being  Friday,  the  market  was  destitute 
of  meat,  but  said  he,  if  there  is  any  fish  to  be  had,  I  shall  ex- 
pect you  to  dine  with  me ;  and  I  will  let  you  know  according- 
ly. It  was  not  long  before  word  came,  that  I  should  be 
expected  precisely  at  12  o'clock,  and  to  bring  my  comrade 
with  me.  Accordingly,  I  waited  on  him  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed, and  sat  down  to  a  dinner  served  up  in  excellent 
style;  and  it  concluded  with  a  desert  and  wines  of  excellent 
quality.  This  gentleman  (some  forty-five  years  of  age)  had 
never  seen  proper  to  change  a  state  of  celibacy  for  that  of  a 
matrimonial  life;  but  chose  to  govern  alone  his  peaceful 
domicil  in  single  blessedness. 

From  Saltillio  to  Montelrey,  60  or  70  miles  distance,  we 
pass  Rinconada  and  Santa  Catarina,  which  are  small  vil- 
lages. The  country  is  quite  broken,  rocky  and  sterile.  At 
Montelrey,  I  remained  eight  or  ten  days.  This  place  is 
about  the  same  importance  as  Saltillio;  but  not  quite  so  pop- 
ulous.^'"   They  are  both  mostly  built  of  stone;  at  this  place 

'"  Monterey,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Nuevo  Leon,  was  founded  in  1596, 
and  named  in  honor  of  the  fifth  Spanish  viceroy  of  Mexico.  The  town  changed 
hands  several  times  during  the  revolutionary  struggle;  but  the  important  event  of 
its  history  was  the  siege  by  the  American  army  in  September,  1846.  The  place 
made  a  gallant  defense,  but  finally  capitulated  upon  honorable  terms. —  Ed. 


362  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

the  mountains  diminish;  and  extensive  valleys  commence, 
here  was  a  great  abundance  of  [287]  oranges  and  lemons  in 
their  prime.  In  its  vicinity  the  cane  is  cultivated  largely, 
which  supplies  all  the  country  to  Santa  Fe  with  the  article  of 
sugar.  It  was  worth  at  this  place  from  five  to  six  cents  per 
lb.  according  to  quality.  I  also  found  several  French  and 
American  merchants  residing  here,  who  spoke  of  it  as  only 
a  tolerable  place  for  business.  I  also  became  acquainted 
with  Col.  Guttierez,  former  governor  of  Tamulipas,  who 
now  resides  here  in  command  over  the  troops.  He  spoke  of 
himself,  as  having  been  the  principal  agent  in  the  proscrip- 
tion of  the  Emperor  Iturbide,^"  which  proceedings  he  gave 
me  in  detail;  his  appearance  and  manner  clearly  indicate 
military  enthusiasm  and  promptitude  of  decision.  His 
volatile  and  unsophisticated  look  and  manner,  reminded  me 
of  the  celebrated  Ringtail  Panther  oj  Missouri.  He  certainly 
managed  with  great  energy  at  that  eventful  crisis,  when  the 
fate  of  the  nation  depended  on  the  decision  of  a  moment. 
From  Montelrey  to  the  coast  the  country  lies  exceedingly 
level,  abounding  more  or  less  with  musquito  bushes,  black 
ebony,  and  many  other  shrubs.  In  most  part  of  the  route 
the  palm  tree  abounds,  but  they  are  much  larger  from  Sal- 
tillio  east. —  This  tree  seems  to  be  of  a  character,  partaking 
of  the  shrub  and  plant  in  point  of  consistence,  and  general 
appearance,  growing  from  six  to  thirty  feet  high.  The 
Maguey,  is  a  plant,  that  grows  in  many  parts  spontaneously, 
and  from  which  they  derive  a  liquor,  called  pulk,  which  is 
much  used  in  large  cities.  They  obtain  this  juice,  by  cutting 
off  the  plant,  which  is  from  six  inches  to  eighteen  in  diameter; 

"'  Agustin  Iturbide  was  a  native  of  Valladolid  province,  who  entered  the  militia 
and  rose  to  a  colonelcy.  In  1820,  as  miUtary  chief,  he  succeeded  in  combining 
the  various  Mexican  parties,  and  drove  the  Spanish  viceroy  and  army  from  the 
country.  He  was  hailed  as  "Liberator,"  and  shortly  (May,  1822)  had  himself  pro- 
claimed emperor.  But  his  arbitrary  rule  and  the  general  desire  for  a  republic, 
united  his  late  alhes  against  him,  and  in  less  than  a  year  he  was  compelled  to  abdi- 
cate and  submit  to  banishment.  In  1824  he  imprudently  returned  unheralded, 
being  thereupon  arrested  and  executed  by  the  repubhcan  authorities. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Puttie's  Personal  Narrative  363 

and  at  the  same  time  they  so  excavate  the  stump,  as  that  it 
will  retain  the  juice,  as  it  exudes  upwards.  This  is  after- 
wards laded  out,  and  suffered  to  ferment  for  use.  It  is  of 
this  juice  they  make  a  kind  of  whiskey,  called  vino  meschal. 

Between  Montelrey  and  the  Rio  del  Norte,  we  passed  a 
few  small  villages,  of  which  Cadarota  was  the  most  consider- 
able, it  being  a  great  sugar  region.  At  Quemargo,  we  struck 
the  del  Norte,  which  I  last  saw  at  El  Passo,  more  than  a 
thousand  miles  above.  A  great  part  of  the  river  between 
these  two  points  traverses  [288]  a  savage  country.  Que- 
margo is  something  more  than  one  hundred  miles  from  the 
sea,  and  from  which  place  to  Matamoras  it  is  thinly  settled. 

The  village  of  Matamoras,  formerly  called  Refugio,  is 
forty  miles  from  the  harbour  of  Brassos  Santiago;"^  and 
stands  immediately  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  is  said  to 
contain  ten  thousand  inhabitants;  but,  I  should  think,  not 
more  than  eight  thousand.  There  are  some  two  hundred 
Americans  and  French  in  this  place,  most  of  whom  are  mer- 
chants and  mechanics.  They  have  erected  several  very 
good  brick  buildings,  and  the  place  begins  to  wear  the  aspect 
of  enterprise.  There  is  a  company  or  two  of  Mexican  troops 
stationed  here,  which  make  great  ado  about  nothing.  A 
portion  of  them  are  kept  at  the  Brassos,  to  protect  the  Cus- 
tom-House,  and  prevent  smuggling.  But  Americans  have 
seen  too  much  territory,  to  be  deterred  from  saving  3  1-2 
per  cent,  either  by  stratagem  or  by  bribery;  both  of  which 
are  easily  practised  with  the  unconscionable  Spaniard.  In 
fact  the  American  party  is  so  strong  in  that  place,  that  they 

'*^  Matamoras,  the  chief  town  on  the  lower  Rio  Grande,  has  been  the  theatre 
of  many  important  historical  events.  Upon  the  revolt  of  Texas  (1835)  it  was  the 
base  of  suppUes  for  the  Mexican  army.  Taylor  entered  Matamoras  with  the 
American  army  in  June,  1846.  Much  of  the  contest  over  the  Franco-Mexican 
invasion  under  Maximilian,  centred  in  this  city,  which  was  finally  evacuated  by 
the  imperial  army  in  June,  1866.  The  revolution  which  placed  President  Diaz 
in  power,  took  its  rise  at  Matamoras  (1876). 

Brasos  de  Santiago  is  on  one  of  the  coast  islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  —  Ed. 


364  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

do  as  they  please.  The  consul  (Daniel  W.  Smith)  has  great 
influence  among  them;  as,  whatever  he  says  is  law  and  gospel. 
In  regard  to  the  harbour,  it  is  both  ample  and  safe,  when 
once  entered;  but  of  dangerous  entrance,  owing  to  the  chan- 
nel being  shallow,  say  six  or  eight  feet  water.  It  neverthe- 
less commands  considerable  commerce  during  the  year. 
There  has  been  little  exported  from  this  port,  except  during 
the  last  two  or  three  years.  Since  that,  it  has  consisted 
mostly  of  passengers  and  their  money:  many  of  the  Euro- 
pean Spaniards  embarked  from  this  port,  carrying  with 
them  large  fortunes  of  silver  and  gold,  on  which  the 
ship  masters  impose  a  tax  of  one  per  cent.  They  likewise 
export  some  hides,  horns,  mules,  ebony,  and  some  colouring 
woods.  But  these  exports  bear  but  a  small  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  specie  taken  out. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  FREDONIAN 
REPUBLIC"' 

We  were  removed  scarcely  a  hundred  miles  from  the 
scene,  where  was  witnessed,  during  the  past  winter,  the 
downfall  of  the  Fredonian  republic.  The  crash,  however 
appalling  in  our  ears,  at  that  distance,  was  hardly  heard  at 
Washington,  and  if  some  better  historian  than  ourselves,  do 
not  take  the  matter  in  hand,  we  fear  that  this  catastrophe 
will  perish  from  history.  Although  we  do  not  expect  the 
fame,  and  do  not  gird  ourselves  for  the  task  of  the  historian 
of  the  Hhe  decline  and  jail  of  the  Roman  Empire, '  yet  it  was 
no  unimportant  business  of  the  original  fifteen,  who  upreared 
the  pillars  of  this  short  lived  empire. 

The  fine  country  of  Texas  beyond  our  western  frontier, 
from  its  peculiar  configuration,  its  vast  prairies,  its  long 
range  of  sea  coast,  and  its  numerous  rivers  on  the  south,  and 
its  range  of  unexplored  mountains  on  the  north,  and  from  its 
peculiar  position  between  the  settled  countries  of  the  United 
States  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  of  the  Mexican  Republic, 
beyond  the  Rio  del  Norte,  on  the  other,  will  always  be  a 
resort  for  outlaws,  and  desperate  speculators  from  our  coun- 
try. Those  who  wish  to  get  away  from  their  conscience,  and 
those  who  have  visions  of  a  paradise  in  the  wild,  in  short,  the 
'movmg  generation'  of  the  countr>^  will  press  to  that  region 
to  find  range.  Until  the  Rio  del  Norte  be  our  boundary,  or  a 
Chinese  wall  rise  between  the  two  states,  or  a  continued  line 

^"The  following  article  appeared  in  Western  Monthly  Review,  i,  pp.  69-71. 
Modern  historians  do  not  discuss  this  movement  with  the  persiflage  and  flippancy 
with  which  Flint  regards  it.  Consult  on  this  subject,  Garrison,  Texas  (Boston, 
1903);  Bancroft,  Northern  Mexican  States  and  Texas;  Foote,  Texas  and  Texans 
(Phila.,  1841);  and  Winkler,  "The  Cherokee  Indians  in  Texas,"  in  Texas  State 
Historical  Association  Quarterly,  vii,  pp.  120-151. —  Ed. 


^66  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

of  military  posts,  interdicting  transit,  be  kept  up,  it  will  be 
the  refuge  of  negro-stealers,  and  the  Elysium  of  rogues. 
During  the  past  winter,  it  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of  a 
republic,  which  numbered  fifteen  citizens,  and  endured  fifty 
days.  They  must  allow  us  in  this  country,  to  have  a  won- 
derful faculty  to  over-stocking  all  kinds  [290]  of  markets, 
with  the  articles  which  we  furnish.  Every  profession  has 
three  aspirants  for  one  that  is  needed.  We  furnish  more 
orations,  than  all  the  other  people  on  the  globe,  and  we  over- 
do, and  parody  every  thing,  that  is  great  and  noble. 

We  acknowledge,  that  the  materials  for  this,  our  history, 
were  no  more  than  the  common  parlance  of  the  people,  the 
passing  conversations  of  village  news-mongers.  We  give  as 
we  have  received.  As  we  have  understood  it,  a  Mr.  Edwards 
was  the  Romulus  of  this  new  republic."*  He  had  somehow 
obtained,  or  imagined  that  he  had  obtained  at  Mexico  the 
conditional  grant  of  some  millions  of  acres,  between  the 
Sabine,  and  the  grant  of  Col.  Austin."^  We  saw  multitudes 
of  emigrants  repairing  to  this  land  of  promise.  Among 
others,  there  was  a  Mr.  Chaplin,  who,  we  believe,  was  a 
respectable  man.  He  married  a  sister  of  Edwards,  a  beauti- 
ful woman,  over  the  events  of  whose  life  is  spread  no  small 

^"  Hayden  Edwards  was  a  Kentuckian  who  had  formerly  lived  near  Frankfort, 
in  that  state.  Removing  with  his  family  to  Lomsiana,  he  was  impressed  by  the 
colonizing  opportunities  offered  in  Texas,  and  sought  a  grant  of  land.  His  first 
application  at  the  capital  of  Mexico  was  unsuccessful;  later,  he  obtained  a  grant 
from  the  state  government  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  (1825).  Edwards  was  an  honor- 
able man,  of  strict  moral  character,  and  had  embarked  a  considerable  fortune  in 
this  enterprise.  But  he  became  involved  in  disputes  with  former  Mexican  settlers 
and  some  American  outlaws,  who  united  in  such  representations  to  their  govern- 
ment that  the  grant  was  arbitrarily  revoked.  Edwards  thereupon  (1826)  raised  the 
standard  of  independence,  expecting  to  be  seconded  by  all  the  American  colonists 
of  Texas,  and  by  recruits  from  Louisiana.  Flint  was  at  this  time  a  resident  of 
Louisiana,  where  he  probably  heard  of  the  enterprise. —  Ed. 

*^  For  the  originator  of  Austin's  colony  in  Texas,  see  Bradbury's  Travels,  in  our 
volume  V,  p.  255,  note  141.  His  son,  Colonel  Stephen  F.  Austin,  had  in  large  measure 
the  qualities  needed  for  successful  colonization.  Obtaining  a  grant  of  land  on  the 
Colorado  and  Brazos  rivers  (1821)  from  the  authorities  of  Mexico,  together  with 
extended  powers  of  government,  Austin  laid  the  foundation  for  American  expansion 
in  Texas.     He  died  at  his  Texan  home  in  1836. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Fattie's  Personal  Narrative  ^^7 

coloring  of  romance.  Mr.  Chaplin  was  appointed  by  Mr. 
Edwards,  the  proprietor,  and  was  elected  by  the  people, 
chiefly  Americans,  Alcaide,  and  commandant  of  Nacog- 
doches, the  only  place,  that  had  any  resemblance  to  a  town  in 
the  country."®  It  seems  that  the  Mexicans  wanted  to  have 
a  hand  in  the  management  of  this  business,  and  they  ap- 
pointed another  Alcaide,  and  commandant.  Hence  arose 
a  feud,  and  a  collision  of  authorities  between  the  old  and  the 
new  ^residenters.''  The  warm  blood  of  the  emigrants  was 
roused.  Fifteen  men,  among  them  Col.  Ligon,  a  man  whom 
we  had  known  elsewhere,  in  a  respectable  office  and  stand- 
ing, took  counsel  from  their  free  born  minds,  their  stout 
hearts,  and  probably  from  the  added  influence  of  the  cheer- 
ing essence  of  the  ^native.''  They  repaired,  on  a  set  time, 
not  without  due  pomp,  and  as  they  say,  under  desperate  ap- 
prehensions of  enormous  bodily  harm,  to  a  stone  house,  the 
only  one,  we  believe,  of  any  consequence  in  the  village.  Here 
they  promulgated  a  declaration  of  independence,  adopted 
national  banners  and  insignia,  swore  the  customary  oaths, 
pledged  their  'lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor,' 
earnestly  invoked  the  aid  of  their  fellow  citizens  in  the 
[291]  United  States,  formed  their  constitution,  and  appointed. 


><•  Chaplin  was  a  son-in-law  of  Edwards,  not  his  brother-in-law. 

Nacogdoches  was  one  of  the  earliest  Spanish  settlements  of  this  region.  In 
1715  a  mission  was  estabhshed  in  the  near  neighborhood,  and  by  1765  a  few  per- 
manent inhabitants  had  collected  in  the  locality.  With  the  Spanish  acquisition  of 
Louisiana  (1762),  the  place  took  on  new  consequence,  emigrants  from  the  former 
province  were  invited  to  remove  thither  under  the  official  tenure  of  the  commandant, 
Gil  y  Barbo,  a  man  of  energy  and  enterprise.  Under  his  rule  was  built  (1778)  the 
"stone  house"  which  played  a  role  in  the  history  of  Fredonia,  but  has  recently 
been  razed.  In  1805,  Nacogdoches  was  fortified  against  American  advance,  and 
the  following  year  is  reported  with  five  hundred  inhabitants.  During  the  Mexican 
revolution,  however,  Nacogdoches  suffered  severely,  and  after  1819  was  wholly 
abandoned  for  several  years.  Included  in  Edwards's  grant,  the  town  became  the 
rallying  point  both  for  the  adherents  and  opponents  of  the  Fredonian  repubhc.  In 
1832  Nacogdoches  was  once  more  a  battle-ground  between  the  repubhcan  and 
monarchical  forces  of  Mexico.  After  Texan  independence  (1836),  its  importance 
rapidly  decHned.  It  is  now  (1905)  the  seat  of  a  county  of  that  name,  and  has  a 
population  of  about  1,800. —  Ed. 


368  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

their  officers;  and  the  offices  were  so  numerous,  that,  we  be- 
Heve,  every  citizen  of  the  repubUc  held  at  least  one.  The 
aid  of  another  republic,  a  band  of  renegade  Cherokees,  was 
invoked  with  as  much  form,  as  ^neas  used  in  soliciting  the 
alliance  of  Evander.  The  chief  of  these  Indians  was  intro- 
duced under  the  most  imposing  formalities.  Among  the 
names  of  the  Cherokee  plenipotentiaries  we  observe  the 
name  of  the  thrice-famous  John  Dunn  Hunter .^^"^ 

The  Fredonians  had  expected  aid  from  Col.  Austin's  set- 
tlement, about  two  hundred  miles  south  west  of  them,  on 
the  Brassos  and  Colorado.  Not  a  few  of  the  people  of  this 
colony  were  disposed  to  give  in  their  adhesion  to  the  new 
republic.  But  the  shrewd  Col.  Austin  was  aware,  on  which 
side  of  the  bread  the  butter  lay,  and  he  remained  staunch  in 
his  loyalty  to  his  adopted  country.  He  issued  a  thundering 
proclamation,  not  unlike  Gen.  Hull's  on  the  invasion  of 
Canada,  inviting  his  people  to  range  themselves  under  the 
standard  of  the  Mexican  government.  The  Cherokee  chain 
parted  its  links,  like  a  rope  of  sand.  The  ^fifteen '  had  inad- 
vertently caused  the  death  of  one  man,  and  otherwise  shed 

^"  The  career  of  John  Dunn  Hunter  was  a  remarkable  one,  even  if  he  be  con- 
sidered an  impostor.  According  to  his  own  statements,  he  was  of  white  parentage, 
but  captured  when  a  cliild  by  Indians,  among  whom  he  grew  to  manhood.  Aban- 
doning his  tribe  in  1816,  he  went  to  New  Orleans,  placed  himself  in  school,  and 
acquired  sufficient  command  of  English  to  edit  a  book  concerning  his  adventures. 
This  was  published  under  the  title,  Manners  and  Customs  of  Several  Indian  Tribes 
located  West  of  the  Mississippi  (Fhiladelphia.,  1823).  The  same  year  it  was  issued 
in  London  as  Memoirs  of  a  Captivity  among  the  Indians  of  North  America  from 
Childhood  to  the  age  of  nineteen.  It  was  also  translated  into  German  and  Swedish. 
About  this  time  Hunter  went  to  Europe,  and  was  honized  and  praised  in  both 
London  and  Paris.  He  gave  it  to  be  understood  that  his  hfe  work  was  to  ameliorate 
the  condition  of  the  North  American  Indians,  and  about  1824  went  to  Texas  and 
joined  the  band  of  Cherokee  located  near  Nacogdoches.  He  remained  true  to  his 
engagements  with  the  Fredonians,  even  after  their  cause  began  to  decline,  and  was 
therefore  shot  by  a  renegade  Indian,  under  circumstances  of  considerable  barbarity. 
American  pioneers  pronounced  Hunter  an  impostor,  and  his  book  a  forgery.  The 
evidence  to  that  effect  by  Lewis  Cass,  William  Clark,  and  Auguste  Chouteau  seems 
conclusive.     See  North  American  Review,  xxii,  p.  94. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  369 

some  blood  by  dint  of  fist.     Some  of  their  more  provident 
men  said  with  the  famous  Dutch  refugee, 

'  Timens  laedi, 
His  posteriora  dedi.' 

In  other  words,  made  the  best  of  their  way  east  of  the 
Sabine.  The  Mexicans  embodied  a  small  Creole  force,  re- 
gained the  ^ stone  house, '  and  over- took  some  of  the  Fredon- 
ians,  wisely  treating  them  with  a  lenity,  which  rather  savoured 
of  contempt. 

Some  of  the  first  magistrates  of  the  fallen  republic,  on 
regaining  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Sabine,  betook  themselves 
to  school-keeping,  like  Dyonisius,  exchanging  the  sceptre  for 
a  rod.  The  Spanish  vacher  cracks  his  thong,  as  sonorously, 
and  as  carelessly,  as  before,  and  the  surface  of  the  vast 
prairies  is  at  rest,  like  that  of  a  lake,  a  few  minutes  after  a 
projected  stone  has  ruffled  its  sleeping  waters.  ^Sic  transit 
gloria  mundi.' 


[292]  MEXICO 

SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  ITS  INHABITANTS,  TOWNS,  PRODUCTIONS, 
AND  NATURAL  CURIOSITIES 
[Extracted  from  the  Universal  Geography.]^** 

Moral  qualities  of  the  Indians. —  In  his  present  condition, 
the  Mexican  Indian  is  grave,  melancholy,  and  taciturn,  as 
long  as  he  is  not  under  the  influence  of  intoxicating  liquors. 
This  gravity  is  particularly  remarkable  in  the  children  of 
Indians,  who,  at  the  early  age  of  four  or  five  years,  display 
infinitely  greater  intelligence  and  development  of  mind  than 
the  children  of  whites.  They  delight  in  throwing  an  air  of 
mystery  over  their  most  trifling  remarks.  Not  a  passion 
manifests  itself  in  their  features.  At  all  times  sombre, 
there  is  something  terrific  in  the  change,  when  he  passes  all 
at  once  from  a  state  of  absolute  repose  to  violent  and  ungov- 
ernable agitation.  The  energy  of  his  character,  to  which 
every  shade  of  softness  is  unknown,  habitually  degenerates 
into  ferocity.  This  is  especially  the  case  with  the  inhab- 
itants of  Tlascala.  In  the  midst  of  their  degradation,  the 
descendants  of  these  republicans  are  still  distinguished  by  a 
certain  haughtiness  with  which  they  are  inspired  by  the 
remembrance  of  their  former  greatness.  The  indigenous 
natives  of  Mexico,  like  all  other  nations  who  have  long 
groaned  under  civil  and  religious  despotism,  are  attached, 
with  an  extreme  degree  of  obstinacy,  to  their  habits,  their 
manners,  and  their  opinions. 

Assimilation  of  their  Religious  Belief. —  The  introduction 
of  Christianity  among  them  has  scarcely  produced  any  other 
effect  than  merely  substituting  new  ceremonies,  the  symbols 

***  The  following  extract  is  from  an  English  translation  (1828)  of  Malte-Brun, 
Precis  de  la  geographic  universelle;  see  note  140,  ante. —  Ed. 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  371 

of  a  mild  and  humane  religion,  —  for  the  ceremonies  of  a 
sanguinary  worship.  From  the  earliest  periods,  semibarba- 
rous  [293]  nations  have  received  new  laws,  and  new  divinities 
from  the  hands  of  their  conquerors.  The  indigenous  and 
vanquished  gods  give  place  to  foreign  deities.  Indeed,  in 
a  mythology  so  complicated  as  that  of  the  Mexicans,  it  was 
easy  to  discover  an  affinity  between  the  divinities  of  Atzlan 
and  those  of  the  east.  The  Holy  Spirit,  for  instance,  was 
identified  with  the  sacred  eagle  of  the  Aztecs.  The  mission- 
aries not  only  tolerated,  they  even  favored  this  mixture  of 
ideas,  by  which  the  Christian  worship  became  more  speedily 
established.  The  English  collector,  Mr.  Bullock,  readily 
obtained  leave  from  the  clergy  and  authorities,  in  1823,  to 
disinter  and  take  casts  from  the  image  of  the  sanguinary 
goddess  Teoyamiqui.^*^  During  the  time  it  was  exposed,  he 
adds,  ''the  court  of  the  University  was  crowded  with  people, 
most  of  whom  expressed  the  most  decided  anger  and  con- 
tempt. Not  so,  however,  all  the  Indians.  I  attentively 
marked  their  countenances;  not  a  smile  escaped  them,  or 
even  a  word  —  all  was  silence  and  attention.  In  reply  to  a 
joke  of  one  of  the  students,  an  old  Indian  remarked,  Tt  is 
true  we  have  three  very  good  Spanish  gods,  but  we  might 
still  have  been  allowed  to  keep  a  few  of  those  of  our  ances- 
tors.' I  was  informed  that  chaplets  of  flowers  had  been 
placed  on  the  figure  by  natives,  who  had  stolen  thither  unseen, 
in  the  evening,  for  that  purpose;  a  proof  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  extreme  diligence  of  the  Spanish  clergy  for  300  years, 
there  still  remains  some  taint  of  heathen  superstition  among 
the  descendants  of  the  original  inhabitants."  Yet  it  was, 
probably,  a  nobler  impulse  than  superstition  that  wove  the 
chaplet  for  the  statue  of  Teoyamiqui;  rather  that  mystery 


"'  William  Bullock  was  an  English  traveller,  naturalist,  and  antiquar}'  who 
visited  Mexico  in  1822-23,  and  returned  with  a  collection  of  antiquities  and  curios- 
ities which  were  exhibited  in  London.  The  following  year  (1824)  he  published 
Six  Months'  Residence  and  Travels  in  Mexico.    See  our  volume  xix,  preface. —  Ed. 


372  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

of  nature,  by  which  she  links  the  present  to  the  past  with 
veneration,  and  to  the  future  with  anxiety,  —  that  awful 
reverence  with  which  the  rudest  nations  look  back  to  their 
origin  and  ancestors,  and  which  even  now,  among  the  most 
enlightened,  still  consecrates  the  relics  of  Montmorillon  and 
Stonehenge. 

Their  talent  for  Painting  and  Sculpture. —  The  Mexicans 
have  preserved  a  particular  taste  for  painting  and  for  the  art 
of  carving  on  stone  and  wood.  It  is  truly  astonishing  to  see 
what  [294]  they  are  capable  of  executing  with  a  bad  knife, 
upon  the  hardest  wood  and  stone.  They  exercise  them- 
selves in  painting  the  images,  and  carving  the  statues  of 
saints;  but  from  a  religious  principle,  they  have  continued 
too  servilely  intimate  for  300  years,  the  models  which  the 
Europeans  brought  with  them  at  the  period  of  the  original 
conquest.  In  Mexico  as  well  as  in  Hindoostan,  the  faithful 
are  not  allowed  to  make  the  smallest  change  in  their  idols; 
every  thing  connected  with  the  rites  of  the  Aztecs  was  sub- 
jugated to  immutable  laws.  It  is  on  this  very  account  that 
the  Christian  images  have  preserved  in  some  degree,  that 
stiffness  and  hardness  of  feature  which  characterised  the 
hieroglyphical  pictures  of  the  age  of  Montezuma.  They 
display  a  great  deal  of  aptitude  for  the  exercise  of  the  arts  of 
imitation,  and  still  greater  for  those  of  a  purely  mechanical 
nature. 

Want  oj  Imagination. —  When  an  Indian  has  attained  a 
certain  degree  of  cultivation,  he  shows  great  facility  of  ac- 
quiring information,  a  spirit  of  accuracy  and  precision,  and 
a  particular  tendency  to  subtilize,  or  to  seize  on  the  minutest 
differences  in  objects  that  are  to  be  compared  with  each 
other.  He  reasons  coldly  and  with  method ;  but  he  does  not 
evince  that  activity  of  imagination,  that  lively  freshness  of 
sentiment,  that  art  of  creating  and  of  producing,  which 
characterises  the  people  of  Europe,  and  many  tribes  of 
African  negroes.     The  music  and  dancing  of  the  indigenous 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  373 

natives  partake  of  that  want  of  cheerfulness  which  is  so  pecu- 
liar to  them.  Their  singing  is  of  a  melancholy  description. 
More  vivacity,  however,  is  observed  in  their  women  than  in 
their  men ;  but  they  share  the  evils  of  that  state  of  subjection 
to  which  the  sex  is  condemned  among  most  of  those  nations 
where  civilization  is  still  imperfect.  In  the  dance  women 
take  no  part;  they  are  merely  present  for  the  sake  of  offering 
to  the  dancers  the  fermented  drinks  which  they  themselves 
had  prepared. 

Their  taste  jor  Flowers. —  The  Mexican  Indians  have 
likewise  preserved  the  same  taste  for  flowers  that  Cortez 
noticed  in  his  time.  We  are  astonished  to  discover  this 
taste,  which,  doubtless,  [295]  indicates  a  taste  for  the  beauti- 
ful, among  a  people  in  whom  a  sanguinary  worship,  and  the 
frequency  of  human  sacrifices,  appear  to  have  extinguished 
every  feeling  connected  with  sensibility  of  mind  and  the 
softer  affections.  In  the  great  market  of  Mexico,  the  native 
does  not  even  sell  fish,  or  ananas,  or  vegetables,  or  fermented 
liquor,  without  his  shop  being  decked  out  with  flowers, 
which  are  renewed  every  succeeding  day.  The  Indian  shop- 
keeper appears  seated  behind  a  perfect  entrenchment  of 
verdure,  and  every  thing  around  him  wears  an  air  of  the 
most  refined  elegance. 

Wild  Indians. —  The  Indian  hunters,  such  as  the  Mecos, 
the  Apaches,  and  the  Lipans,  whom  the  Spaniards  compre- 
hend under  the  denomination  of  Indios  bravos,  and  whose 
hordes,  in  their  incursions,  which  are  often  made  during 
night,  infest  the  frontiers  of  New  Biscay,  Sonora,  and  New 
Mexico,  evince  more  activity  of  mind,  and  more  strength  of 
character,  than  the  agricultural  Indians.  Some  tribes  have 
even  language,  the  mechanism  of  which  appears  to  prove  the 
existence  of  ancient  civilization.  They  have  great  difficulty 
in  learning  our  European  idioms,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
they  express  themselves  in  their  own  with  an  extreme  degree 
of  facility.     These  same  Indian  chiefs,  whose  gloomy  taci- 


2j^  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  i8 

turnity  astonishes  the  observer,  will  hold  a  discourse  of  sev- 
eral hours,  whenever  any  strong  interest  rouses  them  to 
break  their  habitual  silence. 

Prerogatives  of  the  whites. —  The  greater  or  less  quantity 
of  European  blood,  and  the  skin  being  more  or  less  clear,  are 
at  once  decisive  of  the  consideration  which  a  man  enjoys  in 
society  and  of  the  opinion  which  he  entertains  of  himself. 
A  white  who  rides  barefooted,  fancies  that  he  belongs  to  the 
nobility  of  the  country.  Colour  even  establishes  a  certain 
equality  between  those  who,  as  every  where  happens  where 
civilization  is  either  a  little  advanced,  or  in  a  state  of  retro- 
grade movement,  take  pleasure  in  refining  on  the  prerogatives 
of  race  and  origin. —  When  an  individual  of  the  lower  orders 
enters  into  a  dispute  with  one  of  the  titled  lords  of  the  coun- 
try, it  is  no  unusual  thing  [296]  to  hear  him  exclaim  to  the 
nobleman,  ''It  is  possible  that  you  really  thought  yourself 
whiter  than  I  am?"  Among  the  Metis  and  Mulattoes,  there 
are  many  individuals  who,  by  their  colour,  their  physiog- 
nomy, and  their  intelligence,  might  be  confounded  with  the 
Spaniards;  but  the  law  keeps  them  down  in  a  state  of  degrada- 
tion and  contempt.  Possessing  an  energetic  and  ardent 
character,  these  men  of  colour  live  in  a  state  of  constant  irri- 
tation against  the  whites;  and  resentment  too  often  hurries 
them  into  vengeance.  It  frequently  occurs,  too,  that  fami- 
lies who  are  suspected  of  being  of  mixed  blood,  claim,  at  the 
high  court  of  justice,  a  declaration  that  they  appertain  to  the 
whites.  In  this  way,  very  dark  colored  Mulattoes  have  had 
the  address  to  get  themselves  whitened,  according  to  the 
popular  expression.  When  the  judgment  of  the  senses  is 
too  palpably  in  opposition  to  the  solicitations  of  the  appli- 
cant, he  is  forced  to  content  himself  with  somewhat  proble- 
matical terms;  for,  in  that  case,  the  sentence  simply  states, 
that  "such  and  such  individuals  may  consider  themselves 
as  white.''' 

New-Mexico. —  Many  French  writers,  and,  among  others, 
the  Abbe  Raynal,  have  spoken  in  pompous  terms  of  what 


1824-1830]  Patties  Personal  Narrative  375 

they  term  the  Empire  oj  New-Mexico  •,^^°  and  they  boast  of 
its  extent  and  riches.  Under  this  denomination  they  appear 
to  comprehend  all  the  countries  between  California  and 
Louisiana.  But  the  true  signification  of  this  term  is  con- 
fined to  a  narrow  province  which,  it  is  true,  is  175  leagues  in 
length,  but  not  more  than  thirty  or  forty  in  breadth. 

Towns. —  This  stripe  of  country,  which  borders  the  Rio 
del  Norte,  is  thinly  peopled;  the  town  of  Santa  Fe  containing 
4000  inhabitants;  Albuquerque,  6000;  and  Taos,  9000,  com- 
prise almost  one-half  of  the  population.  The  other  half  con- 
sists of  poor  colonists,  whose  scattered  hamlets  are  frequently 
ravaged  by  the  powerful  tribes  of  Indians  who  surround 
them,  and  overrun  the  province.  It  is  true  that  the  soil  is 
amongst  the  finest  and  most  fertile  of  Spanish  America. 

Productions. —  Wheat,  maize,  and  delicious  fruits,  espe- 
cially [297]  grapes,  grow  most  abundantly.  The  environs  of 
Passo-delNorte,  produce  the  most  generous  wines.  The 
mountains  are  covered  with  pine  trees,  maples,  and  oaks. 
Beasts  of  prey  are  met  with  in  great  numbers.  There  are 
also  wild  sheep,  and  particularly  elks,  or  at  least  large  deer, 
fully  the  size  of  a  mule,  with  extremely  long  horns.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Dictionary  of  Alcedo,^^^  mines  of  tin  have  been  dis- 
covered. There  are  several  hot  springs.  Rivers  with  a 
saline  taste,  indicate  the  existence  of  rich  beds  of  rock-salt. 

Mountains. —  The  chain  of  mountains  that  border  the 
eastern  parts  of  New  Mexico,  seem  to  be  of  a  moderate  de- 
gree of  elevation.  There  is  a  pass  through  them,  called  the 
Puerto  de  don  Fernando,  by  which  the  Paducas  have  pene- 
trated into  New  Mexico.^"  Beyond  this  chain  extend  im- 
mense natural  meadows,  on  which  buffaloes  and  wild  horses 


"«Guillaume  Thomas  Francois  Raynal  (1713-96).  The  work  here  cited  is 
Histoire  philosophiqtie  et  politique  des  etablissements  et  du  commerce  des  Europeens 
dans  les  deux  Indes  (Paris,  1770). —  Ed. 

'"  Antonio  de  Alcedo  y  Bexarano,  a  Peruvian  historian  and  soldier,  published 
Diccionario  geogrdfico-historico  de  las  Indias  Occidenlales  (Madrid,  1786-89). —  Ed. 

'"  For  the  Paduca  Indians,  see  James's  Long's  Expedition,  in  our  volume  xiv, 
note  179.     Evidently  the  Comanche  are  the  tribe  referred  to  in  this  passage.—  Ed. 


376  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

pasture  in  innumerable  herds.  The  Americans  of  the 
United  States  hunt  these  animals,  and  sometimes  pursue 
them  to  the  very  gates  of  Santa  Fe.  The  principal  moun- 
tains coast  Rio  del  Norte,  following  its  western  banks.  Some 
peaks,  or  cerros,  are  to  be  distinguished.  Further  to  the 
north,  in  the  country  of  Nabaho,  the  map  of  Don  Alzate  has 
traced  mountains  with  flat  summits,  denominated  in  Spanish 
mesas,  that  is,  tables. 

The  Apache  Indians. —  The  Apache  Indians  originally 
inhabited  the  greater  part  of  New  Mexico,  and  are  still  a 
warlike  and  industrious  nation.  These  implacable  enemies 
of  the  Spaniards  infest  the  whole  eastern  boundary  of  this 
country,  from  the  black  mountains  to  the  confines  of  Coha- 
huila,  keeping  the  inhabitants  of  several  provinces  in  an  in- 
cessant state  of  alarm. —  There  has  never  been  any  thing 
but  short  skirmishes  with  them,  and  although  their  number 
has  been  considerably  diminished  by  wars  and  frequent 
famine,  the  Spaniards  are  obliged  constantly  to  keep  up  an 
establishment  of  2000  dragoons,  for  the  purpose  of  escorting 
their  caravans,  protecting  their  villages,  and  repelling  these 
attacks,  which  are  perpetually  renewed.  At  first  the  [298] 
Spaniards  endeavoured  to  reduce  to  slavery  those  who,  by 
the  fate  of  war,  fell  into  their  hands;  but  seeing  them  indefat- 
igably  surmount  every  obstacle  that  opposed  their  return  to 
their  dear  native  mountains,  their  conquerors  adopted  the 
expedient  of  sending  their  prisoners  to  the  island  of  Cuba, 
where,  from  the  change  of  climate,  they  speedily  perished. 
No  sooner  were  the  Apaches  informed  of  this  circumstance 
than  they  refused  any  longer  either  to  give  or  receive  quarter. 
From  that  moment  none  have  ever  been  taken  prisoners, 
except  those  who  are  surprised  asleep,  or  disabled  during  the 
combat. 

Manner  of  making  war. —  The  arrows  of  the  Apaches  are 
three  feet  long,  and  are  made  of  reed  or  cane,  into  which  they 
sink  a  piece  of  hard -wood,  with  a  point  made  of  iron,  bone, 


1824-1830]  Pattie  s  Personal  Narrative  '}^jy 

or  stone.  They  shoot  this  weapon  with  such  force,  that  at 
the  distance  of  300  paces  they  can  pierce  a  man.  When  the 
arrow  is  attempted  to  be  drawn  out  of  the  wound,  the  wood 
detaches  itself,  and  the  point  remains  in  the  body.  Their 
second  offensive  weapon  is  a  lance,  fifteen  feet  long.  When 
they  charge  the  enemy  they  hold  this  lance  with  both  hands 
above  their  head,  and,  at  the  same  time,  guide  their  horse 
by  pressing  him  with  their  knees.  Many  of  them  are  armed 
with  firelocks,  which,  as  well  as  the  ammunition,  have  been 
taken  in  battle  from  the  Spaniards,  who  never  sell  them  any. 
The  archers  and  fusileers  combat  on  foot  but  the  lancers  are 
always  on  horseback.  They  make  use  of  a  buckler  for  de- 
fence. Nothing  can  equal  the  impetuosity  and  address  of 
their  horsemen.  They  are  thunderbolts,  whose  stroke  it  is 
impossible  to  parry  or  escape. 

We  must  cease  to  feel  astonished  at  the  invincible  resistance 
which  the  Apaches  oppose  to  the  Spaniards,  when  we  reflect 
on  the  fate  to  which  they  have  subjected  those  other 
Indians  who  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  converted. 

The  Intendency  oj  Mexico. —  The  intendency  of  Mexico, 
the  principal  province  of  the  Empire  of  Montezuma,  for- 
merly extended  from  one  sea  to  the  other;  but  the  district 
of  Panuco,  [299]  having  been  separated  from  it,  it  no  longer 
reaches  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  The  eastern  part,  situated  on 
the  plateau,  contains  several  valleys  of  a  round  figure;  in  the 
centre  of  which  there  are  lakes  at  present  dried  up,  but  waters 
appear  formerly  to  have  filled  these  basins.  Dry  and  de- 
prived of  its  wood,  this  plateau  is  at  once  subject  to  an  hab- 
itual aridity,  and  to  sudden  inundations,  occasioned  by 
heavy  rains  and  the  melting  of  the  snow.  Generally  speak- 
ing, the  temperature  is  not  so  hot  as  it  is  in  Spain;  in  fact,  it 
enjoys  a  perpetual  spring.  The  mountains  with  which  it  is 
surrounded  still  abound  in  cedars  and  other  lofty  trees,  in 
gums,  drugs,  salts,  metallic  productions,  marble  and  precious 
stones.    The  flat  country  is  covered  the  whole  year  through 


378  Early  Western  Travels  [Vol.  18 

with  delicate  and  exquisite  fruits,  lint,  hemp,  cotton,  tobacco, 
aniseed,  sugar,  and  cochineal,  with  which  they  support  an 
extensive  commerce. 

Natural  Curiosities. —  Besides  the  numerous  volcanoes 
of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  some  natural  curiosities 
are  met  with.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  is  the  Ponte- 
Dios,  or  the  bridge  of  God,  a  rock,  under  which  the  water 
has  hollowed  itself  a  canal,  situated  about  one  hundred  miles 
to  the  southeast  of  Mexico,  near  the  village  of  Molcaxac,  on 
the  deep  river  Aquetoyac.  Along  this  natural  bridge,  the 
traveller  may  continue  his  journey  as  if  he  were  on  a  high 
road.  Several  cataracts  present  a  romantic  appearance. 
The  great  cavern  of  Dante,  traversed  by  a  river;  the  por- 
phyritic  organ-pipes  of  Actopan;  and  many  other  singular 
objects  excite  the  astonishment  of  the  traveller  in  this  moun- 
tainous region,  where  he  is  obliged  to  cross  foaming  rivers 
upon  bridges  formed  of  the  fruit  of  the  Crescentia  pinnataj 
tied  together  with  ropes  of  Agava. 

City  oj  Mexico. —  On  the  very  ridge  of  the  great  Mexican 
plateau,  a  chain  of  porphyritic  mountains  encloses  an  oval 
valley,  the  general  level  of  which  is  elevated  6700  feet  above 
the  surface  of  the  ocean.  Five  lakes  fill  the  middle  of  this 
valley.  To  the  north  of  the  united  lakes  of  Xochimilco,  and 
Chalco,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  lake  Tezcuco,  once  stood 
the  ancient  [300]  city  of  Mexico,  to  which  the  traveller  ar- 
rived by  causeways  constructed  on  the  shallow  bottom  of  the 
lake.  The  new  city,  although  placed  on  the  same  spot,  is 
situated  on  firm  ground,  and  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
the  lakes,  the  waters  of  which  have  retired,  and  the  town  is 
still  intersected  by  numerous  canals,  and  the  public  edifices 
are  erected  on  piles.  The  draining  of  the  lakes  is  further 
continued,  by  means  of  a  canal  which  has  been  opened  for 
that  purpose,  through  the  mountains  of  Sincoq,  in  order  to 
protect  the  town  from  inundations.  In  many  places  how- 
ever, the  ground  is  still  soft,  and  some  buildings,  amongst 


1824-1830]  Pattie's  Personal  Narrative  379 

others  the  cathedral,  have  sunk  six  feet.  The  streets  are 
wide  and  straight,  but  badly  paved.  The  houses  present  a 
magnificent  appearance,  being  built  of  porphyry  and  amygda- 
loid. Several  palaces  and  private  mansions  have  a  majestic 
effect,  and  its  churches  glitter  with  metallic  riches.  The 
cathedral  surpasses,  in  this  respect,  all  the  churches  in  the 
world ;  the  ballustrade  which  surrounds  the  great  altar  being 
composed  of  massive  silver.  A  lamp  of  the  same  metal,  is  of 
so  vast  a  size  that  three  men  go  into  it  when  it  has  to  be 
cleaned ;  and  it  is  enriched  with  lions'  heads,  and  other  orna- 
ments, of  pure  gold.  The  statues  of  the  Virgin  and  the 
saints  are  either  made  of  solid  silver,  or  richly  gilded,  and 
ornamented  with  precious  stones.  Palaces,  mansions  of 
great  families,  beautiful  fountains,  and  extensive  squares, 
adorn  the  interior  of  this  city.  To  the  north,  near  the 
suburbs,  is  the  principal  public  promenade,  or  Alameda. 
Round  this  walk  flows  a  rivulet,  forming  a  fine  square,  in  the 
middle  of  which  there  is  a  basin  with  a  fountain.  Eight 
alleys  of  trees  terminate  here,  in  the  figure  of  a  star.  But  in 
consequence  of  an  unfortunate  proximity,  immediately  in 
front  of  alameda,  the  eye  discovers  the  Quemadero,  a  place 
where  Jews  and  other  victims  of  the  terrible  Inquisition,  were 
burned  alive. 

FINIS 


FEB    4  1988 


f 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  757  4- 


3    0 


^ii 


'I'luuun: 


